Venice: September 1557, 6-10

Pages 1294-1304

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

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September 1557, 6–10

Sept. 6. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archvies. 1022. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, and Marc' Antonio de'Franceschi, Secretary, to the Doge and Senate.
At 8h. 30m. p.m. yesterday evening, the courier returned from the Duke of Alva, with the pass for me, secretary; so I, secretary, having gone booted and spurred, to save time, to Cardinal Caraffa, his Lordship told me that the courier who took the letter from the Duke of Florence to the Duke of Alva had returned, bringing with him a letter from his Excellency in reply. This answer purported in substance that his Lordship having written to him of the goodwill of himself and his brothers to be well affected (d'essere affettionati) towards the King his lord, it was satisfactory to him to hear it, and that he thanked him, evincing a wish for matters to be adjusted. The Cardinal said that as he had not shown the Duke's former letters to the Pope, because they would have irritated his Holiness, so he sent him this one, which was affable and courteous; and then he went to the Pope, and told him that the Duke having the goodwill demonstrated by him it would be well to hold a conference, from which the conclusion of this holy peace might be hoped for; and that yet more to convince the Duke that he was speaking the truth, he proposed taking with him to the interview the Cardinal “Camerlengo,” who, through his influence (l'autorità) with his Excellency and with Marc' Antonio, might perform a very good office. The Pope replied, “Go, my son, and take the Camerlengo with you, as we are quite content, and do quickly (et fate presto).” On leaving the Pope Cardinal Caraffa that same night sent Placido to the Duke of Alva with the resolution to hold a conference at Frascati, a place convenient for one side and the other, as it may be said to be equidistant from Rome and Gensano, where the Duke now is. The Cardinal then told me that he hoped the Duke of Alva would consent to what was fair by reason of your Serenity's authority, and urged my instant departure. I said I would go immediately the trumpet made his appearance, and report to his right reverend Lordship on my return.
Rome, 6th September 1557.
Sept. 7. Original Letter Book. Venetian Archives. 1023. Marc' Antonio de'Franceschi, Venetian Secretary, to the Doge and Senate.
At 9 a.m. yesterday when the trumpet came to me I departed instantly for Gensano, where I arrived between 4 and 5 p.m. (fn. 1) I was made to dismount at the house of the Duke of Alva's chief secretary, and shortly afterwards he introduced me to his Excellency, to whom having stated my commission he returned thanks to your Serenity for your goodwill and disposition towards his King, and for the honour done to himself by the words uttered in your name. He said that having made so many experiments, as detailed in his letters to the Cardinal Camerlengo, and not knowing what more to do, he determined no longer to evince such great respect for his Holiness, and a few nights ago advanced with the army so near to this city that they placed the scaling ladders, but for a certain reason (ma per qualche causa) he abstained from going farther forward; adding, “I choose at length to make this last experiment, to see if in this way, having failed by the other fair means, I could draw his Holiness to the agreement; but leaving aside what has not taken place, be it known that through the Cavalier Placido, who was here lately, I gave it to be understood through him that I am more ready than ever to make peace with the Pope, provided I be secured from the ill-will demonstrated by him against his Majesty, and when convinced of this I wish for nothing but that his Holiness should do what is the fitting office of the Vicar of Christ, viz., pardon those who he pretends have injured him, and that the like be done on our side with regard to such of his Majesty's vassals as have served his Holiness; for otherwise it would seem to me not to be making a peace, but rather a suspension of hostilities, which would last until it suited the Pope to make some other stroke (tratto) to the detriment of his Majesty's affairs, as he endeavours to do at present.” He continued, “Some months ago his Holiness had so embarrassed me that owing to the scanty supplies I had in the kingdom of Naples, I did not know in what quarter to commence making provision, nor could I decide whether to attend to fortifying the frontiers, or to advance from the Neapolitan territory to meet the enemy, and in short it seemed to me most difficult to form a decision; but our Lord God has at length favoured the cause of my most Serene King, so that I have not only been enabled to provide for the kingdom of Naples and to defend it, but to expel those who wished to attack it: and as known to you, his Majesty has had some successes here likewise, and I assure you that whenever they occurred I always sent to endeavour to obtain this agreement with his Holiness, his Catholic Majesty wishing alway to be that obedient son and protector of this Holy See, which his father the Emperor's Majesty always was; nor did he pretend to gain anything in this war, in which, whatever success we obtain, we do nothing but lose because the war is not waged on the state of his Holiness, but on the ecclesiastical state, which must always belong to the Holy See Apostolic; wherefore, apprehensive as I am of the mind of his Holiness, and of this hatred which he is seen to have kept in his breast for so many years, I cannot but believe that whenever any opportunity presents itself to him he will avail himself of it, as future events can only be judged by the example of those that are past; so I should wish everybody to be pardoned, and that a firm and durable peace should be made, as I know is the wish of the Signory, who I believe do not require any toil on my part to assure them of the goodwill of my King, and of mine in like manner, as his Majesty's servant and as a Christian, with regard to stipulating an agreement, and going to make such demonstrations of reverence and respect, as due from me, at the feet of his Holiness.”
Perceiving that his Excellency limited himself to general expressions, and to justification of his past proceedings in this business, and knowing how much in the proposal made to the Ambassador Vargas your Serenity approves of a conference, as the means for arriving at a speedy conclusion, and as Cardinal Caraffa had given me to understand that this would be the best and quickest way through which some good might be anticipated, I determined to tell his Excellency that the present circumstances required oblivion of past events, and that as the Pope's good disposition towards the agreement was evident he should not let it pass, because at this moment his Excellency could perform no act that would render him greater glory, and perhaps greater service to the Majesty of the King Catholic, than to effect this adjustment, which was desired by your Serenity in such a way as I had already represented to him, so that I requested he would be pleased to confer with Cardinal Caraffa, as I had sure hope that from that interview the desired result would be obtained; whereas by sending persons to and fro to treat this affair, and by writing from one side to the other, both parties continued justifying their acts, so that difficulties would be raised, instead of facilitating the conclusion of this treaty, which on many important accounts well known to his Excellency's prudence was of very great consequence.
The Duke answered me that he knew not what to hope from the conference, because on one occasion last year when an interview was appointed at Grottaferrata, he was cozened, as these Lords did not go thither; subsequently at the conference of Porto they did worse, for they availed themselves of the time, and promised that if confirmation came from the King Catholic of what had been granted them at that interview, they would perform what was then mutually agreed to, namely, that in exchange for Paliano his Majesty would give the Duke Sienna, and that the King consented to this to prevent the conflagration which he saw kindling, if the Pope brought the French into these parts. His Majesty sent this resolve by Don Francisco Pacheco; and here the Duke of Alva narrated how Don Francisco was not admitted nor heard by the Caraffas (da questi Signori) owing to their hope of turning Italy topsy-turvy through the French whom they had brought thither.
I rejoined that it was no longer that period, and that the matter was now so well disposed as to give hopes of a good result. I again urged the conference, so that after a long conversation and divers difficulties laid before me by his Excellency, he determined that to end demonstrating to the whole, world how good his Majesty's will and his own are, and to satisfy your Serenity, he consented to confer with Cardinal Caraffa in the company of the Cardinal “Camerlengo” and Vitelli; for which I thanked his Excellency, saying that from this resolve I anticipated the result so earnestly desired by your Serenity, promising myself that he would propose such fair terms that they would be to the dignity of his Holiness and of this Holy See.
He replied, “I promise you that when convinced that the Pope's mind is quieted (acquietato) I shall not desire anything else from his Holiness, and will then go to offer him such submission, and ask him for such pardons (perdonnanze) as he shall choose; nor will I fail doing my utmost, so that we may depart satisfied from this conference to be held at Palestrina, from which place I shall remove my soldiers who are now there, so that those Lords may come, and that we may find ourselves commodiously lodged there.” His Excellency told me that he would write accordingly by the Cavalier Placido to Cardinal Caraffa and the “Camerlengo,” giving them a safe-conduct to come freely to the said place, with orders for their lordships to let his Excellency know the day of the meeting; and then (a questo passo) the Duke prayed me also to perform with these Lords (fn. 2) the same good and earnest offices that I had used with him in your Serenity's name, that they might at length consent to make the agreement. I assured him that I would not omit doing whatever could benefit this negotiation, and after thanking him again for this decision about the conference I took leave, having been with him a very long while.
At Gensano, where the Duke is, I was told that the army under Paliano is divided into three parts, which are so sheltered in certain valleys as to be secure from the guns of the fortress, which they do not intend to batter, as the operation would be arduous, and the ascent is so steep that there must always be a difficulty in making an assault upon it. The persons who gave me this information added that a few nights ago, when the army came under the walls of Rome and placed some scaling ladders, the Duke of Alva addressed the army, exhorting them not to sack, and promising the soldiers two rates of pay (due paghe), but to this the Germans would not consent; so had not their intention been discovered by some cavalry, when escorting them from Tivoli, there would have been a great affray (una gran fattione) in this city; and as these Germans are all Lutherans, a good part of them having served under Marquis Albert of Brandenburg, (fn. 3) they would not have spared anything, nor with them would regard have been had for the quality of any personage whatever, but our Lord God would not permit so dire a catastrophe.
I arrived here at 3 p.m., and the populace seeing me enter with a trumpet, and from towards the Imperial camp, many of them ran to meet him, asking him and the others who were with me if they brought good news, and all with upturned eyes exclaimed, “God grant that we may soon hear good news, for we can no longer remain thus.”
Rome, 7th September 1557.
Sept. 7. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives. 1024. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the Doge and Senate.
On Saturday, Ormanetto, who was sent by Cardinal Pole, had audience of the Pope, and although before presenting himself he was seized with a very violent paroxysm of ague, he nevertheless chose to go, lest it might be said that he avoided the audience.
He laid before his Holiness the office performed by the Cardinal with the Queen and the Peers of the realm (con la Regina e Baroni del Regno) to obtain permission for the Pope's messenger to cross the Channel with the coif (berretta) for Friar William Peto on his election to the Cardinalate; that afterwards, on hearing that his legation was revoked, he had no longer chosen to interfere with it, although the kingdom prayed him to continue in office. Ormanetto then mentioned the great need that England has of a legate, and the danger of her recanting whenever the Queen's death happens, unless there be an English legate of authority in the country; after which he proceeded to relate in discreet language the pious and most christian operations performed by the Cardinal in the matter of religion, and then complained gently and humbly of the Pope's having put so great a note of reproach on him by revoking the legation. He said nothing farther about his coming to Rome, the Cardinal not having received the brief of recall. The Pope commenced answering him, from the military movements of King Philip's ministers, and from the maltreatment of the clergy in Spain, which acts compelled his Holiness to send for all the legates and nuncios in the numerous kingdoms and states of the aforesaid King; and when the Pope was about to continue, Ormanetto's fever increased, so that he was compelled to withdraw, and also had a fainting fit; so his Holiness” told him for the present to go and attend to his health, and that another time he would talk to him more at length.
At these last congregations of the Inquisition, certain friars who sit there as counsellors (consultori), proposed to the Pope a very long list of books which they say are heretical, and are to be burned. His Holiness gave orders accordingly, but little by little, so as not to do so much injury to the booksellers all at once. Those which are to be burned now are all the works of Erasmus, Boccaccio, Macchiavelli, Corio's Chronicles, Poggio's “Facetiœ,” and those of the Piovano Arlotto. The booksellers are recommended to present a petition in defence of their interests, with a demand for the matter to be referred to two Cardinals, but they have little hope, the intimation to present the said books having been already made to them.
A Cardinal (fn. 4) present at the last congregations of the Inquisition assures me that the Pope came with a brief excommunicating the Duke of Alva, and while the other Cardinals murmured amongst themselves instead of daring to state their opinion, he had the courage and boldness (esso hebbe animo et ardire) to say that this was not the moment for such a purpose, and spoke so that, although the Pope said he was determined, he nevertheless did nothing farther.
Rome, 7th September 1557.
Sept. 7. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives. (2nd letter.) 1025. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, and Marc' Antonio de'Franceschi, Secretary, to the Doge and Senate.
Having gone to Cardinal Caraffa, I, ambassador, told him that the secretary would tell him what he had done with the Duke of Alva, so I, secretary, narrated to him my negotiation with his Excellency as detailed in the accompanying letter. The Cardinal seemed satisfied with the office performed by me, and therefore much obliged to your Serenity, saying that he thanked you infinitely, and that any benefit that may be derived from this conference must be acknowledged to you for your good offices at all times, and for those now performed by yourself, and through your ambassadors and secretaries; adding, that when he heard of the Duke of Alva's inclination he announced it to the Pope, who exhorted him at great length to be very cautious how he went, and to what place, to which he replied that his Holiness might dismiss all apprehension, as besides his not valuing his life when risked for the service of God and of his Holiness, he would go safely and attend chiefly to the Pope's dignity, which being preserved he did not choose the interests of his family to disturb the agreement in any way; to which the Pope said, “You are then determined about Paliano?” to which he replied that some convention (partito) would be devised for this, to the Pope's dignity, so that at length his Holiness told him to go in God's name; and that then to-day, together with the “Camerlengo,” they were sending to the Duke of Alva to let him know that they would be at Palestrina to-morrow evening; that he hopes to make the Duke know how wrong he was and is, by confuting the arguments in his letters, and convincing him that the terms he now offers him are very fair, and much more to his advantage than those stipulated at Porto, “because then there was a Sienna, as compensation for Paliano, whereas at present I ask nothing whatever of him; and when in contact with him I will not depart without concluding, as I hope to bring the Pope to what I shall have promised, although it then behove me to go into the castle, provided I confer so great a benefit on Christendom; and even should some difficulty remain, we will settle the rest by referring it to King Philip, even should I have to ride post to Flanders.”
I, ambassador, then said that with God's assistance, and through his most illustrious Lordship's very prudent mode of negotiating, I hoped for a good end of the matter, being sure that he will not exasperate the Duke about what is past, but attend to the present affairs, which are nearly adjusted, and that he would conclude them all without losing time by thus going now to King Philip to quiet things, about which there is no longer cause to doubt. The Cardinal rejoined that he hoped to end this conference auspiciously to which I said that this was truly a work worthy of those sacred hands; he embraced me, laughing; and I added, “We will also go to give account to his Holiness of what the secretary has done, but will only tell him that the Duke of Alva evinces willingness (dimostra volere) to be the obedient son and servant of his Holiness, and consented to come to the conference at Palestrina, should your most illustrious Lordship approve of this form of speech.” The Cardinal replied most prudently, “Because were the Pope to be told that with difficulty does the Duke of Alva betake himself (si conduce) to this conference, together with those other particulars narrated to me by the secretary, it might irritate his Holiness.” On my asking him when the Duke de Guise would depart, he replied, “He will not depart until he sees the end of the negotiation, because he still hopes that it will not take effect, that he may succeed in his design to have something in hand, and to tell you the truth I cajole him (l'intertengo) with fair words, so as not to remain abandoned.
We then went to the Pope, to whom I, ambassador, said that I came to present the secretary on his return from the Duke of Alva. His Holiness said that he was welcome, inquiring whether it was last night, to which I, secretary, replied that I arrived at Gensano, where the Duke is, between 4 and 5 p.m., and went to him that night; and then I told his Holiness of the Duke of Alva's goodwill towards the peace, and his decision about the site of the conference. The Pope replied, “The secretary's statement has been good and brief,” and that he could not sufficiently thank your Serenity for these offices; that he was content this interview should take place, and the more willingly than the last time, choosing to hope that some good may come of it, and that these Imperialists (e che questi) may acknowledge their most grievous error, as there is work to do for everybody, and although they have been victorious in France, that kingdom cannot so easily fear any great hurt, because the King will obtain any amount of money and troops that he may require; and then he is the friend of Sultan Soliman, who, owing to these successes, will have to think of his own affairs, so that these victories will bring the Turk against the Imperialists with so great a power that all of them united could not resist it, still less, being divided, as they are, amongst themselves.
I, ambassador, said, “The best remedy for the calamities of Christendom is the peace, and that your Holiness be at rest here, because then, with God's assistance, you will be enabled to seek the pacification of the others likewise.” “For this” (he said) “we consent to the interview, so that every one may know that we fail not to do what we can for the peace, as had we not had regard for the common weal, instead of thinking solely of what it was our duty to do by reason of the place we fill, seeing the impiety and obstinacy of those Imperialists (di costoro), we should have fulminated our decrees (havessamo fulminato le nostre sentenze), and had we been unable to remain in Rome we should not have lacked a place of security, for wheresoever we find ourselves we are the same. We took patience, in order not to deprive ourself of the means for making the peace.”
When I, ambassador, said, “Holy Father, is it not better, as your Holiness knows, when treating peace to forget injuries? for which reason Cicero said (disse colui), 'Grœcum etiam verbum usurpavi, quo tum in sedandis discordiis usa erat civitas illa' (Athens). (fn. 5) Let your Holiness merely figure to yourself the immortal glory thus obtained for your Beatitude and for your memory by this fact, and the benefit that will be received by the whole of Christendom which is committed to your trust and piety;” he replied, “Ambassador! on these accounts we have tolerated the impiety of those Imperialists (di costoro) with some remorse of conscience, et adhuc non possumus statuere which would have been best, either the patience we have had, or that we should have made them know their error, for many persons would perhaps have thought of their souls. What? they perhaps destroy my patrimony? They consume that of Christ, which I endeavour to preserve, because His Majesty illud credidit fidei nostrœ. For this persecution which they inflict on us without any cause, nothing less would be deserved than the 'privation' of the kingdoms of Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, Majorca and Minorca, England, and Ireland, which we, in compliance with his request, erected into a kingdom, it being a fief of the Church, and to abrogate the privileges which they have in Spain, as conceded by the prodigality of our predecessors, and which yield more than the rest of the kingdom. But, in conclusion, we are content with the conference, because it will make manifest to the world who fails to effect this peace; and as despair is a great thing (perchè poi la disperatione è una gran cosa), and being rendered secure by it, we might still give them much trouble, as I said above, although this victory has rendered them insolent.” I, ambassador, told him that I hoped through the Divine goodness that the negotiation would end well, and that I would give account to your Serenity this evening of what had been done hitherto. He replied, “Do so, and rely on our gratitude to his Serenity.” (Fatelo, e teneteci grato a sua Sublimità.)
Rome, 7th September 1557.
Sept. 7. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1026. Giacomo Soranzo, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
The report of the capture of Le Catelet was untrue. The enemy's army is still at St. Quentin, fortifying the place, which cannot be in a state of defence for six weeks. M. de Lansac, (fn. 6) a Knight of St. Michael, was sent to Amiens with 150 men-at-arms and six ensigns of French infantry, and routed 200 of the enemy's light cavalry who went to reconnoitre Abbeville, and killed many of them. The panic in this city has subsided almost completely, and the inhabitants have ceased to take flight, in part because they see that the enemy does not make progress, and also partly because a muster-general of these train-bands of the trades having been made, they took the field, all in battle array, in three squadrons, numbering upwards of 22,000 infantry, much to the King's satisfaction, as their arms and everything else far exceeded what had been hoped, and they are destined for the safe custody of Paris. The rumour about the German troops mustering on the borders of the Franche Comté seems to have ceased, nor is there any longer assemblage of them, but the King will not fail to have the Diet of the Switzers held, so as to prevent any delay in the march hitherwards of 8,000 of their troops whenever needed. The forces from Piedmont arrived at Lyons on the 3rd, so they will be here in six days at the farthest, and M. de Termes is expected daily; the Germans likewise being on their march, and having already arrived in Lorraine.
I wrote to your Serenity about the progress made by the Queen [Dowager] of Scotland (fn. 7) with her troops, and having now heard farther particulars, I will not omit to mention them, thus:—When the Queen, who is the sister of the Duke de Guise and of his brother the Cardinal, heard from the most Christian King of the declaration of war made to him by the herald of the Queen of England, she had it proclaimed that all those bound to defend her kingdom were to appear at the muster, there being an ancient Scottish ordinance whereby the people are bound to defend the realm for three months at their own cost; and 50,000 men having appeared at the muster, she divided them into two parts; the one she kept to form the army corps, dismissing the other, with orders that on the return of the first corps from their three months' service, the second half was to succeed them; she herself taking the field with 20,000 men, and sending the other 5,000 to harass Ireland. She then commenced her march immediately, took Berwick, and, entering England also took Durich [Wark ?], Nucatel [Newcastle ?], and another small place called Jor [Ford ?], and, according to the last advices, had advanced some 25 leagues into the English territory, burning and laying waste everything on her passage; for which cause, according to report, the Queen of England has recalled her troops from the army of the King of Spain. If this be true, your Serenity may have heard it from the ambassador Surian.
The night before last some 400 Lutherans, according to their frequent custom, assembled at a house in this city, wishing to celebrate (celebrar) some marriages there in their own fashion, and the executive being informed of the meeting, sent to take them at 2 a.m., at which hour they found a friar preaching, and half the number were captured, the rest escaping. Amongst the prisoners were about 20 gentlewomen, some of them of great importance by reason of their nobility, but amongst the men there was no person of quality, though some friars, nuns, and other low people formed part of the congregation. (fn. 8)
Paris, 7th September 1557.
P.S.—Sure news has been received of the surrender of Le Catelet, the troops being all allowed to go out safe, colours flying, and with such arms as they could carry.
Sept. 9. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1027. Giacomo Soranzo, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
The captain (fn. 9) and soldiers who surrendered Le Catelet are accused of not having held out as long as they might have done, from a wish to depart with their rich plunder of many things, including money intercepted by them on its way to the Spanish camp, the preservation of which they preferred to their own honour and to the service of the King, who, it is said, will have the captain beheaded should he fail to justify himself. It is not known whether the Spaniards will go to Han or to Guise, and the French have great fear of losing both places. M. de Lansac, who was destined for Amiens, is gone to Peronne, and M. de Montmorency, the Constable's son and the King's son-in-law, has entered Amiens. The new levies of Germans and Switzers have been ordered to go to Laon to the Duke de Nevers, and the other 5,000 Switzers from Piedmont will come hither; and here in Paris fresh troops are being raised, and since the muster many artisans renounce their crafts and follow the drum.
A secretary has arrived from the Duke de Guise, who was to embark [at Civitavecchia] on the 3rd instant with five ensigns of French troops and all the nobility, as also Marshal Strozzi, the Duke having determined to leave his brother M. d'Aumale in Italy, for the greater repute of his Holiness, and here this resolve has apparently given satisfaction, although the King had ordered the Marshal to remain in Italy as commander-in-chief of those troops; but as they have need here of men of long experience, the Marshal's coming is most agreeable, and according to report the Pope likewise remains more satisfied with it, hoping that the King will be less likely to fail sending supplies to the Duke d'Aumale than to Marshal Strozzi.
Paris, 9th September 1557.


  • 1. “Alle 22.” On the 7th September the sun sets at 6h. 32m.
  • 2. Con questi Signori. The Pope and his nephews ?
  • 3.
  • 4. I think it probable that this cardinal was Gianangelo de' Medici, the successor of Paul IV., and who took the title of Pius IV. (See his biography in Cardella, vol. 4, pp. 293–297.) Panvinio (p. 698) alludes to his disapproval of Paul IV.'s character, and also tells of his having ordered the arrest and execution of the ex-duke of Paliano, and of Cardinal Carlo Caraffa.
  • 5. The ambassador was alluding to the Greek word amnesty. (See Cicero's Orations, Philippic I. in M. Antonium, pars prima, in T. Ciceronis Orationum pars IV., p. 334 Patavii, 1729.)
  • 6. Louis de St. Gelais. (See the late Sir William Hackett's Index to Foreign Calendar, Mary.)
  • 7. Marie de Lorraine, Queen Dowager and Regent of Scotland.
  • 8. This is the first mention I have met with of Lutheran conventicles in Paris. In the late Sir Thomas Hardy's “Report” upon “Documents in the Archives of Venice” (London 1866), p. 11, there is a letter narrating Protestant nocturnal demonstrations and psalmody on “Le Pré aux Clercs,” in May 1558, and my firm belief, derived from the contents of that letter is, that the two French words “Fugue” and “Note” give the etymology of the word “Huguenote,” which is not known to have been in use before the year 1560 (Nov. 11.) See Mosheim's History of the Reformed Church, English tr., vol. 2, p. 179. (Edition, London, 1838.)
  • 9. The captain's name was Solignac. (See Père Daniel, vol. 9, p. 840.)