Henry VIII: April 1536, 21-25

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 10, January-June 1536. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1887.

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'Henry VIII: April 1536, 21-25', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 10, January-June 1536, (London, 1887), pp. 287-310. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol10/pp287-310 [accessed 16 June 2024].

. "Henry VIII: April 1536, 21-25", in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 10, January-June 1536, (London, 1887) 287-310. British History Online, accessed June 16, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol10/pp287-310.

. "Henry VIII: April 1536, 21-25", Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 10, January-June 1536, (London, 1887). 287-310. British History Online. Web. 16 June 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol10/pp287-310.


April 1536, 21-25

21 April.
Vienna Archives.
699. Chapuys to Charles V.
Received on the 15th, Easter Eve, your Majesty's letters of the 28th ult. Had already received on the 11th those of the last of February only; and, according to instructions in the last-mentioned, informed the Princess of what he thought advisable. Will not repeat what he has said in previous letters of the state of matters since that date, as nothing new has arisen. Will only state his opinion of what it would be right to capitulate in favour of the affairs of the Princess, in case the Emperor should treat with the French; but as there would be no necessity of that advice in case those here would agree to the articles contained in the Emperor's last letters, will forbear to write it till he has some answer as to the intentions of those here.
Having sat up all night on Easter Eve to decipher the said letters of the 28th ult., I went to Cromwell on Easter Day after dinner at a very fine house the King has given him well furnished, three leagues from here; and before mentioning the news I had received from your Majesty, or the letters addressed to himself, I reminded him of the communications we had several times had upon the establishment of peace and amity, especially on the eve of St. Matthias; and finding him firm, and as determined as ever to complete things begun, declaring also, of himself, the indignation he felt against the French, I presented to him the letters of your Majesty, which he kissed and received with great reverence, replying several times that he knew not how he could deserve your Majesty's great kindness in having deigued to write to him who was only "un petit compagnon." I then declared to Cromwell your intention upon the four points contained in the letters. As to the first, he made greater difficulty than before, saying the injury done to his master by the Holy See was so recent, and the constitutions having just been made which the King had promulgated against the said See, it would be very difficult to bring the King back, but that if the amity between your Majesty and the King were consolidated you would have in process of time greater influence to persuade his master to this reconciliation. He said further that the Pope on his side, with inconstancy enough, solicited the King's friendship, and that very lately the Pope's son had requested some great personage of the Court of Rome to write to Cromwell that, for the honor of God, he would take the matter in hand, and that this King would find the Pope very willing to satisfy him as far as possible. The Pope's son had also said that if the King would not listen to this, his Holiness would be compelled to abandon the friendship of the king of France. And hereupon Cromwell sent for the secretary who had the letters to this effect, to show me them; but he was not at home; at which Cromwell was very much displeased, telling me, as he did five days later, that he wished by all means that I should see the said letters. Hereupon I asked Cromwell how he understood that the Pope, failing of the reconciliation of the King his master, would leave the friendship of the king of France; saying that did not appear to me probable, but, on the contrary, His Holiness having lost the obedience here ought to be the more anxious to preserve the friendship of France, both to avoid alienating that kingdom, and to obtain assistance from it for the remedy of affairs here. This I said to him, fearing that this King, who is credulous enough in matters agreeable to himself, would give faith to the said words, and show himself less inclined to the said reconciliation, supposing that if the Pope abandoned France he would get the French king to support his new opinions, and would make use of him as he pleased. Cromwell only answered that he did not know how these words were to be understood, but so the letters contained, which I should see. I fancy the Pope's son intended to hint that his Holiness forbore to make a league with your Majesty, and was showing himself partial to France, upon an intimation given to him by France that it was in their power to bring back this King into obedience to the Apostolic See. I expressed myself very glad that such honorable offers had been made to the King his master, and said the King could not wish for anything more honorable than that, after having done what pleased himself in despite of those whom he need not name, he should now be so humanely desired by his Holiness and your Majesty for a thing so just and necessary for the discharge of his conscience and the tranquillity not only of this kingdom but of all Christendom. By this means, the troubles of Christendom would be appeased, and its forces directed elsewhere, and the King might boast of being father of his country, and even of having triumphed over his Holiness and your Majesty, who came to him half as suppliants for the said reconciliation. Cromwell confessed it was all true, and hoped every thing would be settled in time, and meanwhile he would promote the matter to the utmost of his power. As to the second point, touching the Princess, he said the King would certainly act like a good father and a virtuous prince, but as it was a matter that depended upon the King's honor it was not a subject for express stipulation; the King was only waiting for an opportunity to show the affection he bore the Princess; nevertheless he would not forbear to make all suitable representations to the King his master, and what could not be done at present could be easily achieved when the amity was established.
As to the third point, he replied fully and liberally as he had done before. When we came to the fourth, he declared the King his master was very much disgusted at the inhumanity the French king had shown to the duke of Savoy, and blamed the enterprise Francis made upon Milan as rash and illconsidered, and in violation of treaties. He said the King had written to this effect to Francis; but I do not know how to believe it, for when I spoke with the King himself, praising him for having done such a good office, I found him vacillate, telling me at one time that he had warned the king of France, and at another that it was not a matter for him to trouble himself with. And Cromwell told me that if I wished it his master would send some good personage to the king of France to warn him to desist from the said enterprise, otherwise he would consider himself bound to fulfil his treaties with your Majesty. I accepted the offer at once, and begged him as earnestly as possible to pre-occupy this point before I talked with the King about it; which he promised to do. Hereupon Cromwell began to repeat the great inclination which all the Council without exception had to the establishment of this friendship, and the little affection they bear to France, insomuch that only a few days ago they unanimously told the King he must not suppose there was any of them who had the slightest affection to France, except so far as they saw him inclined that way, and that, except out of regard for him, they had more esteem for the least hair of your Majesty's head than for Francis and all his people.
Cromwell gave me to understand that the King his master held the French army as broken, seeing the great power of your Majesty, and that if he were in your place he would stay some time about Rome and dissemble matters, so as to give the Frenchmen an opportunity of entering Italy further with their power and riches, in order to give them the more effectual beating. Cromwell, then, among other reproaches which he threw at the French, touched upon the ambassador Francis had with the Turks; and, from one thing to another, getting warm upon the subject, he said he was not accustomed to conceal anything, and would tell me of a wickedness as great as could be conceived; and, entering his chamber, he produced a letter stating that the Turk had given a great reception to La Forestz, the ambassador of France, and a treaty had already been made between the Turk and him in his master's name, and that if this were so Henry would not cease to make or procure war against Francis, even to his total destruction; and since Francis so inhumanly made war against the duke of Savoy, his own uncle, without any just title, what would he not do against them from whom he could obtain much more profit, if only they had power to invade them? And Cromwell was convinced that if the French had as much power to injure England as as the English have to injure France they would not let them rest, and now that they saw their neighbour's house burning they ought to have some fear for their own; and assuredly, as I told him, it was time, before the effects of the understanding with the Turk proceeded further, to apply a remedy, and the King his master ought not to lose such an opportunity of doing at once a great service to God, a service to Christendom, and a pleasure to such a friend as your Majesty. Cromwell also thought he would not, and has no doubt that Francis only aims at Milan, to obtain which he would refuse no conditions your Majesty would demand. I do not write the means and observations by which I drew him to say these things, only he could not make profit out of anything I said to him. He replied to me several times that he never heard more agreeable news, and that I could not have done him so great pleasure by giving him 20 (sic), for the news had come in good time before the arrival of any man from France, and that although he had not intended to go to Court for three days, he would go there as early as possible. In the end, I informed him of the answer the Queen had made to me about the release of the two Germans (fn. 1) detained in Flanders, but he would hardly listen to it, saying it was a matter of no moment, and that it must not be mixed up with this, on which depended all other things. Nevertheless, three days before he had spoken of it haughtily enough to a servant of mine.
I had scarcely mounted horse to return when Cromwell despatched a messenger to inform the King with all diligence that I had brought him the best news in the world; and next day, Easter Monday, Cromwell went to Court before the King rose, and afterwards he sent to tell me that he had shown the King your letters, and reported all our conversations, with which the King had been much pleased, and desired that I would come to Court next day, Easter Tuesday, about 6 in the morning, and that I should have an answer which he doubted not would please me. On Tuesday morning I went out to a lodging I have on the Thames, between London and Greenwich, and there Cromwell met me coming from a lodging which he has in the neighbourhood, and confirmed to me what he had sent to tell me the evening before. In our conversation I begged him, as I had done on Easter Day, not only to help the matter for his part, but to direct me in what he thought I should say, and to whom I ought to address myself, and that he would consider what honor it would be to him to accomplish this negociation, besides the public benefit. He replied that although I had no need of his advice, nevertheless he would advise me in confidence what seemed best to him, leaving it to my discretion how far I should follow it.
On coming to Court I was most cordially received by all the Lords of the Council, who congratulated me on the happy news, praising greatly the good service they presumed that I had done,—especially lord Rochford, the Concubine's brother, to whom I said that I did not doubt that he had as great pleasure in what was taking place as any other, and that he would assist as in a matter for the benefit of the whole world, but especially of himself and his friends. He showed me "fort grosse chiere," and I dissembled in the same way with him, avoiding all occasions of entering into Lutheran discussions, from which he could not refrain.
Before the King went out to mass Cromwell came to me on his part to ask if I would not go and visit and kiss the Concubine, which would be doing a pleasure to this King; nevertheless, he left it to me. I told him that for a long time my will had been slave to that of the King, and that to serve him it was enough to command me; but that I thought, for several reasons, which I would tell the King another time, such a visit would not be advisable, and I begged Cromwell to excuse it, and dissuade the said visit in order not to spoil matters. Immediately afterwards Cromwell came to tell me that the King had taken it all in good part, hoping that hereafter "lon y supplyeroit assez," and he immediately added that after dinner I should speak with the King at leisure, and that on leaving him, agreeably to their custom, I ought to see those of the Council and explain my charge. I told him that I thought things were so honorable and reasonable, and had been foreseen so long, that I thought the King would make up his mind immediately; and if not, he to whom my credence was addressed would make a far better report to the Council than I could; nevertheless, that till I had heard part of the King's will, I could neither promise to go, nor not to go, to the said Council, though I meant to speak particularly to all, and do all that they would counsel me. Just after this the King came out and gave me a very kind reception, holding for some time his bonnet in his hand, and not allowing me to be uncovered longer than himself; and after asking how I was, and telling me that I was very welcome, he inquired of the good health of your Majesty and showed himself very glad to hear good news. He then asked where you were, and on my telling him that the courier had left you near Rome, he said that by the date of your Majesty's letters to his Secretary it appeared that you were at Gaeta when the courier left. Hereupon he asked if you would stay long at Rome, and on my telling him that I thought not, unless your Majesty could gratify him by a long delay, for which purpose I was sure you would make no difficulty either in remaining or doing anything else that you could on his account, he said he thought it would have been better for your interests not to have come so soon to Rome, but to have staid in Naples, so as to afford a bait to those who needed it to involve themselves further in the meshes. I said that there was still time enough to use such dissimulation, and that I was sure you would in this and other matters be glad to follow his counsel as that of a very old friend, good brother, and, as it were, a father, as he might understand by what I should tell him hereafter more at leisure. On this he said, Well, we should have leisure to discuss all matters. I was conducted to mass by lord Rochford, the concubine's brother, and when the King came to the offering there was a great concourse of people partly to see how the concubine and I behaved to each other. She was courteous enough, for when I was behind the door by which she entered, she returned, merely to do me reverence as I did to her. After mass the King went to dine at the concubine's lodging, whither everybody accompanied him except myself, who was conducted by Rochford to the King's Chamber of Presence, and dined there with all the principal men of the Court. I am told the concubine asked the King why I did not enter there as the other ambassadors did, and the King replied that it was not without good reason. Nevertheless, I am told by one who heard her, the said concubine after dinner said that it was a great shame in the king of France to treat his uncle, the duke of Savoy, as he did, and to make war against Milan so as to break the enterprise against the Turks; and that it really seemed that the king of France, weary of his life on account of his illnesses, wished by war to put an end to his days. As soon as the King had dined, he, in passing by where I was, made me the same caress as in the morning, and, taking me by the hand, led me into his chamber, whither only the Chancellor and Cromwell followed. He took me apart to a window. I reminded him of several conversations which Cromwell and I had had, and also of those of your ambassador in France with Wallop, and also of the old affection your Majesty had borne him, and began to declare your will touching the four points, taking the utmost care to speak as gently as possible, that he might not find grounds of quarrel or irritation. He heard me patiently and without interruption, till at last, on my saying that your Majesty, desirous above all things of the peace of Christendom, had forborne your claim to Burgundy, which you might demand by a much better title than the invaders of Savoy and Milan, he answered that Milan belonged to the king of France, and the duchy of Burgundy also, for you had renounced it by the treaty of Cambray, which qualified the unreasonable conditions of that of Madrid, and that even if Milan had now come to your hands the defensive treaties comprehended only the lordships possessed at the time they were passed. I showed him, but not without difficulty, that he was illinformed about your rights to Milan and Burgundy, and also that when those treaties were made you were the lawful lord of Milan, and he who held it was only feudatory, after whose death the duchy was not newly acquired by your Majesty, but had only been consolidated; which argument, as Cromwell informs me, has since been weighed and approved by the King and his Council.
Perceiving by this conversation that the King's affection was not sincere, I did not enter further into business, but only asked him if the king of France were to break or attempt to break any other article touching the duke of Gueldres or other matters, whether he would not aid your Majesty according to the treaties. He replied that, so far as he found himself bound, he would acquit himself better than several others had done towards him; and as to the rest, in which he was not bound, he would give satisfaction as occasion was given to him. Returning to the subject of the war against the duke of Savoy, he wished me to understand, notwithstanding that I had told him what you had written to me, that the said war was not against the will of your Majesty, and also that the duke of Savoy had lately offered to come to the court of France, "sur quoy ne resta a luy donner assez raisons a lopposite." After this he called the Chancellor and Cromwell, and made me repeat before them what I had said to him, which I did succinctly, without interruption from him or the others. After which they talked together, while I conversed and made some acquaintance with the brother of the young lady to whom the King is now attached, always keeping an eye upon the gestures of the King and those with him. There seemed to be some dispute and considerable anger, as I thought, between the King and Cromwell; and after a considerable time Cromwell grumbling (recomplant (?) et grondissant) left the conference in the window where the King was, excusing himself that he was so very thirsty (altere) that he was quite exhausted, as he really was with pure vexation (de pur enuyt), and sat down upon a coffer out of sight of the King, where he sent for something to drink. Shortly afterwards the King came out of the conclave, I know not whether to come near me, or to see where Cromwell was. He told me that the matters proposed were so important that without having my propositions in writing he could not communicate them to his Council or make me any reply. I told him that I was not forbidden to do so, but I could not venture, for several reasons, and I thought it a new thing, seeing that hitherto he had not asked anything of me by way of writing, and had never found me variable or vacillating, either now or before, and that I had learned from his ambassadors whom he sent to Bologna to your Majesty to make such refusal, although they had not such good reason for it as I; also I had taken example of Cromwell, who had never given me anything in writing; and if he wished such writing to be assured that there was no dissimulation on your Majesty's part, I would offer my ears, which I would give far more unwillingly than all the writings in the world, if there should be any deceit on the side of your Majesty;—with which conversation, as Cromwell told me afterwards, the King was far better assured than before, taking this offer in good part. Nevertheless, he insisted wonderfully on having the said writing, and said several times very obstinately that he would give no reply. Nevertheless, he did reply, confusedly and in anger, to the following effect:—(1.) The affair of the Pope did not concern your Majesty, if you did not wish to meddle with it to vindicate your authority over the whole world, and if he wished to treat with His Holiness he has means and friends without needing your intercession. (2.) Concerning the Princess she was his daughter, and he would treat her according as she obeyed him or not, and no one else had a right to interfere. (3.) As to the subvention against the Turk, it was necessary first to re-establish old friendship before putting people to expense. (4.) As to the fourth, which was most urgent, and which I have chiefly pressed, he said he would not violate any promise he has made, or refuse the friendship of any one who desired it, provided it was such as was becoming, but that he was no longer a child, and that they must not give him the stick, and then caress him, appealing to him and begging him. In saying this, to show how he was experienced in business, he began playing with his fingers on his knees, and doing as if he were calling a child to pacify it, [and said] that before asking an injured person for favor and aid it was necessary to acknowledge old favors. And on my saying that we had been so long treating of this re-establishment, and I had pressed for an overture of what he wished to be done, but to no purpose, he answered that it was not for him to make an overture, but for those who sought him. I replied that if he who was hurt did not show his wound it was impossible to heal it. He then said he wished your Majesty would write to him, [desiring] that if there had been in the past any ingratitude or error on your part towards him, he would forget it, [and] requesting him to show that the root of old amity is not disturbed. I told him this was not reasonable, and he moderated the proposal, suggesting that you should request him not to speak any more of the past. I said no other letter was needed, because I asked it of him in the name of your Majesty; but he persisted that he must have letters, and it was no use reminding him of what he has several times said to me before, that delay is the ruin of all good works.
Hereupon, without having given him any occasion except [that I desired] he would take with extreme gentleness and patience what I showed him, he began to be somewhat angry, and reproached your Majesty with great ingratitude, saying that without him you would not have acquired the Empire or enjoyed Spain, and that after you had been elected you had not only treated him with neglect, but had tried to get him declared schismatic and deprived of his kingdom, and that you ("quil," qu "quelle"? i.e. vre. Majesté) had not kept your promise to him not to make peace with the king of France till you had obtained for him the crown of France, and that when Francis was your prisoner you had replied you would not make war on your prisoner. He concealed the other article of the reply, viz., that he had already made a compact with the chancellor of Alençon, as I showed him, telling him, as to the declarations he spoke of, that he himself had affirmed to me, (and I had not since spoken to him), that he knew well it was the Pope who solicited his (qu. your?) Majesty about it, but that if he was well informed he would find that immediately after the Admiral had left ill content with the last meeting at Calais there were others who solicited the same declarations. I did not cease to beg the King to put all this aside, urging that if there had been in the past any ill understanding so much the more earnest should be the good offices; and I quoted certain authorities and histories serving to this purpose. I afterwards told the King that since he would not give me a more formal answer I begged him to write to his ambassador with your Majesty. He remained some time without knowing what to reply, but afterwards said that if I wished it he was willing to do it, but in that case he held the said reply as not given; and then immediately afterwards said to me that his ambassador was not fit for this, and that I must have the honor since I had made the beginning. The Chancellor and Cromwell appeared to regret these answers, and in spite of the King's gestures (bonnes mynes) to them that they should applaud him, neither of them would say three words. The conclusion was that he would next day look over the treaties he had with your Majesty, and inform me of what they determined. At this slender and provoking reply, after compliments to the duke of Norfolk and others of the Council, I left the Court, and went to wait on Cromwell at the place where we met in the morning, and there we expressed our mutual regret, which was great on both sides, especially on that of Cromwell, who was hardly able to speak for sorrow, and had never been more mortified in his life than with the said reply. I suggested to him that we should suspend the other matters, and consider what could be done about the fourth point, and as to marrying the Princess;—at which he recovered his spirits, and said he had still hope of a good result. Next day, Wednesday of Easter week, the King's whole Council were assembled for three or four hours; and, as Cromwell informed me, there was not one of them but remained long on his knees before the King to beg him, for the honor of God, not to lose so good an opportunity of establishing a friendship so necessary and advantageous; but they had not been able to change his opinion, and that he would sooner suffer all the ills in the world than confess tacitly or expressly that he had done you any injury, or that he desired this friendship, but that if asked for it in good form, as he had said, he would be content. Today, Thursday, Cromwell reported the above to me, and thanked me on the part of the King for the good office I had done, begging me on his part also to continue till the establishment of this friendship was achieved, and that afterwards all the other points would be disposed of to your Majesty's satisfaction; and begged, for the honor of God, that I would at least obtain a letter of credence addressed to the King, saying that the King would liberally acknowledge my trouble. Moreover, he has given me to understand that he told the King his master that if he had known what has taken place in this affair, he would not have meddled with it for all the gold in England, and that henceforth he would not treat with ambassadors without having a colleagne; telling me also that although he had always pretended that what he said to me was of his own suggestion, yet he had neither said nor done anything without express command from the King. On my asking him what could have made this variation in the King's will, he said he could not imagine what spirit it was, and that at least I had given him no occasion, for the King himself was satisfied with the moderate language I had used; and he concluded that princes have spirits or properties which are hidden and unknown to all others. By which conversations Cromwell showed covertly his dissatisfaction at the strange contradictions of his master. He also told me that the King was writing to his ambassadors in France to desire the French king to desist from his enterprises, and that he had spoken of it yesterday also to the French ambassador, who, as the said Cromwell told me, came back yesterday from Court as mortified as I was the day before.
Seeing that there was no other remedy, and that Cromwell affirmed to me that it would be labor lost to go and make remonstrances to the Council as I desired, in order to keep matters going, and not give the English an opportunity of treating elsewhere, I interpreted things with Cromwell in the best light, promising to do all I could and employ all my friends, and I hoped to obtain the letters from your Majesty. And on my declaring myself half sure of this, he told me that he who trusts in the word of princes, who say and unsay things, and promises himself anything from them, is not over wise, as he had found on Tuesday last; and so, after earnestly commending the affairs to me, and promising that he would not cease to inculcate them on his master, I took leave of him.
Afterwards he sent to me to say that he had received letters from France, by which he suspected some treaty was being negociated between your Majesty and the French king, and begged that if I knew or suspected anything thereof I would inform him in confidence; and, moreover, if it were so, that I would give him counsel what to do to prevent things set on foot from being interrupted. I replied that I certainly knew nothing of it, and for my part I thought that the agreement would have been soon made if your Majesty had wished to gratify the French, of which I saw no great appearance, and that even if matters were far advanced I thought nothing would be done before the return of the courier; and as to the counsel he desired, he was wise enough to see to it without me, who could say nothing more than what I have said of late days. He afterwards sent to tell me that, owing to the hasty return of the courier from France, he could not send the letters which his master was to write, and therefore begged me to delay the courier a little; at which, showing there was great need of haste, I made some difficulty, until he sent to me a second time repeating the request. It might be that in consequence of the said news, to hinder the conclusion, he would give me another answer.
One of the greatest disappointments I have suffered has been not being able to effect (exploicter) in this matter what your Majesty desires. Greater vigilance and dexterity could not have been used than has been done. I have forborne to write it all, fearing that what I write is already too long, and I beg you to excuse me that I have not been able to do better.—Suggests that if the Emperor, weary of pursuing matters with the English, thinks it expedient to treat with the French, the whole matter should be brought forward by means of the Pope, as they have to do with men of little faith, and that the king of France should promise to obey the commands of the Holy See, especially about the matrimonial sentence and its consequences; and it should be said that if, in consequence of this King's obstinacy, it be necessary to proceed to the promulgation of the bull depriving him of his kingdom, that the right to the kingdom is entirely reserved to the Princess, so that she may not lose the pension and claim of France; and it would be necessary, to give greater occasion to see to the preservation of her life, to arrange something in favor of the lawful successors, or the assistance to your Majesty in the pursuit of her quarrels; and though I think your Majesty would not listen to it, it should be expressly said that neither you nor the said King shall regard as lawful any issue that this King may have of his concubine, nor of any other wife during her life; which agreement is in conformity with the sentence and with law, unless the Pope dispenses with it, and it would be necessary at once to constrain the Pope not to give such a dispensation; and I think that if this King heard that a part of this had been arranged he would suddenly come to his senses without waiting for the said force to be applied. If your Majesty thinks the matter should be pursued here, it could not but do good to thank the Chancellor and the duke of Norfolk by letter for their good will, begging them to continue.
The French ambassador, as I mentioned, was at Court the day after me without being called. The King, besides what I have written, complained to him of certain galleasses, newly made in France, which had lately come to this coast to spy, and had taken a Venetian ship, and had been examining (et avoit revisite) certain ports of this kingdom and the merchandise therein; at which the King was much displeased, and was still less satisfied with the reply of the said ambassador, who gave him to understand that the said foists and galleys had not come to reconnoitre the ships in the ports, except to know if anyone would bring corn from France against the prohibition there made. The said ambassador, as Cromwell gives me to understand, has not acquired great reputation by such an answer, especially as he seemed to complain that I had been in Court and so well received.
By statute of the Parliament the temporal goods of the bishopric of Norwich, worth 3,000 of rent, have been dismembered, and the King's grant of them to the earl of Wiltshire has been confirmed; to whom also the King has given two of the abbeys that are to be suppressed. The said Parliament, [which] has lasted by several prorogations from the time I came here, to the great expense and trouble of the whole kingdom, is now dissolved, having first by a statute transferred the authority and power of the said Parliament, in which all the lords, both spiritual and temporal, were present, and more than 300 secular persons on the part of the Commons, to 32 persons whom the King should choose, which is one of the chief points that the King could have desired.
The Scotch ambassador has told me that nothing has yet been settled touching the interviews of the two Kings, and that he had come to learn the cause why this King so strongly desired them; to which he replied that he would not declare it to any man alive except the Scotch king. As soon as the ambassador arrived Cromwell told him that he need not waste his time in seeking to have the Princess for his master, or attempt to make any condition with the King not to speak of the question of religion at the said interviews. And the ambassador thinks no interview will take place, although the King does not cease to press for it, and for this very purpose has just lately sent to the king of Scots the brother of the duke of Norfolk. London, 21 April 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 17.
21 April.
Vienna Archives.
700. Chapuys to Granvelle.
Wishes Granvelle knew the great anxiety he has had to recall this King to the beginning of the right road. But the illness he has had ever since he has been here, and the unspeakable obstinacy of the King, have not allowed it. Not only Chapuys, but all those of his Council, very much regret this, especially Cromwell—who has taken to his bed from pure sorrow. He has certainly shown himself in this an honest man; for although he knew it displeased his master, and that he incurred some danger, he would not retract anything he had said to me. Thinks the King, on the one hand, would only desire the Emperor's friendship, which he knows he stands in need of; but, on the other hand, God or the Devil will not let him, and, by the language he holds, he means to persist in the demand made when Chapuys asked leave to go to the late Queen, viz., that the Emperor should revoke the sentence, or at least confess that it was influenced by the Pope's fear of himself. Refers it to Granvelle's judgment whether there be dissimulation in this. Among other reproaches that he made against the Emperor, he said that by his money he had put in the hands of his Majesty—. (fn. 2)
Forbore to say that in that case he had caused the money to be restored at Rome, and that there had been no possibility in the camp by Pavia of taking a single shilling out of it. Let the matter pass withs ome other things that he might satiate himself with glory (pour le saouler de gloire et non l'irriter); but he grew the more arrogant, as you will see by the letters which I write to his Majesty. Certainly, if it were lawful to speak what one thinks of princes, I could say something of this King, and so could Cromwell, if there were occasion to recur to the subject. Among other merry or idle news (frisques ou frasques novelles), the King assured me that the Emperor had taken from duke Alexander the duchy of Florence, and given it to another, and that Tunis had been recovered by Barbarossa. I refrained from blaming the French too much for the mistrust of those here, and from urging them to take arms against the French, speaking only in general terms of the observance of treaties.
This was not to Cromwell, who gave me to understand at the last answer he made to me on behalf of the King his master that when letters came from the Emperor for this King, we might have a league such as we pleased. I have done my best, both with the King and Cromwell, to get them to declare, in case the letters came, what they proposed to treat as regards the fourth point, but they would come to no particulars. Nevertheless, at the end of our negociations I left those here with fair words and hope of a good issue.
Thanks Granvelle for his advice by the secretary Maitre Antoine not to be so intent on severe remedies. God knows why he has used them. Hopes he will not be disobedient hereafter. London, 21 April 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3.
21 April.
R. O.
701. Sir Edward Gower to Cromwell.
On Good Friday (fn. 3) last Thomas Lawrance, of Welburne, delivered me your letter of the 22nd March, requiring that he might have the bailiwick of Hoton of Derwend, given by me according to the words of his patent, or else appear before you the first day of Easter term. When I was last with you it was your pleasure that I should take a reasonable way with him, as I have done. I consider his patent is forfeited, because he refuses to do me service, though I offered to abide by the judgment of four substantial men of the shire; but he refused it, and will not abide by any decision, threatening, in your name, to make me appear at London. Stytnam, 21 April. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
21 April.
R. O.
702. John Py to Cromwell.
I thank you for your goodness. I have taken one Thos. Towghtwodde, late of Bridgewater, who says he flees the country for fear of punishment, because one of his apprentices, Wm. Melbury, was one of those who made the business in Somersetshire. I send you his confession. Chippenham, 21 April. Signed: Pore John Py.
P. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd.
ii. Confession of Towghtwodde. Says he is a glover. Had an apprentice aged 23. That he was three days in company with those who made the business in Somersetshire, till my lord Fewaryn sent him home. That he would have left again, when 30 persons from Taunton drank at his door, as he sells ale. 21 April 27 Hen. VIII.
P. 1.
R. O. 703. John Py to Cromwell.
Be good master to my nephew George Willoughby, who is, I think, extremely dealt with. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary.
R. O. 704. John Py to Richard Cromwell.
I pray you to speed my suit for the "Fegere'g" (vicarage ?) of Brevell (St. Briavel's), which is 20l. a year, and I will give you 20 nobles. My trust is my master, your uncle, will be good to me, as he is to all poor men of his old acquaintance. I beg your favor to the bearer.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
22 April.
R. O. Letters, 322.
705. Cranmer to Cromwell.
You have forgotten Master Smyth, of the Exchequer. I have sent this bearer to put you in remembrance of him. I was ever hitherto cold, but now I am in a heat with the cause of religion, which goes contrary to my expectations. Knoll, 22 April. Signed.
Add.: Mr. Secretary.
22 April.
R. O.
706. Sir William Fitzwilliam to Lord Lisle.
My good lady and hostess, my lady Garneys, desires me to write in behalf of Wm. Davy, an old servant of her late husband. Greenwich, 22 April. Signed.
P. 1. Add.. Deputy of Calais.
22 April.
R. O.
707. Lord Lisle to Sir Richard Page. (fn. 4)
The King is misinformed as to his having given five or six spears' rooms since he came to Calais. Has given only three; two by the King's own letters [and Mr. Secretary's (fn. 5) ], one to Ric. Blount, the other to Sir Thos. Palmer, porter. The third was to a man that served the King all his life, well deserving. If the King will forbear admitting young Whetyll whilst I am here, I shall be greatly obliged to him. If he or others were made in spite of my appointment, they would not obey my commandment. This would not be for the King's honor and service. Stick to me in this matter. I should be loth to be overcome by Mr. Whetyll, his wife, or any of his lineage. Calais, 22 April. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Sir Richard Page, knight, one of the King's Privy Chamber.
R. O. 2. Draft of the preceding, with corrections in Palmer's hand.
22 April.
R. O.
708. Lord Lisle to Hussey.
I have written to Master Wyndsor to send over my rent by my brother Aylmer, or, if he will not come, to deliver it to you, as you will see by his letter enclosed. Calais, 22 April.
Has also written to Mr. Page to request the King not to let young Whetyll have any room in Calais while Lisle is there; and Lisle will hereafter appoint no spear without sending him over immediately to the King, to be replaced by another if his Grace like him not. I hope you have received my last with the copy of Mr. Palmer's letter, which I trust will pacify the King. States that he has appointed no more spears than in his letter No. 707, of which the third was given to Wynybank. Sends a bill for receipt of 60l. of Sir Edw. Seymour, of which 16l. are to be paid to Mr. Wyllson, the parson of St. Martin's. The rest is for the King. Is to ask Mr. Norrys to move the King to give Lisle the priory of Maudylis of Barstabyll, paying the King 20l. for a New Year's gift. Thinks it will not be long out of the King's hands.
Pp. 2. Add.: To my friend John Husse, at the sign of the Red Lion, in Southwark. Endd.: The copy of John Husse letter and Sir Richard Page, knight, the 22d day of April.
22 April.
R. O.
709. The Warden of the Grey Friars at Reading to John Husee.
Received on the 22nd his letter dated the 12th inst. Would have written sooner if he had received the letter earlier, but it will be sufficient if delivered on the day that the feast of St. George is kept. Wishes the bearer to receive my Lord's (fn. 6) reward for saying "the said masses," and he will give Husee the certificate. Asks him to remind my Lord (fn. 6) that he is behind for masses for lord Dudley. Sent the certificate by Thomas Meryzth, a merchant, but he did not receive the reward. Reading, 22 April.
Sends a pair of Reading knives as a token. Desires to be commended to my Lord and my Lady. Asks for news of Mr. James Bassett. Offers him a bed at the Friars when he comes into these parts.
Hol., p. 1. Add.. To Mr. John Husee, at the Lyon in Southwark, beyond London Bridge.
22 April.
R. O.
710. A Scotchman at Calais.
Deposition of John de Vanner, born at Owderchurche, aged 80 years, before Robt. Fouler, vice-treasurer [of Calais], John Rokewoode, high bailiff, John Massingberd, and Thos. Fouler, the King's receiver, on 22 April 28 Hen. VIII. That on Thursday last a Scot came to Hugh Marke's house at Hareway, and asked an alms. Hugh Markes asked the Scot if he had a dish, and he bade Hugh bring him a pot of beer for his money. Vanner said to the host, "Let the Scot go; perchance he is a spy, and may do us much harm." The Scot said, "It is true I am a Scot." Vanner said he perceived from his tongue that he was not English. The Scot answered, "I would not be an Englishman for no good. I would the king of England's head were sod in a pot, and I would eat a brewes of the broth." Vanner said, "It were well done to hang him up." The Scot answered, "I spake these words in this house three years past." This is confirmed by—of Newchurch, aged 34 years, who adds that the Scot said the king of England had taken all his goods and driven him out of his country; and also by Antony de Vanner, of Owderchurche, 53 years.
P. 1. Endd.
22 April.
R. O.
711. Marmaduke Waldby, Canon of Ripon.
Notarial attestation by Brian Lewty, notary public, and registrar of the chapter of the collegiate church of SS. Peter and Wilfrid, Ripon, and John Wright, of York, notary public, that on Saturday, 22 April 1536, in the chapter-house, Christopher Dragley, treasurer and president of the chapter, desired Marmaduke Waldby, canon residentiary, to produce the books of Acts, Statutes, and privileges which had long been in his hands, and that he answered, "Conquerite et ego respondebo," in the presence of John Lyghtfote, chantry priest (cantarista), Giles Webster, Ric. Sele, Wm. Awman, and John Clyfton, vicars choral.
Lat., p. 1. Signed by the notaries.
22 April.
R. O.
712. Henry VIII. to [the Warden of All Souls' College, Oxford]. (fn. 7)
In favor of the bearer, Thos. Englishe, who had a grant from his predecessor, with the consent of the majority of the fellows of the College, of the farm of Widenlese or Lesewiden, Northants, whereof he has not yet the effect, by reason of delays and changes. Greenwich, 22 April, 28 Hen. VIII.
Signed with a stamp, and countersigned by Wm. Poulet.
22 April.
R. O.
713. Antony Bonvisi to Cromwell.
Sends a letter of the 18th. On the morning of the 19th a post came from Rome with letters of the 14th, of no moment, except that the hope of accord is lessened, but the Imperial and Portuguese ambassadors are still at Court and well entertained. They write from Rome that there is still hope of peace, but it is not so forward. It is said that the Admiral is at the camp at Varcelli, and that the cardinal of Lorraine has taken thither a suspension of arms, but troops are still being raised and sent off. Nothing more has been heard about the French king's passage to Italy, but if peace ensues an interview is sure to be held. The Emperor's entry into Rome has come hither in print. Will send one if possible. He was going to leave Rome on the 18th, although a messenger was sent to him on Good Friday in great haste to let him know of the mission of the cardinal of Lorraine. Lyons, 22 April 1536. Signed.
Ital., p. 1. Add.
22 April.
Vit. B. xiv. 192.
714. Italian News.
"Of the letters [of Antony Bonvise (fn. 8) ], send the xviijth [April]. (fn. 8)
"Unto this time nothing . . . . . . . . . . the concord, but the . . . . . . . . . . . Most Christian King . . . . . perce . . . . . of certain men of good honesty. . . . . . . . that the Emperor, his brother, had . . . . . conditions of peace so honest and reas[onable that] he could not refuse them.
This last Saturday the cardinal of L[orraine] . . . . which for so much as he is not met. . . . . . . these causes, it is thought that he . . . . . . . . . . to confirm those conditions. There . . . . . . . . say that he brought to the bishop of [Rome a] white leaf of paper, that is to say, full [power to] determine all these controversies. And it [is said] also that the bishop of Rome hath [received] like authority from the Emperor. It is [said] that the Most Christian King will t[ake his] journey to Mantua or Bononye with a gr[eat company] waiting on him, to the intent he ma[y meet] there with the Emperor. There be also w[ho say] that the bishop of Rome will be . . . . . . . is certainly known, but that there sho[uld be] certain marriages, but what they s . . . . . . . or after what sort it is not perce[ived or] known to whom the dukedom of [Milan will] be given, although the Frenchmen [hope it will] be given to the duke of Orlyance and . . . . . . which thing I can scarcely believe for if the Emperor grant this dukedom freely," he will bring the rest of Italy in danger and lose Genoa, which is the strength of his navy, and Genoa by no means may lack the dukedom of Milan. Though many things are promised for the maintenance of Genoa in the obedience of the Emperor, promises are usually observed as far as is for the commodity of him who promises.
ii. Of letters from Antony Bonvise, 22 April. (See No. 713.) To which are appended the following:—
[The] First Cedule.
"[It is repor]ted of the mouth of a certain great [l]orde [at this] court which yesterday at night showed the same to another lord, that as soon as the Emperor shall come to Mantua the Admiral will go to him, whom the King will after follow, to the intent that he may commune with the Emperor." Will believe this when he sees it.
The Second Cedule.
To-day there is come a messenger from the City, with, it is thought, contrary news to what was spoken before. The Emperor was appointed to leave the City yesterday for Lombardy, and the cardinal of Loren shall not find him at Rome. The bishop of Rome shall fill the white leaf of paper another time, and shall remain at Rome in his prayers.
The duke of Florence has sent to meet the Emperor 400 light horsemen ready for the wars. "The army of the King . . . . . of Vercelles. The King intendeth this next d[ay to go] hunting three leagues hence."
iii. "Of the letters of Mr. G[regory] dated at Rome, the thyr[de] of April.
"After much altercation betwixt the . . . . . Venice and the Venetians the leg . . . . . . . with the Emperor for the giving of tha . . . . . . but they appear to be of this myn[d that] they will not give those 6,000 footmen [until] such time as the Emperor name such [to be duke] of Milan as they shall be contenty[d withal]. Which thing albeit be not contey[ned in] the league, yet they say it was p[romised] them by mouth of the Emperor.
"The Florentines which be banished [hope that] they shall be restored to their cu[ntry, but] yet many men do think that they [will] be deceived of this their hope.
"The Emperor hasteth his coming he[re, and] it is said that he will not I . . . . . . . . . . . . he will go towards Mantua, which [th]ing is [tho]ught to be done much by the counsel of the duke of Urbine, who seeketh his own profits." It is thought the Turks will show what they can do with their navy unless peace is made between Ferdinand and the Vayvode. The Vayvode's ambassadors are come to Rome, and nothing done. Peace will be concluded under good conditions. It may be agreed that if the Vayvode die without issue male, the right of the kingdom shall return to the family of Austria. The Emperor said to the ambassadors that he would gladly their King should marry one of his kinswomen.
iv. "Of the letters of Mr. Gregorie, sent to Mr. Wallop, 8 April. (See No. 637.)
"The fifth day of this month the Emperor entered the city of Rome, and was received very honourably, as ye . . . . . . . . . . order of the hou . . . . even . . . . . . . The Emperor is come to Rome w[ith intention] that he will not long tarry h[ere] . . . . . . wars of the Frenchmen. And h . . . . . called one of the Genues to co . . . . . . provide for those places.
"There was looked for out of Fra[nce an] answer, which, perchance, may be [such as] shall prolong and differ his depar[ture]. Amongst other causes which oweth . . . . . him into Lombardy, this is one . . . . . . hath with him a thousand footmen . . . . . . and 500 spears, which be good . . . . . . war.
"Unto this time we could not speak [with] the Emperor, who hath been very my[che] busied with the bishop of Rome."
Pp. 7. Mutilated.
23 April.
Anstis' Order of the Garter. ii. 398.
715. The Garter.
On St. George's Day, 23 April 28 Hen. VIII., a chapter of the Order of the Garter was held at Greenwich, at which were present the King, the dukes of Richmond and Norfolk, the earls of Northumberland, Westmoreland, Wiltshire, Sussex, Rutland, and Oxford, lord Sandys, and Sir Wm. Fitzwilliam. It was determined to hold the feast on May 21, the earl of Northumberland taking the Sovereign's place, assisted by the earls of Rutland, Westmoreland, and Oxford, and Sir Wm. Fitzwilliam. Votes were taken for the election of a knight; and the next day, after mass for the dead, the King declared Sir Nic. Carew elected. He was installed when the feast was kept, on May 21. On this occasion the earl of Northumberland was seized with vertigo and weakness, so that it was feared he would not be able to take his part as deputy, but he recovered. The next day the hatchments of the deceased were offered up.
23 April.
Cleop. E. iv. 239. B. M. Wright's Suppression of the Monasteries, 123. Burnet, vi. 139.
716. Edw. [Lee] Abp. of York to [Cromwell].
On receipt of your letters I sent commandment to certain monasteries near York, where I was then, and I have now given commandment to all archdeacons to warn all monasteries under the yearly value of 200l. "that they shall nothing imbecille ne alien," and, if they have done so, to recall the things to their hands. Warned some receivers of such goods to restore them, and if any were offered them again to give the archbishop notice. Gave special order to the mayor of York and the master of the Mint.
I beg your favor for two places in the patronage of the archbishops of York, that they be not suppressed. The one, St. Oswald's, "is not of foundation a monastery," but a free chapel of the archbishop, who may remove the prior at his pleasure, or put in secular priests. It was given to the archbishops by William Rufus in exchange for lands and jurisdiction taken from them by William the Conqueror. The other is called Hexham, on the borders of Scotland, once a bishop's see, "and many holy men, sometime bishops, there be buried in that church." Wise men who know the Borders think the lands, even if they were ten times the value, would not countervail the damage that would ensue if it were suppressed. Some way there is never a house between Scotland and the lordship of Hexham; and what comfort the monastery is, especially during war, is well known. I doubt not the lands are better than 200l. a year, as likewise the archbishop's lands would be if they lay in a quiet place. Some of my predecessors have had their 1,300 marks a year, but now they are commonly under 200l.
According to the King's commandment, I have given orders that no preachers be suffered to preach novelties so as to sow dissension. Some that have done so I have discharged, and yet they preach, but I make process against them; and some say they will get licence of the King; others say they have licence of my lord of Canterbury. I trust you will let no licence pass without my knowledge. Cawode, 23 April 1536. Signed.
Pp. 2.
23 April.
R. O.
717. Sir Henry Everyngham to Cromwell.
I have so much business in the Court I cannot come up this term. I beg your favor for my preferment to some monastery, and for my suit with Will. Langhame touching an aunt of mine. There are certain parcels of ground belonging to the monasteries of St. Oswald, Pomfret, and the "Trinytes" of York, in my lordship of Byrkyn, and none others, of which I should be glad if you will relieve me; "it is so very noisomely entangled and interlaced among my meadows that I would very gladly have them excluded by your good help." Byrkyn, the Feast of St. George. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
23 April.
Vit. B. xxi. 161. B. M.
718. John Æpinus to Cromwell.
Writes to urge him to procure the liberation of . . . . Adam, (fn. 9) about which Bernhard a Mela has received letters from Antwerp, stating that he was taken by the prefect of Grevelingen to the Lady Mary at Ghent. We are careful to suppress the rumour, lest the papists and the princes, who are his enemies, hear of it, for they would do anything to destroy him. Any delay will be very dangerous to him. I have not done anything in his favor with "my lords," thinking they could do nothing at such a distance, but I will do so if I think it likely to be of use.
It is reported that the Pope and the Emperor have quarrelled, and that the latter was shut out of Rome. If this be true, it will no doubt weaken the Pope's power. Sends excuses for not writing to the King. Hamb[urgh], 23 April mdxxx[vi.] (fn. 10)
Lat. Hol., pp. 3. Mutilated. Add.
23 April.
R. O.
719. Philip Hoby to Starkey.
Gave Morgan a portion of the money he had received for him from Starkey, and also "ordered him as mine own brother, and kept him at Stebonhith, because he should leave the company of that ungracious woman; but all was in vain, for at my coming hither he showed me that she was his wife, and that for nothing he would forsake her." Fearing Morgan would make away with the money, as he had done the other, refused it him. It is ready for Starkey at Hoby's return. If Morgan had come with Hoby, he would "not have been evil ordered." Was without a man to accompany him till the second day before leaving. Hoby has given him a coat and everything necessary. On his refusal to come, gave him a bed to lie on, for pity's sake. This King's eldest son (fn. 11) died on the 16th; and the French queen is also said to be dead.
In Evora, at the Portuguese Court, 23 April.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: "To the Worshipful master Starky, chaplain to the King's grace, this be delivered in my lord Montesgues place at [Do]wgate in London."
24 April.
Vienna Archives.
720. Chapuys to [Granvelle].
This very moment when the courier was about to mount I have been informed of his departure, and having already written pretty fully, I shall say little now. I forgot in my last to make answer about the intentions of those here with regard to the Council. They have made no formal reply, only saying that they would not disturb such a good thing, or cut themselves off from the number of Christians, but they conclude that such a Council must be convoked by the Emperor. Does not think they want one. Thinks the news of an arrangement between the Emperor and the king of France has thrown them into great confusion, and compelled them to dispatch this courier; because previously they cared nothing, and would not have written even to their ambassador if Chapuys had not urged them, which he very soon afterwards repented, for he would have dispatched the courier two days sooner without waiting for their letters. Yesterday the French ambassador was long at Court, and Chapuys has not been able yet to discover what he was negociating. The King also sent for the late Queen's physician, and told him he would have called him sooner but for fear of its being insinuated that there had been some intrigue to put the Queen to death. The King said he wished to make use of him, and thought that I would consent willingly, and get the Emperor to agree to it, otherwise he would not take him into his service, and that the means to get the Emperor and me to agree to it was to give out that he was retained for the Princess, with whom he would be left till all suspicions and murmurs had died out. And hereupon the King began to speak very well of me, and asked the physician two or three times if he had not spoken with me since Easter Tuesday when I was with him. I think he wished to find out what was in my mind after his brusque replies. Although I would not kiss or speak to the Concubine, the Princess and other good persons have been somewhat jealous at the mutual reverences required by politeness which were done at the church. I refused to visit her until I had spoken to the King. If I had seen any hope from the King's answer I would have offered not two but 100 candles to the shedevil, although another thing made me unwilling, viz., that I was told she was not in favor with the King; besides, Cromwell was quite of my opinion that I should do well to wait till I had spoken to the King. Even before receiving instructions from the Emperor, has always avoided "l'envoy" which the Princess urged, as again she has since done, for the reasons which he has heretofore written. (fn. 12) London, 24 April 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 3.
[24 April.]
R. O. Burnet, iv. 304.
721. Suppression of the Monasteries.
Instructions to the King's commissioners for a new survey of lands and goods belonging to the religious houses within their commission.
1. After division made, one auditor, one particular receiver, a clerk of the register of the last visitation, and three other discreet persons to be named by the King in every county, after repairing to such houses, shall declare to the governors the Statute of Dissolution and show their commission. 2. Then swear the governor and other officers of each house to make declaration of the articles under-mentioned. 3. To what order the house belongs, whether it be a cell, and, if so, to deliver a privy seal to the governor to appear before the Chancellor and Council of the Augmentations, and not meddle with the same cell till the King's pleasure be known. 4. What number of persons of religion are in the same, "and the conversation of their lives"; how many are priests, and how many will go to other houses or take capacities; and how many servants, hinds, or other dependents belong to the house. 5 To value the lead and bells. 6. To call for the convent seal and muniments, make an inventory by indenture with the governor of all ornaments plate, jewels, household stuff, farm stock, &c. which belonged to the same houses 1 March last, with debts owing to and by them; 7, and put the whole in sure keeping. 8. To command the governor or receiver to receive no rents, except for necessary expenses, till they know the King's pleasure. 9–11. To survey the demesnes of the house, and certify the clear yearly value, taking account of farms and leases, &c. 12. To inquire what woods, parks, forests, and commons belong to the same. 13. What bargains, sales, and leases have been made. 14. If there be any house not certified in the Exchequer, to survey the same. 15. To command the governor to sow and till the land as heretofore till the King's pleasure be known. 16. Commissioners having more than one county to survey shall, after having "perused" one shire, send a brief certificate of all their accounts to the Chancellor of the Augmentations before proceeding to another county; 17, those for one county only to certify in like manner, and remain till they know the King's pleasure. 18. If there be any house given by the King to any person, an inventory to be made to the King's use, and all the goods sold, except plate and jewels. 19. To send those that will remain in the religion to other houses with letters to the governors, and send those that wish to go to the world to my lord of Canterbury and the Lord Chancellor for capacities; 20, giving the latter "some reasonable reward" according to the distance of the place appointed. 21. To command the governor to resort to the Chancellor of the Augmentations for his pension. 22. On surrender of any house, to act as in the case of houses given away by the King. 23. If any houses be of the Gilbertine order, to order the governors to appear before the Chancellor of the Augmentations at Westminster to learn the King's pleasure.
On vellum, pp. 5. Signed by the King at the head.
R. O. 2. Duplicate of the preceding, signed at the head, for the use of the Commissioners for the county of Westmoreland.
On vellum, pp. 4.
R. O. 3. The like for the bishopric of Llandaff.
On vellum, pp. 4.
R. O. 4. Commission to A, B, C, D to survey the sites of the monasteries under the yearly value of 200l. which are to be suppressed by virtue of the Act passed in Parliament, and all their lands, and to make inventories of their goods and chattels, appointing convenient salaries to the governors of the said houses, and assigning such religious as desire to remain in their habit to other monasteries, despatching the others who desire to have their habit with billets to the archbishop of Canterbury and Sir Thos. Audeley, Lord Chancellor, for their capacities, and their "reward" for their conveyance to London, "with due remembrance for the idle servants in every such monastery," according to instructions hereto annexed.
Draft, in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 8.
Harl. MS. 364, f. 21. B. M. 5. Commission to Sir Ralph Clarker (Ellercar ?) junr., Sir Marmaduke Constable, Sir Geo. Lawson, Sir Roger Chomley, sen., Wm. Babthorp, Esq., Robt. Chalanour, Esq., Leonard Bekwith, Esq., and Hugh Fuller, to make inquiry in the county and city of York and Kingston-on-Hull concerning certain articles annexed to the commission. Westm., 24 April 28 Hen. VIII.
Lat. Copy, pp. 2.
Harl. MS. 539, f. 147. B. M. 6. Instructions for Walter Henley and other commissioners for the suppression of religious houses in cos. Stafford, Salop, Chester, Yorks., Cumberland, Richmond, Northumberland, and Durham.
Copy by Stow, pp. 6. Imperfect.
[24 April.]
R. O.
722. Sedition.
The confession of John Partriche, of Beersted, who wrote a bill which was exhibited to the justices of peace at the general sessions at Chichester, Monday next after Low Sunday, 28 Hen. VIII. (fn. 13)
The bill was put up by Jas. Rust, of Mondham, carpenter, Partriche's master. He confesses that their first meeting about the bill was on Wednesday in Easter week, at Barsted, there being present Ric. Newell and Stephen Bleke. That this present Monday at Chichester he was desired to put up the bill by Jas. Rust, Enold, parish clerk of Mundham, and others. At his first examination he said that there were a great number privy to the bill, but afterwards confessed to none but those above written.
P. 1. Signed: Wyllyam Shelley—John Dawtrey—Wyllyam Goryng— John Palmere—Wyllyam Ernele—John Gounter—John Shelley—Ryc. Sakevyle.
24 April.
Cleop. E. vi. 257. (fn. 13) B. M.
723. J. Bishop of Rochester to Dr. Steward, Chancellor to the Bishop of Winchester.
Mr. Secretary, upon a certificate made by gentlemen and yeomen of Winchester on April 24, has discharged James Cosyn, bachelor of Divinity and prior of the Friars Preachers there, and will allow him to use his licence to preach by the authority granted to him by the King, our supreme head next to Christ. Mr. Secretary desired me to send you this certificate. 24 April 27 (fn. 14) Hen. VIII. Signed and sealed.
P. 1. Add.: To Dr. Steward, Chancellor to the bp. of Winchester, and other the King's officers of both courts in the county of Hampshire.
24 April.
R. O.
724. John Abbot of Feversham to Cromwell.
I am made collector of the King's money in the diocese of Canterbury, which rises above the sum of 1,000l. to be gathered out of religious houses, parsonages, &c. Of this number was the late prioress of Davington, assessed to the King in 26s. 8d.; and this sum is not paid, as your servant had taken an inventory in the King's name of all the moveable goods in the said priory. I beg that the 26s. 8d. may be paid to the bearer, or that I may be discharged. Edward Crowemer, parson of Aldermarie, London, is assessed to the King 4l., and on my servant demanding it of him he was referred to you. Faversham, 24 April. Signed.
P. 1. Sealed. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
25 April.
Add. MS. 25,114, f. 139. B. M.
725. Henry VIII. to Gardiner and Wallop.
On Tuesday last the Emperor's ambassador repaired to the King at Greenwich, pretending a wish to renew the old treaties, supposing—1st, that his master should reconcile the King with the bp. of Rome; 2nd, that the King should contribute to his intended voyage against the Turks; 3rd, that he should assist the Emperor in the event of Francis attacking Milan, by virtue of certain treaties. The King replied, that, notwithstanding the Emperor's ingratitude to Henry, to whom he is indebted for his present honor, and his unkindness in procuring against him the censures of the bp. of Rome (such is his princely nature and stomach not to harbour displeasure against any man longer than just cause shall remain), he will accept this renovation, provided the Emperor will say in writing that he desires Henry to forget the past, or clear himself of the imputations made against him. 2. Touching the bp. of Rome, as the King had done nothing on slender ground, but on the foundations of God, nature, and honesty, with the assent of Parliament, he would not accept at the Emperor's hands any such reconciliation which he has already refused when made from the bp. of Rome himself. 3. For aid against the Turk the King will make no promise in the present state of Christendom. 4. Their amity must be renewed before the King could discuss the question of aid against the French. Discovered some of these propositions next day to the French ambassador. Greenwich, 24 April 28 Hen. VIII.
On the 21st Thadeus arrived with letters, two in English and one in cipher. The King praises highly their great discretion, especially in the conference with the card. du Bellay. Is much surprised at their P.S. of the rumor of peace, which seemed so unlikely. Are to inquire of the truth of it from the French king. The King has been daily expecting a gentleman from the French court, who the French ambassador said was to be despatched for Henry's answer touching the intended treaty; which otherwise he would have accelerated. States the reasons why he does not think that any such treaty can have taken effect, and why it would touch the French king's honor and prove him guilty of ingratitude, as he ought to have communicated it to Henry. If they find the peace is concluded they are to learn the conditions of it, and how and on what conditions England is comprehended, and remonstrate with them for so suddenly coming to a conclusion, especially considering his advantage in possessing the duchy of Savoy, which stands in the way between Francis and Milan. Should urge these disadvantages. Greenwich, 25 April. Signed.
Pp. 12. In Wriothesley's hand. Add. Endd.
25 April.
Harl. MS. 282, f. 7. B. M. St. P. vii. 683. (fn. 15)
726. Henry VIII. to Pate.
On Tuesday last the Emperor's ambassador came to us at Greenwich, with offers to renew the old amity, testified by letters of credence to Cromwell, our principal secretary. The overtures were:—(1.) That the Emperor would be a mean to reconcile us and the bishop of Rome; (2.) a request to legitimate the princess Mary, that she might have some place in the succession; (3.) a request for assistance in his intended voyage against the Turk; and (4.) for assistance according to the treaty if the French king invades the duchy of Milan. To the substance of his credence our answer was that the interruption of the amity proceeded from the Emperor, who, although we made him king of Spain and afterwards Emperor, when the empire was at our disposal, and afterwards lent him money, so that he can thank only us for his present honor, has showed us all the ingratitude he could devise, both in contemning our friendship when we have done more for his satisfaction in our proceedings than needed, and in procuring injury and displeasure against us at the hands of the bishop of Rome; yet, if he will by his express writings desire us to forget his unkind doings, or declare that what we consider unkindness has been wrongly imputed to him, we will gladly embrace the overture for the renewal of amity; but as we have sustained the injury we could not be a suitor for reconciliation, nor treat of anything till our amity is simply and without any conditions renewed. If he will first accomplish this, he need not doubt that friendly and reasonable answers will be given to all his reasonable desires. To his overture touching the bishop of Rome, we answered that we have not proceeded upon such slight grounds that we would revoke or alter any part of our doing, having made our foundations upon the laws of God, nature, and honesty, and established our works thereon by the consent of all the estates of our realm in open and high court of Parliament; a proposal has been made to us by the Bishop himself, which we have not yet embraced, and it would not be expedient to have it compassed by any other means. We should not think the Emperor earnestly desired a reconciliation with us if he moved us to alter anything for the satisfaction of the bishop of Rome, our enemy. As to the legitimation of our daughter Mary, we answered that if she will submit to our grace without wrestling against the determination of our laws, we will acknowledge her and use her as our daughter; but we would not be directed or pressed herein, nor have any other order devised for her entertainment than should proceed from the inclination of our own heart, being moved by her humility and the gentle proceedings of such as pretend to be her friends. God has not only made us King by inheritance, but has given us wisdom, policy, and other graces in most plentiful sort, necessary for a prince to direct his affairs by to his honor and glory; and we doubt not the Emperor thinks it meet for us to order things here without search of foreign advice, as for him or any other prince to determine their affairs without our counsel. We trust that we have proceeded in all that we have enterprised with such circumspection that no man who looks with an indifferent eye upon our foundation, which is God's law, shall have cause to be miscontented, but rather judge of us as a most Christian, prudent, victorious, and politic prince. If princes, by reason of foreign marriages, should be directed in the ordering of their issue by the parents or allies of their wives, and as it were controlled, as if they had committed themselves by such marriages to other princes' "arbitres," who can by no means know the truth of their proceedings, the servitude thereof would appear so great that wisdom would allow no prince to marry out of his realm. Notwithstanding such marriages princes have meddled but little in foreign affairs, unless the title of inheritance has descended thereby to them. We doubt not that the Emperor will not intricate himself with our affairs more than he honorably may, and agreeably to the amity which should be between Christian princes. To his request for aid against the Turk we could give no certain resolution, because the affairs of Christendom are not quiet, but if a universal reconciliation ensues we will not fail to do our duty. Before we could treat of aid against the French king our amity must be first renewed, and then, being an indifferent friend to both parties, we might frankly travail to preserve peace, or else friendly stay him that would do wrong. "And forasmuch as not only for your instruction, but also for that we be much desirous to know in what part they take our answers there, we thought convenient to advertise you of the premises. Our pleasure is that ye shall, as well in your conferences with the Emperor, pretending only a general knowledge of certain of the overtures made by his orator there, both maintain our answers to the same with such reasons as ye can devise for that purpose, and of yourself exhort him not to pretermit this goodly occasion, so graciously begun, commenced, and entered, extolling our princely heart, nature, and courage, with our most gentle inclination to the satisfaction of our friends' desires in all reasonable things, whereunto they shall not press us, which kind of constraint doth for the most part more hurt in the stay of good purposes then can be eftsoons after with repentance when the time is past, redubbed, as in semblable manner move Mounsire Grandvele of your (fn. 16) self as a personage whom ye repute addict to thadvancement of our honor, to desire the Emperor to consider what good may ensue to him and to the hole state of Christendom if we may join again in perfect amity, and that it were great pity and percase greater loss then might be after recovered to suffer this goodly mean and entry to pass without certain fruit and effect by the putting to it of such appendants and conditions, as ye know, whatsoever we will after do at the contemplation of friendship, our nature and courage will not bear to be now loaden and charged withal, specially considering that we have suffered the injury. And with these and such like words as we wol that ye shall endeavour your self of your (fn. 17) self to prick them forwards, and to move them simply to proceed to the renovation of our amity without adding thereunto any conditions, so ye shall repair to the Court and to Grandvile as ye may conveniently, to give them occasion by your being in their eyes to enter communication with you of these matters. Whereby ye shall the better also perceive whereunto they will bend, which our pleasure is ye shall from time to time signify unto us as as ye may have any certain matter worthy our knowledge." Greenwich, 25 April 28 Hen. VIII. Signed.
Pp. 11. Add.: Mr. Pate, archdeacon of Lincoln, &c. Endd. by Wyat: "The King's grace to my predecessor, the last letter afore my coming. Item, his cipher there."
Part in cipher undeciphered. A key to the cipher is enclosed.
R. O. 2. Draft of the preceding, omitting the passages relating to the princess Mary.
In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 11. Slightly mutilated. Endd.
R. O. 3. Draft of those parts of the preceding which relate to the princess Mary.
In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 7. (fn. 18)
R. O. 4. Modern copy of § 3.
25 April.
R. O.
727. Sir Brian Tuke to Lord Lisle.
I perceive by the bearer, Ric. Baker, that you have now for my sake amended his living by 2d. a day. I assure you you have done a charitable deed, considering the charges of his wife and children. I have also obtained for him 4d. a day under Sir Chr. Mores, master of the Orduance. I thank you also for the hogshead of claret, which was the more welcome because I doubted how you had taken the nonpayment of the passages; but, as I wrote, the remedy is in Sir John Walop if he will confess to me that he does not reckon in the money he receives of me the passage of the servants and messengers he sends hither. I expected my Lady would have been here last Lent, and taken an end with the King for your debts. I beg you to take means that it be not laid to my charge. London, St. Mark's Day 1536.
Hol., p. 1. Add.. Endd.
25 April.
Calig, B. ii. 233. B. M. St. P. v. 39.
728. Lord W. Howard to Henry VIII.
Arrived at Stirling on Good Friday, (fn. 19) and delivered your letter of credence to James. After reading it he asked if I had no letter from you to himself, stating what particular causes you had to say to him at the meeting, that he might advise upon it with his Council. Answered that kings did not bind themselves beforehand what they would say to each other, and it would be thought James made the request by the malicious advice of those who would prevent frank intercourse; that Henry did not intend to move anything dishonorable. Was referred by James to some of his Council, who answered on Tuesday following that they had not been made privy to the meeting, and would not have agreed to it, but as he was firmly set on it they would obey him if the King would have it at Newcastle, and defer it till Michaelmas, as James could not be provided earlier. Replied that the King could not be furnished with sufficient carriage, victual, or lodging between York and Newcastle, and, but for his great desire to see James, would not have come so far; and that Michaelmas was inconveniently late for the return of the King's train. Believes their chief reason for putting off so long was a letter sent by Sir Adam Otterburn to the King, saying that Henry wished the time prolonged, which "my lord Secretary" confirmed. Hears that the marriage is broken off between James and Mons. de Vaindom, and that he will marry lord Erskine's daughter, (fn. 20) who was with Henry last summer at Thornbury; (fn. 21) "by whom he hath had a child, having a husband; and his Grace hath found the means to divorce them." Great lamentations are made for it as far as men dare. No man was privy to it but Sir James Hambylton. The Queen has been at great pains in promoting the meeting, and has been so plain with her son that he is very angry. Begs the King not to let Otterburn know that he has informed him how the French marriage is broken off, else James will be angry with him. Edinburgh, 25 April. Signed.
Add. Endd. by Wriothesley.
25 April.
R. O.
St. P. v. 42.
729. Lord William Howard to Cromwell.
Was with the King at Stirling on Good Friday, 24 long miles beyond Edinburgh, at 7 p.m. Delivered his letters, and talked with his Grace a long hour. He was disappointed the King had not sent him a letter to say what points he would move at the interview. Found him strangely turned from the mind he left him in. Has certified the King very roughly of the circumstances. Wishes my lord of St. David's had been with him. James denied his promise to come to York, which my lord of St. David's could have borne record of. Begs to come home. Edinburgh, 25 April.
Hol. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
25 April.
Nero, B. ix. 80. B. M.
730. Christopher Mont to [Cromwell].
Excuses his less frequent writing at this time, for since he came to the bishop of Hereford in Germany he has been riding nearly every day. When we were at Wirtemberg, was sent back and forwards with almost daily message to the elector of Saxony, and has now no less trouble with the Landgrave; indeed, more, for the Landgrave is everywhere and nowhere, and is said to have gone now into Swabia to meet with the dukes of Bavaria and Wirtemberg. Has been following him for 10 days to give him a message from the most Reverend (mandata Reverendissimi) and will go today into the county of Katzenellenbogen, where he is said to be at present. The most Reverend is to be at Frankfort tonight, where the Evangelic League will assemble. All Germany is full of the rumor of war between the Emperor and Francis. Soldiers are everywhere mustered; 18 vexilla are brought to Trent, and next Tuesday there will be a muster of 8 vexilla at Worms. At Nuremberg four are enrolled. It is said the Emperor is raising 25,000 foot altogether in Germany. Many of the nobles take his part, and the Imperial ambassadors have been negociating with the duke of Saxony and the Landgrave for cavalry, which they will not readily give him without good security for their pay. Frankfort, 25 April 1536.
Hol., Lat., pp. 2. Address copied in modern hand at bottom.
25 April.
R. O.
731. The Order of St. John.
Bull of Didier de Sainte Jaille, grand master of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, granting the commandry of Schyngay, vacant by death of Edw. Hylles, late commander, in prioratu Angliœ, to Sir Thomas Dinglay, commendatory of Baddisley. "In domo nostra de Montfrin," 25 April 1536.
Lat., p. 1. Sealed. Endd.
Otho, C. ix. 90. B. M. 2. Another bull or brief, apparently to the same effect, addressed to the new commander, whose name at the beginning is lost. Same date.
Mutilated. Sealed.


  • 1. See Nos. 541 and 718.
  • 2. Some omission here in the MS.
  • 3. 14 April in 1536.
  • 4. This was printed by mistake in Vol. VII. as a letter of the year 1534.
  • 5. These words occur in the original draft (§ 2), but are struck out.
  • 6. Lisle.
  • 7. See Bridges' Northamptonshire, i. 256.
  • 8. Supplied from marginal note made before the Fire.
  • 9. [Pacæus?].
  • 10. The full date appears in a modern marginal note made before the Fire.
  • 11. Alfonso, eldest son of John III. of Portugal.
  • 12. "Sans quil eust pleu a sa matc me faire aduertir dexcuser lenvoy, dont la Princesse me sollicitoit comme encoires elle a depuis fait je nen (qu. m'en?) avoye garde, et continuellement luy ay satisfait des raisons que jay cy devant escriptes."
  • 13. Low Sunday in 1536 was April 23, and in 1537 April 8. Both these dates are in 28 Hen. VIII., but as the number xxviii. has been corrected from xxvii. the former date is doubtless intended.
  • 14. Should be "28."
  • 15. The reasons given by the Editor of the State Papers for assigning this letter to the year 1537 are manifestly erroneous.
  • 16. "lour" in MS.
  • 17. "lour" in MS.
  • 18. Mistaken for Sir Ralph Sadler's by the writer of a modern marginal note.
  • 19. 14 April.
  • 20. Margaret, wife of Sir Robt. Douglas of Lochleven, mother of James earl of Murray by James V.
  • 21. Henry was at Thornbury in August 1535.