Venice: December 1556, 1-10

Pages 831-850

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

This free content was digitised by double rekeying and sponsored by the Arts and Humanities Research Council. All rights reserved.


December 1556, 1–10

Dec. 1. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives, No. 7 B. p. 86. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador in Rome, and Febo Capella, Secretary, to the Doge and Senate.
We went to-day to Cardinal Caraffa, and he said, “We must all value the office performed by Secretary Capella;” and then added, “I will narrate the whole affair as it passed, though I suppose the secretary will have had the like from the Duke, unless he may have chosen to conceal the truth, but if he did so I will reveal it. At the conference on Saturday I gave it to be understood that I was there as a churchman (come persona ecclesiastica) and the Pope's servant, and that I merely wished to effect the advantage (far il beneficio) of the See Apostolic and of my master, without any thought for the interests of my family. Having then commenced discussing the difficulties, and the Duke saying he knew not how his King could trust to the Pope's will (volontà), I answered, that in cases of this sort the sureties were the words of Princes; and that if reliance was placed on the word of temporal Princes, yet better might trust be given to that of a spiritual Prince, even were he not to confirm it in writing, as there was no other form of surety unless they perhaps meant to speak of hostages; and in that case let the King send his son, Don Carlos, to the Pope, and I will go to him, but not otherwise; and when the Duke said that whilst Paliano remained in its present state they could not rest secure in the kingdom, and that therefore should they not choose to restore it to Marc' Antonio, nor to any other member of the Colonna family, it might be placed in the hands of a third (d'un terzo), to be named by the King of Spain; I replied, that his insisting on Paliano showed the untruth of the cause assigned by them for the war, namely, suspicion of the Pope's mind (volontà), whereas it was for the interest of Marc' Antonio, or else a determination to maintain their repute by placing a third in possession, thus diminishing the dignity of his Holiness and of the See Apostolic.
“The Duke said, 'What would you have me do?' I replied, 'What I told you last time; withdraw, restore her own to the Church, and then ask something as a favour; nor ought it to seem strange to you, you having made a very disgraceful truce with the King of France, who is your equal, were you, not entirely to your advantage (non con tutti li vostri avantaggi), to make peace with the Pope, who is your superior; and I, provided you humble yourself, offer to be your intercessor with the Pope. Concerning the prisoners, your King's subjects, I hope that his Holiness will grant you their pardon, because ere now he would have been justified in putting them to death. Of his Holiness' own subjects you must not think, because it is unfair; in like manner as neither would you allow anyone to speak to you about reinstating the Prince of Salerno [Fernando Sanseverino], (fn. 1) and many other outlaws.
“'With regard to the state of Paliano, it was not my intention to allude to my family interests, but as you have drawn me into them (mi ci harete tirato), I tell you that should anything better be offered us we will not be so mad as to refuse it, but as yet I do not see that anything has been exhibited to us.' 'Oh!' said the Duke, 'the recompense will be negotiated afterwards.' 'Well,' rejoined I, 'when it is proposed to us we will reply, but if you had the wish for peace you say you have, you would not make such great resistance about Paliano, so that you give me cause to believe what the world says, that your King wishes to make peace, but that you do not heartily desire it (ma non voi di bon core);' to which the Duke replied, that to effect this peace he had even rather exceeded his commission, because from the beginning he did not commence hostilities until after the second order, and here showed me a writing (the contents of which I beseech your Serenity to keep very secret, as I tell you the whole confidentially.) signed by the King, commanding him not to retreat, until in the first place his state was restored to Marco Antonio Colonna, unless the Pope disarmed and remained with his mere horse guard (una semplice guarda de cavalli) and the ordinary one of Switzers, and unless he released all the prisoners. Having read this writing, I said that if the Pope, the College of Cardinals, and we his nephews, were prisoners in the Castle of Naples, not even one of the aforesaid things would be done, still less all of them, and that since he had these orders from the King, he should send to his Majesty to negotiate with him (si mandasse a S. M per negotiar con lei).
“The Duke said, 'Send yourself,' and I replied that it would not be fair, the King being in quarantine with the Pope (in contumacia co'l Pontefice), and that it behoved his Majesty and not the Pope to request the reconciliation, but that when matters were quieted some one might possibly go, by reason of the Pope's wish for universal peace, and that for the present the Duke should send one of his own agents (alcun de i soi). He answered that he was content, and that to facilitate the negotiation he would stipulate a suspension of hostilities for one year. I replied that being so near at hand we did not require so much time. He then proposed six months; I said no, and that it should be a question of days; so it was settled for 40 days, and we arranged to meet the next morning about the despatch for his King. The Duke said that he would send Don Francisco Pacheco, and that I was to send some other person, and this was agreed to by us.
“Such was the whole of the negotiation, and I think I obtained a great advantage through this truce, for to speak freely, had I been the Duke of Alva I would not have granted it, as your Lordships must know (although in war every particular is not made manifest) that it was impossible to prevent him from crossing the river, even had his forces been fewer than they are at present, though it is very true that had he crossed with a small force we might have given battle, but now that they have their reinforcements, with the fleet in Porto S. Stephano, they could cross securely, and if with the troops now at their disposal, they were masters of the 'Campagna' on that side of the river, there could be no doubt but that when reinforced they would be free to ravage the whole of this other part, because the first disorders (desordeni) had rendered it impossible to make such provision as necessary, so that with all the assistance we might have received we should have been days and months in recovering what had been lost, and bringing matters to their present state; so on stipulating the truce I raised my hands to heaven, thanking the Lord God for it, and after having assured the Duke of the Pope's goodwill in favour of quiet, to enable him to attend to spiritual affairs, which matter more (che importano pià), I said that wishing to act by his Excellency like a loyal cavalier (da real cavalicro), I let him know that during these 40 days I should not go to sleep, but would urge the assistance from France, so that in case the peace do not take place I may receive it in time, so as not to let myself be crushed, of which assistance there is no longer any doubt, as your Lordships must have heard.
“M. de Guise has left the Court, and by this time must be in Piedmont, and in a few days will be in marching order, so that they will no longer be able to coerce us (si che non ne potranno far far piùil latin a carallo), as they perhaps might have done. At present it will be their turn to sue for peace; and to conceal nothing from you, I shall perhaps send expresses to the Courts of Spain and France to-morrow (forse dinun io espedirò alle corti di Spagna et Franza), but as the Pope does not choose to send to the King of Spain in his own name, the messenger will go in mine, and I shall let his Majesty know what I have negotiated with the Duke of Alva. To the King of France, after making the same communication to him, I shall show that I have not in the least failed in what was due to our friendship, having always communicated everything to his ministers, and held the conferences in the presence of Marshal Strozzi and M. de Montmorency. The Auditor di Rota, Fantucio, if able to travel postwise, for he is weakish (debeluzzo), will go to the King of Spain, and the Sigr Giulio Orsino, who was in Paliano, to the most Christian King.”
When the Cardinal had finished, I, secretary, said that the Duke of Alva in like manner had told me of his goodwill towards the peace, and of the difficulty about Paliano, and that he had received orders from his King; and I, ambassador, added, that war and peace being two extremes, and having approached the intermediate point, which is truce, I made sure that it would be followed by a good, tranquil, and necessary peace, and that in like manner as the truce had been concluded by his most illustrious Lordship's ability, so did I trust that through this same ability (virtù) I should speedily witness the peace, which was the most important and precious boon that could be expected from so great and noble a mind as his. He replied that he on his part would not fail, neither would the Pope, who as a final and salutary remedy had recourse to Christ, as seen by the ceremonies performed yesterday; and with this we took our leave.
Rome, 1st December 1556.
Dec. 1. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 743. Giovanni Michiel, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the Doge and Senate.
From what I hear the despatch of the Earl of Pembroke across the Channel was caused by suspicions about the French, in consequence of their having greatly reinforced their cavalry and infantry on the borders of Calais and Guisnes under pretence and for the purpose, it is said, of reconnoitring a spot on which they intend building a fortress near Ardres, one of their frontier places, but really with a view to a particular understanding which they have got in a fortress held by this Crown beyond sea, besides Guisnes and Calais, by name Hammes, whose present captain is Lord Dudley, own brother (fratello carnale) of that Henry Dudley who was declared a rebel for the last conspiracy, and is now in France and in great favour there. (fn. 2) I know not whether this is true, or, as told me by some of Her Majesty's ministers, a thing believed by the other English rebels who are with Henry Dudley in France, and which they reveal, to obtain the most Serene Queen's pardon, the English Ambassador to whom it was imparted having announced the fact by despatching his secretary express, as mentioned in my last. To this must be added that a short time previously some dispute arose between M. de Senarpont [Jean de Mouchy], captain of Boulogne, and Lord Grey [of Wilton], governor of Guisnes, about an abbey called Sandingfield (fn. 3) between the borders of those two places, and to which it seems that both the English and French lay claim. Although deserted, and a mere ruin, both sides in the meanwhile, considering it theirs, seek the use of the adjoining land and attack each other in great numbers, so that some lives have been lost, (fn. 4) wherefore a few days ago some commissioners were sent thither in the Queen's name, and are yet there with others also appointed in like manner by the most Christian King, to survey those borders and come to a mutual agreement about them. They do not, however, seem hitherto to have made any arrangement, and, on the contrary, high words are understood to have passed between them.
On these accounts, therefore, fearing lest the craftiness and treachery of the French cause them to make some attempt, either through some plot or understanding, or openly by force, owing to the negligence and weakness (debolezza) of the English captains and soldiers, the Earl was despatched under pretence (to avoid showing distrust) of being sent to Calais to await the King and receive him when it shall please God that he cross as was settled, but in fact to make sure against the movements of the French, from 300 to 400 soldiers having been sent in a disbanded manner (alla sfilata) shortly before Lord Pembroke's departure, together with a good supply of arms and ammunition, besides the lords and gentlemen (gentilhominj et signori) of his household, who followed him and are well nigh as many more in number. Of these he can not only avail himself for the security of those places, changing them from one to the other and reinforcing the garrisons at his pleasure, but being also provided with a good supply of money he can, moreover, engage foreign soldiers and will keep the French in fear and check, as from persons who know it I hear that the Queen is determined, should the truce with her consort be broken, and the Low Countries (li Paesi di Fiandra) be attacked or molested, to insist on the observance of the treaty stipulated between her father King Henry and the Emperor for the preservation and defence of those States, whereby England is bound to furnish a considerable subsidy of horse and foot without engaging farther in war, although it seems from this that such will be the subsequent result. In the meanwhile the couriers keep going to and fro about these affairs, another Spanish courier who had arrived express two days previously being despatched after the courier Gamboa; nor has it been possible to learn anything either through their arrival or departure, as they brought letters to no one but the Regent Figueroa, who is frequently with the Queen, secrecy and silence being preserved more than ever.
Three days ago Miladi Elizabeth arrived from the country, 15 miles off, with a handsome retinue, having with her, including lords and gentlemen, upwards of 200 horsemen clad in her own livery, and dismounted at her own house, where she has remained ever since, to the infinite pleasure of this entire population, though she was not met by any of the lords or gentlemen of the court, but many visited her subsequently. (fn. 5) Three days afterwards she went to the Queen, and according to report was received very graciously and familiarly. Yesterday she returned thither to take leave, having at length had an interview with the Cardinal, whom she visited even in his own chamber, (fn. 6) he never having seen her until then, although last year they both resided at the court for a whole month with their apartments very near each other. It cannot yet be ascertained whether she came for any other purpose than that of visiting the Queen, she having with great earnestness solicited to come, and not having been called. (fn. 7) With this opportunity I, (according to the custom of my predecessors,) now that she seems to be in good favour with Her Majesty, will not fail to visit her before her departure, not having done so hitherto.
Yesterday, the anniversary of the festival of St. Andrew, in Westminster Abbey, which has been restored to the monks, the most illustrious the Legate and the Royal Council (with all the lords now here and the nobility of the Court, I also being present, with a great concourse of people) celebrated the anniversary of the kingdom's release from the schism, which took place on that day, and the 26 monks and their abbot made a fine show and procession. The Queen likewise would have been present had she not been slightly indisposed during the last three or four days, on which account she has not appeared in public, nor even in her own chapel at the palace.
London, 1st December 1556.
Dec. 1. Lettere del Collegio, (Secreta), File No. 20. 744. The Doge and College to the Venetian Ambassador in England.
The Reverend Dom Peter Vannes, ambassador from the Queen of England, having been recalled by her, we have willed that he should take with him a letter from us setting forth the great satisfaction received from his Lordship, as you will perceive by the enclosed copy; and as we choose you also to perform an office to this effect with her Majesty, with Cardinal Pole, and with such other personages as shall seem fit to you, we charge you when with her and their Lordships opportunely to assure them that during the period of the aforesaid ambassador's residence with us, we having received him courteously as becoming her Majesty's representative, he was very dear to us by reason of his own personal merits (proprie et singular virtù sue), which were very well known to us, both through his discreet and becoming form of negotiating and by his innocent and unpresuming mode of life, and for his other good qualities, so that not only do we love and esteem him greatly, but are also convinced that they will very greatly endear him to her Majesty.
Ayes, 19. Noes, 0. Neutral, 0.
Dec. 1. Lettere del Collegio (Secreta), File No. 20. 745. Doge Lorenzo Priuli to Queen Mary.
From your Majesty's letter, and by word of mouth from your ambassador (legato), we learnt what your Majesty wished to notify to us about his return; which (letter) was most agreeable to us on many accounts. During a long course of negotiation with us we found him not only prudent but of extreme probity and rare ability, yet do we not dismiss him unwillingly, in order that your Majesty may avail yourself of these the endowments of a man of such trust, prudence, and rare probity, who, in like manner as he has hitherto spoken much about your very friendly mind towards us, so for the future will he narrate no few things to your Majesty about our very great goodwill and loving disposition towards you, which we shall moreover from day to day endeavour not merely to preserve but to increase, relying firmly on its being reciprocated.
Ayes, 19. Noes, 0. Neutral, 0.
Dec. 4. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives, No. 7 B. p. 87. 746. Bernardo Navagero and Febo Capella to the Doge and Senate.
Went to-day for audience of the Pope and to give account of what I, secretary, had transacted with the Duke of Alva, as also to see how, after this prolongation of the truce for 40 days, his Holiness spoke about it, that we might thus ascertain what could be hoped with regard to peace.
On going to the Vatican at 11h. 50 a.m. we found that the Cardinals “Decano” [De Bellai] and Mignanello were with the Pope, and whilst waiting in the antechamber there came Cardinal Saraceno and the Duke of Monteleone, the latter having taken advantage of the truce, to come from the Imperial army to kiss his Holiness' foot, and ask absolution for having taken up arms against him. After waiting a long while, the Cardinals within came forth, and with them, Don Alfonso, (fn. 8) who dismissed Cardinal Saraceno and the Duke, telling them that the Pope wished to rest awhile, and to us he sent word that we were not to depart, as he would hear us; and so at a late hour, on entering his Holiness' presence, he expressed regret for the inconvenience caused us by waiting, but said he could not do less than rest a little, as he had not slept last night; to which I, ambassador, replied, that his Holiness' convenience was ours, and that we wished him nothing but health and long life; wherefore I requested him never to have regard for anything else when his case was concerned, as I knew this to be the will of your Serenity.
The Pope said, “Well do we know the affection of the Signory and yours towards us; what we have to tell you, magnifico ambassador, is, that although these Imperialists (questi) so impiously commenced war on us, as known to the whole world, and availing themselves of the truce made by them with those others (con quelli altri), (expecting to occupy the whole of this state, and to take Rome in three days, thinking they might sack it when they pleased,) they pushed forward, and by surprise took all the towns of the “Campagna,” (which, however, were not garrisoned,) they having commenced at the time when they had their agent here to treat the peace, namely, that Pirro dell' Offredo, now imprisoned by us in Castle St. Angelo; but on arriving here they had to halt, as we, knowing their thirst for domination and universal oppression, had provided against this, as well as we could, by fortifying Borgo, and doing what little has been done around the city, and by raising troops, from whom in all encounters the enemy received more hurt than they inflicted; and Hostia (after being at first abandoned, and then, after consideration, having been fortified in only three days in order not to leave it so freely at their disposal) cost them dear, and as yet we have preserved those three places, as determined by us at the commencement, Rome, Veletri, and Paliano.
“But to return to the subject, although their impiety is great, and that there be also other things which matter more, and grieve us more, concerning the religion, as they are ready to deny Christ utterly, and perhaps to become open hereties (perchè sono in procinto di renegar in tatto Cristo et forsi aperti eretici), as, at the fitting moment we will communicate to you, because a Pope such as we are (perchè an Papa par nostro) ought not to stir, unless on good grounds, we were content not to close the bosom of God's mercy against them (omniam convitio efflagilabatar), and that our Cardinal should go to confer with the Duke of Alva, as some adjustment of the affairs might be devised, although we know their iniquity, notwithstanding which, to show the world that it has not failed through us, we let him go. They discoursed together; the truce was made for ten days and then prolonged for 40 (e poi prorogale per 40). although the Duke of Alva wished to have it for a much longer term (as our Cardinal will have told you in detail) to enable him to advise Philip his king about these things, and to receive his reply and decision, which we pray the Lord God (who can do what to us seems impossible) to inspire them to form according to their duty, granting them such repentance of their very grievous error, and causing them to make such amends as to put it in our power, without detracting from our dignity, to pardon and absolve them from the censures they have incurred, restoring to them in integrum what they have forfeited, for they are deprived not only of the fiefs of the Church, which are the kindgoms of Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, England, Ireland, and of so many privileges (gratie) in Spain, conceded them by the prodigality of our predecessors (God forgive them for it), and which yield more than the kingdom of [Naples], but moreover of all that they have and possess in the world; and they are unworthy to remain on the earth;” and here his Holiness dilated on what he has said so many other times about the Emperor's avidity, and his pride, saying that the Lord God chastised him, by making him die in life, because he is a lunatic, or possessed of a devil, as his mother was, and as his sisters also are (perchè sono privi non solamente delli feudi della Chiesa, che sono li Regni de Napoli, Sicilia, Sardegna, Inghilterra, Hibernia, lante gratie in Spagna concesseli dalla prodigalità delli nostri predecessori, che Dio li perdoni, che vagliono più che'l Regno; ma anco di quanto hanno et possedeno nel mondo, et non meritano di star sopra la terra;” et quì si dilatò Sua Santità in quel che ha detto tanto altre volte dell' avidità dell' Imperatore et sua superbia, dicendo che'l Sigr. Dio lo castigava facendolo morir in vita, perchè è lanatio, ó demoniaco, come era sua madre, et sono anco le sorelle); adding, “His Divine Majesty cannot tolerate the proud, as demonstrated by Him against Lucifer, so that Christ said, Videbam Sathanam sicut fulgur de cœlo cadentem; which word “videbam” could not have been uttered by a mere man, born of a virgin, unless he were God; and afterwards the deceived and deceiving Satan (et dopoi Vingannato et ingannator Diavolo) persuaded our first parents to pride, which had so much injured him, saying, Eat of this apple, because eritis sieut Dij scientes bonum et malum. Of good, poor people (povevelli), they had knowledge; and they must needs know evil, cum ipsorum et nostro maximo malo; so that the Emperor is chastised; his ill-begotten son (qui male interbit), following his footsteps, lives in the Lutheran fashion, making no distinction with regard to diet or days, and for his first exploit he commenced war against the See Apostolic, which it may be supposed was permitted by the Lord God, by these means, and with this opportunity, thus to punish him for his grievous sins.
“The Duke of Alva, according to what we hear from Brussels (delà), and as confirmed here, merely erred by obeying the orders received from Philip, but he ought not to have obeyed, because he was not bound to do so, as not only should temporal princes not be obeyed, but not even the Pope, were he to order anything contrary to the honour of God, as in that case, he does not act as the vicar of Christ, but like a sinful man. The Duke of Alva ought to have answered that he was ready to do his Majesty's service, by the sacrifice of his life against anyone else; but that against the See Apostolie, which signifies against God, he did not think himself bound to do it, and that therefore he should provide himself with other commanders. The Duke, as we told you, erred by obeying. At present, should it please God (we having prayed him, inviting also all Christians to pray with us, by availing themselves of the jubilee, as known to you) to bring them back to the good way (redurli alla bona via), and make them live like Christians, they, moreover, performing suitable penance for the impious error committed by them, we will be very liberal in pardoning them, et relinquemus testatum Deo et hominbus, that we desire the peace and quiet of the world; but should it be otherwise, we hope in God to chastise them, and that the wrath of heaven (il baslon del cielo) will fall on their heads.
“We shall wait and see what these 40 days will bring forth, and we tell you that they will find us parati in inque). It will suffice us to have justified ourselves with everybody, but above the others with the Signory, by reason of the ancient and natural love we bear them, bequeathed us as an heirloom by our ancestors, and then increased in our own person by the obligations under which we are to the memory of Messer Agostin da Mula (fn. 9), who, being with your fleet in these waters after the sack of Rome, having ordered Messer Z. Batta. Zustignian, governor of one of your galleys, to take us where we pleased, he landed us very kindly and conveniently at the mouth of the Arno, from whence we proceeded to your magnificent and blessed city (nella magnifica et benedetta roslra città), sole haven and refuge in our calamities. We therefore wish those lords to be certain that it is not us who wish for war, for we assure you on the contrary that we desire peace, because we also know that such is their wish, they having so often expressed it to us through you, but if from the fault of others, a contrary result take place, we hope (as already said by us) to chastise them. The thing is brought to such a pass, that should peace not be made, there will be the greatest war ever known. Rely upon it that the powder is prepared and the guns shotted, and that if ignited, everything will be consumed in all directions.
To our very great satisfaction, we have heard that your Signory holds to her repute (stia sù la sua reputatione), and begins to rouse herself a little, for as things are going, were she to renutin without saying anything, and persisting in too much timidity, it could not but be to her great shame, having such considerable forces, and so great a share in Italy; but by providing for her interests, without waiting until on fire at home, she does what is for her own welfare, upholds the honour of Italy, and gives assistance to our affairs; in like manner as the Popedom, when in credit, renders the Signory very illustrious (illustra assai la Signoria). Once for all, our affection for the Republic is manifest; historical works abound with what your most sage forefathers did of yore for the service of the See Apostolic, so that should the State hold to its dignity, it will keep everybody in alarm (in gelosia); for in short they are all Barbarians, and our enemies; these Imperialists (questi) most inimical, and the chiefest of them (capitalissimi): and those others (et quelli altri) (fn. 10) but little better. Would to God that we could be all Italians in Italy, and the Barbarians in their own countries (et li Barbari nelli lor paesi).” He then spoke about the ancient harmony of Italy, of a King of Naples, a Duke of Milan, as he did on many other occasions, saying that the mere thought of such things possibly coming to pass some day, made certain venerable old men who discussed the subject with him at Venice go into raptures from delight, adding that were they alive, he should have no doubt (dicendo, che queste cose à pensar solo, che potessero à qualche tempo esser, faceano uscir l'anima da dolceza ad alcuni vechioni che in Venetia ne discorevano seco, soggiongendo, che se fossero vivi, non dubiteria); nor, if the war continues from the faull of others, will he doubt your Serenity's doing (to use his own expression) your duty.
I, ambassador, then said that I thought I could assure your Serenity that his Holiness, by means of his goodness and ability (virtù), would vanquish every difficulty, and rejoice the whole of Christendom, but the most serene Dominion beyond the others, by a good peace, of which the last truce of 40 days gave not only hope, but almost certainty. He replied that he desired it, and would wait to see what these 40 days produced, as if the affairs here adjusted themselves, he hoped to hear of universal peace, because there being three Princes of importance amongst the Christian Powers, namely, the two Kings and your Serenity, whose object is the peace, provided the other two quiet each other, the desired result will be obtained, viz., universal tranquillity and perpetual peace, but that should others fail (as he suspected), yet was his Holiness very certain that your Serenity for the honour of Italy, for your own security, and for the special love you bear him, would imitate the valour (la virtù) and prudence of your forefathers.
When the Pope had done speaking, I, secretary, narrated to him my recent negotiations with the Duke of Alva, in the same form as represented by me on the day before yesterday to Cardinal Caraffa. His Holiness evinced great satisfaction, and said that this office had been the cause of making the Duke come to the point arrived at by him, and that he therefore thanked your Serenity for it, repeating what he had said about the love he bore you, and his wish to do you some signal service, and that he thought of nothing but adding to your territory, as he knew it would be well placed, reiterating that in the midst of such great turmoil your Serenity should provide for the maintenance of your dignity and your State; calling to mind the league of Cambrai, the army of Maximiian, the avidity of the present Emperor, towards which King Philip was advancing, and other things uttered and written again and again. What he said had been often said by him previously, almost in the same terms, yet it seemed to us that he spoke in a lower tone, and with more sedate gestures (et con gesta più sedati), than he had ever done before.
Rome, 4th December 1556.
Dec. 4. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 747. Giacomo Soranzo, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
The cause of M. de Lavigna's departure being delayed was because it has been decided that he is to go as his Majesty's ambassador-resident at Constantinople, and on his arrival there he will perform the office about the putting to sea of the fleet; and he will be the bearer of the present letter, and will bring you letters of favour from his most Christian Majesty.
The Prince of Ferrara has departed postwise on his way to the Duke de Guise, who was to arrive at Lyons to-day; the Constable's son, M. de Damville, and many other lords and gentlemen having done the like, so that now they are almost all gone. The Admiral also has left for his government of Picardy, for the purpose it is said of inspecting that frontier; but it is also seen that fresh provision for that quarter increases daily, M. d'Enghien and the Prince of Condé, brothers of the King of Navarre, having been appointed generals of the light horse, the one in Champagne and the other in Picardy; and a certain amount of men-at-arms is ordered to march, besides which they are sending seven Scottish captains to raise 700 horse there. His Majesty has also ordered pontoons to be made for the passage of rivers, and other supplies of artillery destined for the said parts of Picardy and Champagne. Concerning the affairs of Ferrara, it is confirmed that although the Duke will disburse the money required for the infantry, yet the King has promised to repay it him. They are also treating the military engagement (la condutta) of Don Francesco of Este, the Duke's brother, at his Majesty's request; but the particulars are not yet settled.
The Marquis de las Navas [Don Pedro de Avila] and Don Luis de Avila [Marquis de Mirabel] have been here on their way from Flanders to Spain, and in the name of his Catholic Majesty saluted the most Christian King, and without having brought him letters of credence said how irksome it will be to their King to hear of these preparations for war, as he had always wished to live in good friendship with his most Christian Majesty, and that there being no cause for disturbance between them, he will greatly regret that on account of a third person his Majesty should have recourse to arms. To this the King replied that he had always been equally desirous of his Catholic Majesty's friendship, but that he was determined not to abandon the Pope. Don Luis rejoined that had the Pope chosen to be content with what was fair, his King had offered him terms with which he ought to have been satisfied. The King replied, “His Holiness must know this, nor will I in any way fail him;” and after other general conversation they departed. From what I hear, they have written in strong terms to their King about the arrangements and preparations for the war, as seen by them here, and to the persons with whom they spoke, they demonstrated clearly that until their departure his Catholic Majesty had made no preparation for his defence, having been unable to bring himself to believe that the King of France would in fact march his forces.
The commissioners who were appointed by the most Christian King, and by the Queen of England, to settle the matter of the boundaries between Boulogne and Calais, have met on the spot, but have not yet determined anything.
M. de Bonnivet [FrançLois Gouffier], general of the French infantry of Piedmont, has died here at the Court, to the great regret of the King and the whole Court, by reason of his noble lineage and great valour, he having been also included amongst the most Serene Republic's noblemen, (fn. 11) and in his stead the King has appointed the Vidame of Chartres [FrançLois de Vendòme], who will depart in five or six days. Your Serenity will perhaps have heard that M. de Termes [Paul de la Barthe] in his most Christian Majesty's name has taken possession of a place in Piedmont by name Gagianino, belonging to the Marquis of Masserano, which some months ago was fortified by his Majesty's ministers, and left in the hands of the said Marquis, he being under the King's protection; but being now somewhat suspected owing to the resolve of the Duke of Parma, with whom he is closely connected, the said M. de Termes, under pretence of doing something else, has taken Gagianino, exhorting the said Marquis, who is expected, to come hither to justify himself.
Last evening a secretary of M. de Lansac arrived at the Court from Rome, with the news of the loss of Hostia and of the suspension of hostilities. The Lord Giordano Orsini has also arrived, and he told my secretary, Franceschi, whom I sent to visit him, that he will come to see me as soon as possible, nor shall I fail to execute your Serenity's commission.
Poissy, 4th December.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portions in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Dec. 4. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 748. The Same to the Same.
By my letter dated to-day I announced to your Serenity the arrival here at the Court of a secretary of M. de Lansac. Subsequently the King sent for the Nuncio, and in adroit form of speech, but with some mark of resentment, told him that he had advices from Rome that this suspension of hostilities was stipulated for the purpose of effecting some agreement, to which he understood that the Pope and Cardinal Caraffa were inclined, but that as his forces were already on their march, for the Pope's benefit and assistance, he could not believe that his Holiness would come to any adjustment, especially as the negotiation had not been imparted to his Majesty; wherefore he had not even thought fit to stay the advance of his troops. The Nuncio replied that it was true that by letters from Cardinal Caraffa this suspension of hostilities was made, with the report of its facilitating the discussion about the agreement, and that he was charged thus to represent it to his Majesty, but that no particulars whatever had been written to him, and that the Cardinal indeed charged him to urge the King to continue sending on his forces, as he prayed him to do; but I have discovered that this commission about hastening the provisions is given to the Nuncio in very cold terms, the scheme of adjustment being much talked of at the Court, and many persons thinking it may take place.
The Lord Giordano Orsini came to sup with me this evening, and in the best way I could I performed the office enjoined by your Serenity, and he answered me that of the obligations under which he was to your Serenity this one of holding him in such account was not the least, so that he greatly regretted being so situated that he could not correspond according to his wishes, because in the military profession (fra li homeni di guerra) nothing was considered more dishonourable than to quit the service of a master without legitimate cause, and that having served the Duke of Florence for 12 years he left him on so reasonable an account that everybody approved, and he then entered the service of the King of France, from whom he had received so much honour and benefit, besides what have been recently offered him without any request on his part, that he did not see how in honour he could find means to leave his service; so if the Archbishop, his brother, had said anything to the Venetian ambassador at Rome, it was to demonstrate the intensity of his affection and gratitude for the obligations conferred upon him by your Serenity, whom he shall always wish to have it in his power to serve, and not because he felt inclined to leave this service without any cause. As his Lordship is an old friend of mine I did not fail to lay before him, as of myself, his own advantage, the fine opportunity which presented itself to him for serving your Serenity, and such other inducements as occurred to me, but again repeating his wish to serve your Serenity if he saw the way to do so, he told me that he never more should dare show himself amongst soldiers were he without any cause to renounce the service of France, and with this our conversation terminated.
Poissy, 4th December 1556.
[Italian, in cipher; deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Dec. 5. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives, No. 7 B. p. 89, &c. 749. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador in Rome, to the Doge and Senate.
On Monday last (St. Andrew's day) the Pope said low mass in chapel, and then went in solemn procession to St. Peter's, where, after visiting the altars of the most holy sacrament, of the most blessed apostles Peter and Paul, and of the Holy Visage (volto), he made an oration for the peace, to the great satisfaction of the city, which witnessing so devout a ceremony, and hearing it said that Fantuccio was to be sent to the King of Spain, together with Don Francisco Pacheco from the Duke of Alva, the population began to have great hopes of peace; but yesterday morning, when I saw Don Francisco conversing at the court without Fantuccio, who had not yet been despatched even to-day, his departure apparently cooling (raffreddando), the Romans again fear lest the French movements, of which advices have arrived here, eraggerated, perhaps, for their own interests by the King's ministers far beyond reality, disturb the agreement. I hear that the Cardinal “Camerlengo” is dissatisfied, and has no great hope, and says that Cardinal Caraffa no longer shows such trust in him as he evinced previously. The French ministers here have sent M. Dumont (who accompanied M. de Montmorency hither) to their King to give him account of what is passing at Rome, where the troops are receiving pay, nor is anything said about disbanding any part of them. The artillery which was at Porto has been brought into Rome, whither the greater part of the soldiery have returned, the Pope's fortresses being garrisoned solely by Matheo Stendardo with his mounted harquebusiers and some 800 infantry. The Duke of Alva, on the other hand, is disbanding the Italians left by him in the fortress he is building at Hostia, and in another fortress commenced by him on the island at the mouth of the Tiber where it forms the stream. He leaves about 600 Spaniards, so as to render himself quite master of the river, and having garrisoned the other places of importance taken by him, he is returning to Naples with the greater part of the cavalry, the other part remaining with Marco Antonio Colonna in his territory (nel suo stato). For the valour displayed by him at Hostia, Cardinal Caraffa has given Horatio del Sbirro 500 crowns and a company of 300 infantry. On Monday a secretary arrived from the Duke of Alva, and in the afternoon went to the Pope with Cardinal San Giacomo [Juan Alvarez de Toledo, Cardinal of Compostella], who asked leave to go as far as Hostia to see the Duke his nephew. His Holiness consented, so next day the Cardinal went down the river in a boat conveniently, and returned late to-day, so I have been unable to hear anything farther.
Rome, 5th December 1556.
Dec. 5. Deliberazioni Senato (Secreta), Vol. 70, p. 55. 750. The Doge and Senate to the Venetian Ambassador in England.
The ordinary term of two years during which you have resided at the Court of England having been now exceeded by some months, and as you have several times asked our leave to return home, we, to grant your request, most especially having heard by your letters that the King's pages and stable equipage (la stala) have arrived there, which warrants a belief that his Majesty will return thither, have despatched our beloved noble Michiel Surian, knight, to reside with the King as our ambassador; having also given him our credentials to the Queen, for presentation to her Majesty, and that he may perform with her the office enjoined him, after which he will from day to day transact the necessary business at that court. In the meanwhile, acquaint her Majesty with what is aforesaid; and after taking leave of her, and of the right reverend Cardinal Legate, and the other Lords of the Court, as shall seem fit to you, we are content that you return home, remaining very well satisfied with the assistance and diligent service rendered by you on that legation.
And our five sages of the Board of Trade and the proveditors for the factories within eight days to elect a Venetian Consul in London, according to the Act passed lately in this Council.
For the letters: Ayes, 146. Noes, 4. Neutrals, 5.
Dec. 6. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 751. Federico Badoer, Venetian Ambassador at Brussels, to the Doge and Senate.
At the very earnest exhortation of Cardinal Santafiora [Guido Ascanio Sforza], his Majesty had it deliberated (havea fatto consultare) whether he should send some personage into Italy to treat the peace with the Pope, and which of his ministers was best suited to that purpose, having heard from his right reverend Lordship that the Pope was again disposed to have the agreement discussed, and it was asserted that the King would send postwise Don Antonio de Toledo, who is a member of the privy council; but when the news came of the Pope's consent to have the negotiation treated even with the Duke Alva, that Ostia had been taken, and that there was a suspension of hostilities, he determined not to send him. Owing to the arrival here of five couriers in two days, the whole Court evinces no less hope of peace than desire for it, which last is very great indeed. From these advices and from what is heard from France, purporting that the most Christian King's preparations for Italy were more for show than reality, his Majesty has suspended the despatch of Count Almerigo da Lodrone, and the French merchants who remained at Antwerp make no further show of departure.
The coming of the Earl of Pembroke to Calais by order of the Queen of England has caused great satisfaction, as he is proceeding against the French in the matter of boundaries very spiritedly (con gran brarura), a thing which many persons say is a sign that the said Queen has a mind to favour the King her consort by causing suspicion and doing deeds against the King of France, should his most Christian Majesty choose to break the truce.
The Duke of Ferrara has given King Philip to understand through the Cardinal of Trent, that he should wish the Prince his son to marry his Majesty's sister, widow of the Prince of Portugal, and from what I have heard from Dressino, his right reverend Lordship's agent, who departed yesterday, the answer purported that he was to have his Excellency thanked in loving terms, telling him that for the present no further answer could be given him, because in such a matter his Majesty deemed it necessary to give notice to the Emperor, and to see whether the Princess consented to it. This announcement from the Cardinal of Trent is believed to have no foundation (è tenuto esser senza fondamento), it being not only supposed that the Duke of Ferrara is not so well disposed towards King Philip, but quite the contrary, and that even were his Excellency thus inclined the members of the privy council have hinted that the King would not condescend to form such a relationship; and the day before yesterday the Duke's ambassador departed on his way back to him, nor has any farther notice been received of the appointment of his successor.
Two days ago the Signor Claudio Malopera was despatched by the Duke of Savoy, as ambassador in ordinary to your Serenity He came to me before his departure, by his Excellency's order, to give me notice of this, praying me in his own name to give him such loving hints as might render him the more acceptable to your Serenity, telling me besides, that he was commissioned to show me the letter of credence addressed to your Serenity, that I might warn him in case it required any correction; I transmit a copy of it, and from his discourse I comprehended that the title of the signature would be “servant.” I used all such civilities with the Signor Claudio as your Serenity could desire, and to-morrow I will visit the Duke and perform a similar office with him. The principal cause of his sending this ambassador to reside with you, seems to me to be for the purpose of being favoured by you Serenity on any occasion that may arise in case of a negotiation for peace between King Philip and his most Christian Majesty with reference to the Milanese. The said Signor Claudio is desired first of all to convey several orders about the administration of justice in the Duke's territory, for the satisfaction of his vassals so he will stop a fortnight in Piedmont.
The Herald of the Fleece departed this day to carry the Order to the Duke of Brunswick, to the Archduke Ferdinand, to the Marquis of Pescara, to the Signor Antonio Doria, and to the Count of Santafiore, the knighthood having been conferred on them by his Majesty a year ago at the chapter held at Antwerp; and the King, the Duke of Savoy, the Duchess of Lorraine, with almost the whole Court, have gone to hunt two leagues hence.
Brussels, 6th December 1556.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the paragraph in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Dec. 7. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 752. Giovanni Michiel, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the Doge and Senate.
On the day before yesterday, scarcely had the courier Gamboa arrived on his return from Brussels, ere three hours afterwards on that same night Francesco Piamontese was sent off, but notwithstanding the frequency and speed of the couriers nothing as yet transpires about these matters, the secrecy still continuing greater than written by me in my last letters of last month.
A report circulates through the Court and over London, nor yet ascertained whether true, that the Earl of Pembroke at Calais, suspecting a certain individual there, (fn. 12) sent for him into his presence. The individual thus summoned told the messenger sent for that purpose to wait whilst he went to put on his gown, and on entering his chamber he discharged a small harquebuse into his breast and killed himself, which being immediately known to all Calais, it came to the ears of a Frenchman, (fn. 13) who was wont to resort thither, going to and fro; and being perhaps in communication with the deceased and aware of his danger, nor knowing how to save himself, he on that night let himself down from the ramparts, some saying that he has escaped, others that not knowing how to get out of the moat, he remained there the whole day, but being unable or not knowing how to conceal himself from the sentries, he was seized and taken to the Earl, who is also said to have arrested five others, and continues discovering the plot.
The Legate is this day despatching to Rome in haste his privy chamberlain, Monsignor Henry Penning, of whom alone he avails himself for the current embassies between himself and the Queen (del qual solo si serve nelle ambasciate tra S.S. Illustrissima et la Regina). He told me (mi a detto) that the sole cause of this mission is his having been many months without ever receiving any reply of any sort from the Pope or his ministers to any letters and offices performed by him; the Cardinal thinking this strange, and being of opinion that such constant and prolonged taciturnity is derogatory to the post of Apostolic Legate; and seeing that letters produce no effect whatever, he determined to send a person express to give account of the affairs of this kingdom, and especially of the prosperous progress of the religion; proposing simultaneously that if by reason of his position (luogo) with these Princes, the Pope should consider him of any service for his release from those troubles in the midst of which he perceives his Holiness to be, his Holiness would be pleased to command him. Perhaps also, which matters more, he sends to disclose a certain resolve, which, if not already formed by the Queen, is about to be made by her in favour of her consort, so as to give the Pope warning of it, hinting in a certain way (in certo modo) concerning war with the French, to the universal detriment and disturbance of Christendom, as also of his Holiness, who might be the cause of its not taking place. He will thus have complied with the office of Cardinal and with that of a minister of the See Apostolic in this kingdom; and by this same agent he is sending to provide (a far la espeditione) for certain vacant bishoprics, and to regulate the affairs of the English hospital at Rome, as recommended to him, and which is under his most illustrious Lordship's protection. (fn. 14)
Many persons here say, though it is not yet quite confirmed, that all the knights and lords of the kingdom and all the salaried pensioners and stipendiaries of the Court have been summoned hither for the day of the Epiphany, nor is it known for what purpose; but this assembly being half a parliament (un mezzo parlamento), causes it to be suspected that to these individuals, as the chief personages of the kingdom, it is intended to announce some decision on behalf of the Queen about giving assistance to her Consort, or, as believed by others, to declare open war, specifying the causes which induce her to do so. Should this be true, the result of it will soon be witnessed.
The Lady Elizabeth departed so suddenly that I had not time to pay her my visit, which will be reserved for another occasion. (fn. 15)
The Queen still remains without going abroad, distressing herself about her husband's troubles, as your Serenity may suppose; although his Majesty writes that he is intent on nothing but despatching his affairs in order to come, showing yet greater wish for this than she does (mostrandone maggior desiderio di Lei), as confirmed by all his attendants.
On the 6th instant the ship Contarina and Moceniga (la nave Contarina et Moceniga) arrived off Dover.
London, 7th December 1555.
Dec. 7. (fn. 16) MS. St. Mark's Library, Cod. xxiv. Cl. x., p. 220, verso. No date of time or place. Printed in vol. v. pp. 22—25, Epistolarum, &c., without any date of time or place. 753. Cardinal Pole to Pope Paul IV.
Pole, and all persons of piety, are greatly disturbed by the strife which has arisen between the Pope and King Philip, nor could the Christian commonwealth, and especially England, hear of anything more grievous than dissension between such a father and such a son, and that the Papal territory, and Rome itself, were harassed by war.
It was also felt the more by reason of the many causes for love and union between the Pope and the King, and most especially because at the beginning of his reign he, together with the most Serene Queen his Consort, from their zeal for the Catholic religion, renewed the obedience of the kingdom to the See Apostolic and to his Holiness, who on that account deservedly evinced the greatest love for him. Pole, however, having no orders from the Pope, knew not what to say or do, but would not remain idle, and, knowing King Philip to be very desirous of peace, wrote to him on the subject, but unsuccessfully, so he can but send a messenger to the Pope to hear his will. He has hitherto acted of his own accord and in the dark, but should he have a special commission from the Pope he would despair of nothing, most especially through the mediation of so pious a Queen, whom God deemed worthy of bringing back this realm to its obedience to the See Apostolic and to his Holiness, to which it had been so very averse during so many years.
Pole hopes that this momentary disagreement will eventually yet more demonstrate the piety of the Pope towards Christ and His church, and the filial obedience of the King towards his Holiness, and revert to the glory of God.
With regard to the state of the church in England, the Pope will deign to receive information from Pole's messenger, (fn. 17) who is one of Pole's intimate attendants, who is also the bearer of recommendations for four vacant churches, which ought not any longer to remain without their pastors. Requests the Pope to name the four persons recommended, as by reason of their piety and doctrine they are admirably suited to bear this burden. May God preserve his Holiness in safety for His honour and the profit of the Church.
London, 7th December 1556.
Dec. 8. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 754. Giacomo Soranzo, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
No other advices having been received from Rome since those of 20th ultimo, announcing the suspension of hostilities, the suspicions of this court about the arrangement of peace seem to subside, and fresh expeditions and provisions continue to be made, and the Marshal de Brissac having a serious attack of gout with some slight fever at Lyons, as also M. de Termes in Piedmont, the most Christian King has sent fresh orders to the Duke de Guise to hasten his journey; no advices have as yet been received of his arrival at Lyons.
In Picardy the provisions are being increased, as besides the Scottish captains two Englishmen have been sent to raise two cavalry companies of their nation; (fn. 18) and 17 other captains of French cavalry have been appointed, and they also will be despatched shortly.
Your Serenity will have heard of the intended flight of Don Luys, (fn. 19) the second son of the Duke of Ferrara, to the King of Spain, and from a person who heard it from the Constable I have been told that he gave the Duke notice of this scheme many days ago, and that he seemed not to believe it; but then pondering it better he had his son's proceedings silently watched, and at length discovered it, and by letters from the Cardinal of Ferrara the Duke is very greatly troubled and displeased at this. The cause which put this thought into the young man's head, does not seem to have been anything but the excessive penury in which his father kept him, he himself being of a very generous nature, and he preferred going to the King of Spain to coming to this court, and the aforesaid Cardinal writes that when Don Luigi was examined he said it was merely from fear lest the most Christian King should send him back, owing to the fresh agreement with his father, and that he would rather be a soldier than a bishop.
I hear that the engagement (condotta) of Don Francesco da Este with his most Christian Majesty is concluded, but I have been unable to ascertain the conditions. A gentleman has arrived here at the court from Count Nicola da Pittigliano, now a prisoner in Rome, as your Serenity knows, and in his name requested the King, as the Count is not subject to the Pope on account of his territory, but in his Majesty's service, and a knight of his order, that he be pleased to induce his Holiness to send him hither as a prisoner, to be judged by his Majesty on the charges brought against him, offering to give security in Rome to the amount of 300,000 crowns for his coming hither; and as this demand is much favoured by his relation the Lord Giordano Orsini, who is of the same family, it is understood that the King will gratify him, though others suspect that this imprisonment took place with the concurrence of the French ministers in Rome.
Poissy, 8th December 1556.


  • 1. See the late Mr. Turnbull's Foreign Calendar, Index.
  • 2. About these two Dudleys, see also Foreign Calendar, 17th November 1556, p. 276.
  • 3. In French, St. Engelvert. For the correct spelling of these names I am indebted to the Foreign Calendar, date 24th June 1556, p. 230, and its Index.
  • 4. Some words are illegible in this part of the letter, but I think I have rendered their meaning.
  • 5.
  • 6. Essendosi finalmente trovata con il Cardinale il quale visitò fino nella sua camera.
  • 7. Non si può fin' hora sapere se oltre l'haver visitato la serenissima Regina sia venuta a far altro, havendo con grande instantia procurato di venir.
  • 8. Alfonso Caraffa, great nephew of Paul IV., who on the 15th March 1557, created him Cardinal. Don Alfonso was then only 18 years. It was deservedly said of him that although young in years he was old in virtue and wisdom. He died at the age of 25, and was buried in the cathedral at Naples, to the left of the high altar, where there is a fine statue of him. (See Cardella, vol. 4, pp. 364, 365.)
  • 9. Commander of the Venetian galleys in Civitavecchia, at the time of the sack of Rome in May 1527.
  • 10. Meaning the French.
  • 11. Amelot de la Houssaie in his list of Frenchmen on the Golden Book does no mention that of Gouffier.
  • 12. The name of this person was Tuckfield, alias Touteville. (See Foreign Calendar, date 13th January 1557, p. 281.)
  • 13. By name Devisat. (See Foreign Calendar, as before.)
  • 14. The English hospital at Rome for English pilgrims, founded by John Shepherd, was originally under the direction of a “custos” or warden, elected by the members of the confraternity resident in Rome. Henry VIII. usurped the nomination, and Robert Sherburne, Dean of St. Paul's, his ambassador to Julius II., was the first governor appointed by royal mandate. He was succeeded by John Clarke, Bishop of Bath, ambassador to Adrian VI.; then came Richard Pate, Bishop of Worcester, and last of all, Sir Edward Carne, ambassador from Philip and Mary, was governor of the English hospital. In 1538 all the members of the English confraternity had ceased to exist (except one aged and infirm person), and Paul III, confided the administration of the hospital to Cardinal Pole, and during his absence to the Bishop of Old Sarum, Peter Peto, for fear (to use the words of the papal rescript) that it might fall into other than English hands. The English hospital was despoiled of all its treasures at the sack of Rome, where it was ultimately deprived of its resources through the Reformation. (See “Reminiscences of Rome,” by a member of the Arcadian Academy (vol. 2, pp. 13, 14. London, 1840).
  • 15.
  • 16. The date is derived from the foregoing despatch addressed to the Doge and Senate by the Ambassador Michiel on the 7th December 1556.
  • 17. Henry Penning. (See Michiel, as above.)
  • 18. In Foreign Calendar, “Mary,” there is a letter from Dr. Wotton to Queen Mary, dated Poissy, 30th November 1556, from which it may be inferred that one of these captains was “Tutty, who served before with 50 light English horse,” [and] “has now his commission renewed for the 100.”
  • 19. Don Luigi of Este, second son of Ercole II., Duke of Ferrara. Although only 17 years old he was already a bishop. (See Frizzi, History of Ferrara, vol. 4, p. 543.)