Henry VIII: September 1536, 21-25

Pages 188-200

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 11, July-December 1536. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.

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September 1536, 21-25

21 Sept.
R. O.
476. Dr. William Petre to Cromwell.
Has deferred writing of the occurrences in the visitation until he might come in person, as they were of little weight. "This two days last past," has examined two matters in Canterbury of more importance. Sends the examinations by the bearer; to whom he has also showed in what places he shall be during the visitation in Kent, that Cromwell may send him his commands. Canterbury, 21 Sept.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
21 Sept.
R. O.
477. William Lord Dacre to Cromwell.
Sends the bearer to discharge his bond of 1,000l. due to the King at Michaelmas. Requests a privy seal upon his indenture of wardenry for his fee when he was the King's officer in the time of Sir Chr. Curwen, sheriff of Cumberland. Since his coming home has sent to the earl of Cumberland, who refuses to obey Cromwell's award between them. Sends Cromwell's whole year's fee. From Hildreskelf, 21 Sept. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
21 Sept.
R. O.
478. Dame Elizabeth Shelley (fn. 1) to Lady Lisle.
Fourteen or 15 days before Michaelmas, Mrs. Waynam and Mrs. Fawkener came to Winchester to see Mrs. Brygyte Lysley, and with them two of my lord's servants, who asked that she might go to Sir Antony Wynsor's to sport her for a week. Was the better content to let her go, because she was out of apparel, that Mr. Wyndsor might see her. She has not since returned to Winchester. Would not have let her go if she had not thought she would come again. Winchester, 21 Sept.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
22 Sept.
Vienna Archives.
479. Chapuys to Charles V.
On the 14th, as I wrote to Granvelle, I left this to visit the King 50 leagues (fn. 2) from London, who, as Cromwell had written to me, wished to hear the conferences between his commissioners and myself, and intending to go on Saturday to Court according to appointment, I was met by one of Cromwell's servants, who informed me that the King thought I had better not go to Court till Sunday, and that my lodging was ready at an abbey four miles from the Court. Further, the messenger said that Cromwell wished to inform me the King had received news which, if true, gave him good reason to be angry with your Majesty, and he wished me to use the needful modesty and dexterity if the said King, being a little piqued should go somewhat into the fields, and not to irritate him in any fashion which would lead to an interruption of our negociations. The messenger said he could not imagine that the matter related to anything but the death of the Dauphin, seeing that of late the process instituted against the poisoner (le proces forme contre le venefique) had come out of France. I replied I could not imagine that the King, knowing what he did of the goodness, virtue, one might say holiness, of your Majesty, could give the smallest credit, or even give ear, to such wicked scandals, of which I cited to him several examples; and if I did not presume that a king of his prudence, virtue and friendship for your Majesty would avoid talking about it with me I would send to beg Cromwell that he would oppose it, for I could not refrain from answering such charges as my honor required; and that in other things I knew well that princes were privileged to give vent sometimes to their rage, but in this he would use the counsel of his secretary, as a man of prudence, who was sincerely anxious for the perfect union of your Majesty and the King; and I thanked him for his information with all my power.
I arrived at Court on Sunday at dinner time, and immediately after dinner the Queen's brother conducted me to the King's chamber, who gave me a somewhat cool reception (me feit moyen recueul), and after I had rehersed briefly the effect of the credence with which I was charged and your Majesty's letters of answer, and declared the substance of the communications between his commissioners and myself, he called the said three deputies and also the comptroller Mr. Quin (qu. Gui, i.e., Guillaume Paulet ?) who were all the persons of his council then at hand, and began to say that I had spoken of several things which, in the end, resolved themselves into two articles, the one relating to your Majesty's justification as to the cause of this war, considering the more than reasonable offers made on your part, the great endeavours that you had made, and the persistence of the French in wrongdoing; the other containing a request that he would declare himself on your Majesty's behalf against the French. As to the first, he replied to me that, for all the good excuses I had been able to make, it was clear to him that you had been the aggressor, and the blame of the rupture must be attributed to you and not to Francis, who had been studiously seeking for peace; and this had been expressly declared of late by the legates of the Pope sent expressly to examine the matter and to promote a reconciliation, which declaration the said legates had made in the presence of the ambassadors there; and, moreover, your Majesty's unwillingness to listen to peace was shown by the curt reply that you had made to him in writing. I replied that he had been ill-informed in saying that the legates were commissioned to examine and take cognizance of the justice of either party's quarrel, and that they had made the said declaration in the French court; for cardinal Caraciol had not been in the said court, and cardinal Trivulcis, although he had made some declaration, was more than a Frenchman, especially in treating of Milan, for reasons which I alleged to him; nor was there any ambassador or other person present in your Majesty's behalf; and your Majesty's justification made at Rome could not be more complete, seeing that it was made not only before the Pope, the true judge of princes, who recognised no superior in cases where the peace was broken, but also before all the Consistory which represented the universal Church, the ambassadors both of France and of your Majesty standing by, and also the said cardinal Trivulce, protector, as I believe, of France, and several other cardinals who were partial to France, as his Holiness himself was rather suspected to be; yet there was not a person who did not consider you fully justified, and it was not right to say, as this King alleged, that the French ambassadors had replied; for the contrary appeared by the speeches of De Vely, which I contended could not be called an answer.
As to what he said, that your Majesty was too confident of your strength and would not condescend to peace at his intercession, I replied, in addition to other arguments, that you had been restrained from treating of Milan when I notified to you that this King did not think it advisable for you to put Milan into the hands of the French as it would endanger Naples; by which words and others like them, and also by the fear he and Cromwell had shown when news of peace came here from France, it appeared to me that he had no great inclination for peace and that he had so persuaded your Majesty, and that on this point he ought rather to complain of the French who on this mediation of peace had made him no overture. They at least ought to have offered to show him the titles by which they claimed Savoy, as they had done to the Pope. On this he first pretended not to have said the words which I imputed to him, but seeing that he could not well deny them, he tried hard to explain them away, and for the rest gave me to understand that the French had offered to submit to his arbitration and also had proposed to give him cognisance of their claims against the duke of Savoy, but that was unnecessary because the titles had been examined and approved at Rome.
As to the second article against the French, the King replied that he could not do it with honor, considering that the French were his friends and had given him no occasion to declare himself against them, nor had he any treaty with your Majesty to compel him to such a declaration, and that most of the reasons hitherto alleged to induce him to it were presumptive, and such as you would not dare to maintain, especially that the French had made offers to treat with you to his disadvantage, and he was quite assured of the contrary, for he had lately seen the very instructions given to the ambassador resident with you when he was commissioned to treat about Milan. And on my saying that the French would have been poor creatures if they had not been able to recast the said instructions to their purpose, since they were in no danger of being controlled, he replied, he was sure they could not have done so because these instructions had been shown to his ambassador at the very time they were made. I said that the French were happy in having gained such influence over so wise a Prince as to be able to persuade him as they pleased by such means, and that he should consider that if they wished to cover the pie they could easily show one set of instructions and give others more ample to their ambassador or insert in the others articles not to be communicated. The King maintained that they could not have done this, for it was not usual and had never been done, as the two bishops present knew well. The King also said that he knew well that the French had not solicited or agreed that sentence should be given at Rome in favor of the late Queen, for that would have been to the advantage of your Majesty. To which I replied that it must be presumed the French had long made it their chief object to dissolve the old friendship between your Majesty and him, considering well that the said sentence was the most obvious means they could find; for if it were given in favor of the divorce they knew your Majesty would not have resisted it, but have continued in amity with him, but if it were given as it actually was, he had no mind to obey it nor your Majesty to weaken its authority, and thus a root of discord would be planted; and that he saw well that the obtaining of the sentence was not influenced by consideration for your Majesty's blood, seeing that even if it had been given for the divorce the Princess would have remained legitimate, and so they (the French) always maintained her to be, reckoning on having her in marriage for one of their children. And as to the French having solicited of his Holiness that the King should be deprived, the King would not believe it, for they knew well that the Pope had no power to do so, and it was much more likely that your Majesty had solicited the said privation; and he was all the more inclined to believe this from what had been lately written by a person who was familiar with his Holiness, viz., that you had offered his Holiness Reggio, Modena, and Urbino, and for his son the duchy of Milan and more, to compel this King and kingdom to return to its obedience to the Holy See, merely in order to prevent the French from laying hands on Milan; which being the case he would have good reason to complain of your Majesty and do against you the worst he could; and if the merits of the case were considered, your Majesty ought to be much bound to him, even if he did not declare in your favor, that he did not hold against you. I replied that you were much indebted to him for this last and many other things, but as to the rest the news had been prepared by a third hand,—that the French had cut them out and left others to sew them; but they had been guilty of great indiscretion, forging things which were not only untrue but quite improbable, as I showed him by various arguments which he could not dispute.
On this he said that if your Majesty wished for the peace of Christendom you might give Milan now to the third son of France who, by the decease of the Dauphin, was duke of Orleans, because you had always agreed you would give it to the duke of Orleans, and although I said several times that you had offered it to the duke of Angoulême and not to Orleans as the French desired, he remained obstinate in his opinion if the bystanders had not confirmed my assertion. The King having misreckoned in this matter to create a diverson, began with an ill-grace to enter on other subjects, saying you had been very ill-advised in undertaking this war and invading France, and that it would have been more honorable to you to have remained some time in Piedmont to see if peace could be brought about, since he was ready to mediate, rather than enter France at such a great loss of men without doing anything; and that even your presence there would contribute little to your reputation, and that you must not make much of the surrender of Aix and other towns in Provence, nor of your having brought, as I said, nearly 100,000 men into France, because the same might have been done with 500 men, seeing that there was no resistance; and that your Majesty had not yet attempted towns or people who would defend themselves, and as to the band of Montejan you ought not to boast of having gone to seek it, for it was he who went to attack your Majesty's men; nor would the King confess that it was disgraceful to the French to have destroyed from pure fear the country of Provence and withdrawn cowardly into their fort. He said further that the chief pretext on which you had taken arms was to drive the French from Savoy, yet they ruled there more than ever, and had shamefully raised the camp (siege) of Turin, which had been daily harassed (malinez et maltraitez) by those within who, as he knew for certain, never made an unsuccessful sally. [I said] the King did not take into account that the enterprise of the said French was for Milan, and that neither in this nor in their sudden retreat had they gained any fortress except Monmillan, which they had bought for ready money. He did not know what to reply, except that Nassau had done the same, who had obtained nothing of any value except the castle of Guise, which he had bought, as he would show by certain letters, and that he had chafed so much before it that he did not care to return thither. And the King would not take in payment my argument that Peronne is stronger than Therouanne which a greater army than that of Nassau had not dared to assault, and that the Turk in person had been 30 days before Gons (Guns), which was nothing, and had yet been unable to carry it, with other examples, both modern and ancient, which I alleged to him. He replied several times that your Majesty must now repent of your enterprise and of your unwillingness to listen to peace, which you could not now attain on such honorable terms as you might have done before. I said that, even if your Majesty were, which God of his goodness would not permit, taken or defeated, it would not make matters more desperate, and that he would see before many days that the report of the Italians coming to Genoa to shut you up behind would vanish in smoke; and if it were true that the camp of Turin was raised as he said, it would be in order to encounter the forces of count Gui Rangon, who had taken that charge, of which I believed he would soon disburden himself, to obtain payment of some arrears due by France, and that thank God your Majesty's affairs prospered better than he had been informed, as I believed he would see before the middle of October. I did not wish to impute further blame to him, seeing that his ears were crammed with the inventions of the French, of which time would show the value. On this the King said that your Majesty had presumed in making this enterprise, that by force of money you would keep the Swiss from taking service with France, but you were mistaken, for the French had 10,000 of them, and as many lanceknights. I replied that you had not spent a penny in Switzerland, and it was not probable that there was in France such a number of Swiss, considering what had been concluded at the diet of Baden on the 4th August, according to which I presumed that they would not cease till the article of the restitution of the lands of the duke of Savoy occupied by France was fulfilled. I told the King further that the more difficulty he alleged to me in the affairs of your Majesty the more he put me in hope of a good and speedy settlement, following the many examples we had seen hitherto; and when I specified among others the instance of Pavia he said the praise and glory of it was not due to anybody but himself, without whom your Majesty's soldiers would have retired or died of hunger. He afterwards said that what the king of France was doing was greatly to be thought of for he did it of himself without any help. In saying this he did not wish to remember the duke of Gueldres and what he had already said of the abovementioned Italians, Swiss, and lanceknights.
Afterwards he told me that at first there was a great talk of the army which Andrea Doria was to bring, and it must be all smoke, because he intended no such thing. To which I replied by showing the naval force that the prince of Melfi had, and said it was clear that he either had not or did not believe any news except from the French, who disguised matters after their custom, and only reported such as were unfavourable to your Majesty, and he might be sure that as the French had said nothing of the said army it must be prospering. On this the King wished to dismiss me, but I said that if I left without any other answer I should return more unsettled than I came. I further gave him particularly to understand what the commissioners and I had discussed, and that they had only come to this, that they could not for the present declare themselves openly for certain reasons they alleged, but that the King would be ready to contribute secretly such a quantity as should be thought right, and that they, not being experienced in war, had referred the matter to his judgment. The King on this expressed astonishment and anger against the said deputies, saying he had given them no such commission, and that there was no prince who had lawful authority to declare himself who would do it in secret, for in good right and reason he would not fear either your Majesty or the king of France; but that he had no reasonable cause to declare himself against the French king, who was to him a good friend, but rather against your Majesty for invading France, to the protection of which he was bound by several treaties; and it showed your Majesty was not anxious to live in amity with him that you would not treat with him unless he declared himself against the French king, his friend, and you did not offer him any counterpoise for the said declaration. To this I replied that he might be sure your Majesty desired his friendship more than that of any other prince, secular or ecclesiastic, and if there were no question of a more strict friendship in order to bring to reason one who occupied the property of another, it would be superfluous to renew the treaties last made, which remained in full force, as he and Cromwell had acknowledged several times, but that he had always hinted to me in a way sufficiently intelligible that they would be glad to have a new league to recover what belonged to him, and this he had told me more openly, and had caused it since to be repeated by his ministers, (fn. 3) and that upon the report of the third communication, to which no article was added on the fourth, he had sent full commission to the said deputies to treat; and he must not allege, as he did, that the commission had been drawn up only to treat of peace between your Majesty and the king of France, for I had told him and his ministers plainly that I (qu. they ?) had no such power on the part of the king of France (que navoye telz pouvoir de la part dud. roy de France).
Not seeing well how to answer me the King began to chafe, and said, half between his teeth, that he had given that power to know what was in my stomach, and it was sufficiently clear to him that since your Majesty had not sent me the treaties of Windsor and London to be confirmed, you were only dissembling. I said your Majesty might be well excused for not sending those treaties, both because you could not have them at the camp and because you knew well they would be found here where there was no danger of falsification, and that Cromwell and his colleagues had promised me to bring them, and if he pleased they might be seen. He replied he did not care to show me them, and on my pressing that he would allow them to be brought, for that would put us on the road, adapting the things there treated to the present state of matters, he replied that he would not, and, for want of a better reason, said he knew that after seeing them I would make a difficulty in confirming them, but if I would first confirm them he would show them to me. Then fearing I should take him at his word, he immediately added he would not break his amity with France, leaving the certain for the uncertain, and that he was well paid his pensions. I replied that there were more than three years' arrears of the said pensions unpaid, and that what he had hitherto received was purely for fear lest he should ally himself again with your Majesty, and that nothing was more certain than that the best assurance he could have for the payment of his said pension, as he had formerly said, was to remain at amity with you, and that I knew not what return he wanted other than to assist him in the recovery of what the French king occupied, which was a much greater thing than Burgundy, by which your Majesty showed you did not mean to usurp the monarchy or anything that belonged to him. On this he said you had no claim to Burgundy, having renounced it by the treaty of Cambray, and besides, French duchies could not be inherited by women, and he would not believe me until the bystanders confirmed it that the right of Burgundy was reserved to you by the treaty of Cambray. I said also that his assertion as to the exclusion of females from the succession in French duchies was against himself, for his claim to Guienne came through Dame Eleanor, daughter of the Duke Saint (fn. 4) William. He replied, as he had done to me on former occasions, that most part of what he said to me was only with a view to discussion and to inform himself the better about things, and that he did the same with the French.
At last, after much other conversation, on my asking an answer as to his intention, that I might inform you, he said I might write to you that if you would consent to treat for a league with him without prejudice to the treaties he had with France he would negociate willingly, and likewise, if your Majesty wished, he would heartily mediate between you and Francis. As it appeared I could get no other answer, I said I would write so to your Majesty, who would not fail to reply as soon as possible. I added that he might be sure that you would make no difficulty about anything that you could well do on his account, and that what you would not do for his sake no other person would obtain. Which words he took very well, as he also did when I informed him that the queen of Hungary had released certain English ships arrested in Flanders, and at my departure he graciously gave me the passport for the bishop, (fn. 5) confessor of the late queen, and granted certain other requests for some Spaniards who were here illtreated, and said adieu to me more courteously than he had received me.
On leaving the King's chamber I begged Cromwell that I might speak to him a little apart, and on his coming shortly afterwards out of the King's chamber I told him matters were not such as he and his colleagues had given me to understand; I therefore begged him to set things straight and get the King to let me see the treaties which had been spoken of, and that then the King should know that you desired his friendship and to please him as far as possible. He replied quite dispirited, as the others had been also when they heard what the King said, that he was sorry matters had not taken another turn, that the news which had come from Rome had disturbed everything, and that he would speak to me in three or four days here at London, begging that I would excuse him from saying more for the time as there was the greatest possible suspicion with regard to us two. And he immediately returned to the King's chamber.
To conquer the obstinacy or dissimulation of those here I sent next day in the morning a servant to Cromwell to know if he had since learnt anything from the King, and also in order to find out whether, if it were proposed on your part to confirm the above treaties anew, the King would consent to it. When Cromwell had heard my man he went to speak to the King and afterwards told him that he would come hither to London, as he had said, in two days, and would talk fully with me about everything. Then, after thinking awhile, he told my man that the King was a great prince "bien ayse," and who wished things to be at his pleasure. He then dismissed my man without further remark.
There was no danger in holding these communications by my man, for besides that I could have disavowed him, the King had no mind to accept the offers, for in those treaties there is not a chapter [which is not] very advantageous for the authority of the Pope and the protection and augmentation thereof.
The day after I left the Court the Council despatched a courier to France, and some say he will go on to your Majesty's camp, others that he goes to Venice.
Yesterday was the day Cromwell was to be here, waiting for whom I have delayed this despatch two days, in hope not so much of obtaining a satisfactory answer from him as to find out something of their dealings with the French, of which, as yet, I can get no indication. Yet I think unless the king of France separate himself from obedience to the Church that the English will not contribute a penny to him, for the King has become too niggardly to give away his money without hope of recompense, and I rather suspect for all their dissembling here that not only this King would refrain from hasarding much money to recover what belongs to him in France, but that if it were conquered he would hardly accept it, considering the difficulty and cost of keeping it. He finds already that he is growing old, and seeing that he has no son he has enough to do to keep his realm in order, knowing well that his government and the novelties he has introduced do not please everybody, so he thinks only of making good cheer and filling his coffers with the feathers (des plumes) of those whom he wishes to keep down. The dissimulation he has used has been only for fear that your Majesty's success may punish him. I must not omit that when I told the King among other things that he might more reasonably proclaim war against the French for their failure to pay the pensions than the cardinal of York had done so to your Majesty for his debt, considering the pledges which they had here, the King replied that the blame of that defiance was not due to the cardinal, for it was he himself who had caused it to be done (which he had hitherto always denied to me), and that it had not been on account of the said debt, but because you had broken promise, not wishing to continue the war after the capture of Francis; but it did not follow that every breach of promise should lead to war, for, in that case, he would have enough matter against both parties.
News has come from Dieppe that the king of Scots arrived there on the 10th ult. with 12 small ships, and that he left at once in post for the French Court. It is not said that he has men of war with him, and the vessels he has brought could not have carried more than was necessary for their own defence.
It is thought he is gone thither, among other things, for the succession of the duke of Albany. When I speak to Cromwell I will try and find out the cause of his going. London, 22 Sept, 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 14.
22 Sept.
Cleop. E. iv. 101. B. M.
480. Ric. Vowel, Prior of Walsingham, to [Cromwell].
Thanks his lordship for his great goodness in his letters. As to the enclosure, if it may stand with his lordship's pleasure, would be glad to disclose those writings and answer them before his brethren in pleno capitulo. It would be better to have no office than to be troubled every time he removes an inferior. All his convent deny that they were privy either to the articles or to the letter sent to Cromwell in their name. His brother Sir Rob. Wylleye bare himself so highly since his coming home encouraging the disobedient, that he charged him in the hearing of his servant Candellar and others with some of those articles " which your lordship did publish;" but he would not confess himself guilty, saying that he had not meant to complain, and would not stand by the truth of the articles, which were taken from him, and he sent up with them against his will. He submitted to the prior on his coming home in presence of Sir Roger Towneshend, but will not do so in the face of the convent. Begs that he may use such jurisdiction as may stand with their rules without being subject to appeals, else many will refuse correction altogether. 22 Sept.
The bearer will deliver Cromwell's fee for the ensuing year.
Hol., pp. 2.
22 Sept.
Cott. Appx. XXVIII. 117. B. M.
481. Court of Augmentation.
Memoranda concerning leases, etc. of abbey lands.
Chr. Lasselles offers the treasurer and solicitor of the Augmentations 22 Sept. 28 Hen. VIII. a fine of 600l. for St. Agathes let to lord Scrope for 300l. He offered 20l. for the fine of a farm in Northumb., called Felton, let to Poney for 5l. Rob. Riche took of the same Lassels for the site and demesnes of Coverham 40l., of which the King has had but 20l., &c. Other entries relate to the site of the mon. of Brynkborn, Nthumb., the parsonages of Drakes, Wighill, Holthamprice, Yorksh. (the last now let to Sir Ralph Elderkare), &c. Signed by Thos. Pope, Robt. Sowthwell, Chr. Lascelles.
Pp. 2.
22 Sept.
R. O.
482. Loys de Renty to the Deputy of Calais.
The bearer, Edward Tompson, who has been detained here prisoner for offences committed in Bredenarde, as you have been informed, has been this day delivered at the intercession of yourself and my lady without such severe punishment as he had incurred. St. Omer, 22 Sept. Signed.
Fr., p. 1. Add.
22 Sept.R. O. 483. Florens de Mortaigne Seigneur en Lockere (?) to Lord Lisle.
I have received your letters of the 22nd, and accordingly send you the lanneret belonging to the commissary of Calais; but as the bearer cannot tell the precise mark of these falcons, I request an acknowledgment. Grevelinges Castle, 22 Sept. 1536.
Would like Lisle to send him a young mastiff (doigghe).
Hol. Fr., p. 1. Add.
23 Sept.
R. O.
484. Cromwell to the Prior of St. Faith's.
The King intends to reform the houses of religion within the diocese of Norwich, as he has done in other places, and for the abusion of religion and excess of living [certain] shall be deposed, of which your house was billed and named to be one. Notwithstanding by the labour of your friends made to me, with my diligence, your house is taken out of the King's books, and without danger, and so shall remain till the return of this my chaplain, "of whose report hangs your information to the Council;" whom I will that ye receive as my trusty chaplain, "and, this pleasure considered as I have deserved, to look to my pains, and to the bearer hereof, as you would have further pleasure showed of me in like matters for the maintenance of your house. I am the more bolder to write because that it has been sumptuous to me of late." London, 23 Sept.
P. 1. (fn. 6) Add.
R. O. 485. Cromwell to the Prior of Cokeysford.
To the same effect as the preceding letter. Asks for a loan of 40l., which shall be repaid. "And for your payment ye shall receive a bill of my hand, wherein is set no sum, but look how much as ye deliver so much to write, and this done, I shall be ready to keep you out of danger." Look to the pains of this bearer. London.
P. 1. (fn. 6) Add.
23 Sept.
R. O.
486. Sir Piers Dutton to Cromwell.
You heretofore commanded me to take certain persons for suspect of treason, among whom was named one John Heseham, who at that time fled the country, but is now come back. I, therefore, not only for that, but for divers traitorous words that he hath spoken, viz., "that if spiritual men had holden together the King could not have been head of the Church," and "that the bishop of Rochester and Sir Thomas More died martyrs," have committed him to Chester Castle. Dutton, 23 Sept. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
23 Sept.
R. O.
487. J. Copynger, of Sion, to Cromwell.
Please to accept our hearty thanks with the promise of our perpetual prayers for you and yours, for your high charity which we cannot recompense.
The books you sent since your last being with us are not the least of your benefits. We have put them in certain public places for the comfort of the convent with your Lordship's name as donor. The work which you last sent is read among us for a lecture at dinner. As to the brethren of the Charterhouse, sent to me by their visitors, the latter report them nothing obstinate, but full of scruples, as men who labored hard to fortify their opinion. But since their coming to me I have shown them such reasons as I perceive they do give much credit to, so that I trust the visitors on their return will find them conformable. 23 Sept.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Privy Seal. Endd.: "The confessor of Syon."
23 Sept.
R. O.
488. Ordnance at Calais.
Ordnance, artillery, and munitions of war at Calais in charge of Sir Chr. Morrice, Master of the Ordnance, viewed 13 Sept. 28 Hen. VIII., by Viscount Lisle, deputy; Lord Edm. Haywarde, comptroller; Sir Thos. Palmer, knt. porter; and Robt. Fouler, vice-treasurer; commissioners.
Also the views of the castles of Calais, Rysbank, Guynes, Hammes, and Nyewnambrygge, the ordnance at Lantern gate, the second tower eastward, Beauchamp tower, the mount there, the vault of Our Lady tower, the two next towers, the bulwark without Mylgate, next the turnpike, the mount at Dublyng tower, Dubilyn tower, the second tower next to it, the tower next to that, Mayden's tower, the mount next Kirbies tower, the half tower next to it, the Westbrayes next to the Water gate, the second and third mount there, the loopes and storehouse at the Brayes, the King's foundry house, and in the house of ordnance at Bullinsgate Street:—20 sacres, 17 falcons, 4 bastard culverins, 9 culverins. some Norborough pieces, 26 mortars, 14 iron serpentines, 3 double canons, 4 demi canons, 3 portpieces, 110 handguns, and a great plough garnished with iron.
Shovels, tampions, iron, lead and stone shot, bows, bowstrings, arrows, hackbusshes, Flemish halberds, glaives called Welsh bills, "hooly springkells," twybills, pullies, winches, &c., saltpetre, sulphur, and coalpowder, spear heads, horse-shoes, "lattysh galltroppes," "hurters of iron," archer stakes, bits and other harness for carthorses, &c.
In another house of ordnance in Bullyngate Street: 3 double canons, 3 culverins, 3 brass mortars, 6 little mortars, 2,000 "cullyncliffes," &c.
The view at Calais Castle, 18 Sept., 28 Hen. VIII.
The ordnance includes falcons, falconuets, sacres, Portyngale bassys, and a slang. They are distributed as follows: On the dungeon, 3; in the brays, 5; on the watchhouse, 3; in the watch house, 2; on the south tower, 1; on the gatehouse, 2; in the shaking tower, 1; on the gunpowder, 2; on the ladder tower, 2; in the ward, 55 hackbushes, 18 chambers and 19 half barrels of powder. In the artillery chamber, bows, crossbows, "maulys of leade," bills, &c.
At Rysbancke, 19 Sept. 28 Hen. VIII. Ordnance as before, with the addition of two rabbekyas of brass. They are placed in the countermure, called the Base court, the wardrobe, the kitchen, the middle hall, the constable's chamber, and on the new tower, where also is a store of bows, arrows, shot, etc.
At Guisnes, 20 Sept. 28 Hen. VIII. The ordnance consisted of 4 curtoulles, 2 culverins, 14 falcons, 5 rabbykyns, 4 port pieces, 24 serpentines, 20 rede bassys, 1 portingale basse, 3 falconets, 3 sacres, 1 bastard culverin, 56 chambers, 4 mortars, 1 bumbard, 10 fowlers, 3 bumbardelles, 1 double slang, 5 haulys of iron, 226 hackbushes, and 62 handguns, besides shot, weapons and tools of various kinds, pots, arrows, and lances of wild fire, powder, &c. The places mentioned are:—the mount from the White Gate to the Preste Tower, called the Short Ward, the vault under the same mount, the Priest's Tower, the Chapel Ward, the Long Ward, the Chamber Ward, the Catt, the platform of the Catt, the Kepe, the Gate House, the Ward House, the Utter Herse, the brais called the Doves, Purtems Bulwark, the half tower against the Chapel Tower, Whetyll's Bulwark, the Base Court, the North Bulwark, the "Soughtende" Bulwark, the court within the castle, under the bulwark next the White Tower, the gallery of the Ordnance House and chambers belonging thereto.
At Hammes, 22 Sept.
The ordnance consisted of 1 bastard culverin, 1 sacre, 3 falcons, 4 rabbekins, 1 serpentine, 7 fowlers, 54 hackbusshes, iron and brass, 1 falconnet, 14 handguns, 1 portpiece, 1 halfslang, 7 organ pipes, with a store of Almain rivets, bills, &c. The places mentioned are:—St. Kateryn's Warde on the Mount, St. Gartrede's Tower, the Wardrobe Tower, the Entry, the Middle Ward in the tower, the New Tower, the Slepars Ward, the gate to the Mount, the leads over the tower of the Gatehouse, the base court in Mountes Tower Worsleis Tower, the Armery.
At Newnam Bridge, 23 Sept. 1 bastard culverin.
Pp. 28, the weights of most of the guns are stated. Endd.
23 Sept.
Otho, C. IX. III. B. M.
489. Sir Clement West to [Cromwell].
"Right worshipful Sir." Makes moan to him "for the remedy of my dysschaunce [by the death of] Brereton who was so specyall good to me I l . . . wyth all specyalteys off dettys dyw to me at my . . . Doctur Mablesteyn can schew, who had the c . . . them tyll soch tyme I was yn trobyll. For t . . . he would let me have of my revenyw, and . . . then sent John Story wyth xx1 (sic) off hys own . . . . . convey yn syvyrte hethyr, soch provysyon as [your] mastyr schyp and othyr my spesyall good lo[rds] had obteynyd from hys hyghnes." Understands by a letter [from the] doctor that all was seized when his b[ody was] attached. Appeals to his mastership for remedy, and my lord of Norfolk. Relies on the friendship shown him "as well b[eing a]bsent as beyng with yow, as I have be the lettery[s of] Mastyr Brereton and the report off John Story." Malta, 23 Sept. 1536.
Complains of my lord of St. John's holding from him the commandry of Melchborne.
Mutilated, pp. 2.
24 Sept.
R. O.
490. [Sir] Thomas Willughby to Cromwell.
An honest young man named William Jameson, tallow chandler in Southwark, stands bound for one Wm. Stevynson who has fled into Spain for debt. Jameson has borrowed money to pay Stevynson's debt, and is like to be troubled unless Cromwell will get him a protection from the Lord Chancellor quia moratur or quia profecturus.
The writer's wife's sister, Dame Eliz. Rede, (fn. 7) desires Cromwell's letter to the abbess of Mallyng that she may have the lodging in the monastery which her predecessors "that have likewise resigned" have had, also that she may have the plate the writer's father-in-law delivered her "to occupy in her chamber."
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.: 24th Sept.
24 Sept.
R. O.
491. John Husee to Lady Lisle.
I have received your sundry letters. Mr. Whalley is not at home nor will be till Wednesday. I have done what I can but none here will meddle without sureties in the city. If Mr. Skryven would cause Mr. Judd to be bound with him I trust there would be remedy good enough. I will entreat the Lord Privy Seal to respite the matter with lord Beauchamp for 20 days; if he refuse he is little my lord's friend. London, 24 Sept.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
24 Sept.
R. O.
492. Antoine Brusset to the Deputy of Calais.
I send the bearer back to you for an answer touching the Englishman prisoner in L'Angle, that he may be despatched either by you or by me. Aire, 24 Sept. Signed.
Fr., p. 1. Add.
24 Sept.
Add. MS. 28,589, f. 69. B. M.
493. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress.
Has received her letter of 17 Aug. Since then she has probably received his letters of 9 July, 17 Aug., and 6 Sept. Chapuis writes on Sept. 2 that the Princess is well, and is served as Princess. On the King's return from hunting she will go to the Court and be named heiress of the Crown in default of issue by the present Queen, and none is expected on account of the complexion and disposition of the King.
The queen of Hungary writes on 10 Sept. that the count of Nassau was before Perona. The Pope has not yet come from Viterbo. Barbarossa is in La Belona. The Scotch king, about whom he wrote in his last letter, has gone to certain islands where there was trouble. Rome, 24 Sept. 1536.
Sp., pp. 2. Modern copy.
25 Sept.
Vienna Archives.
494. Henry VIII. to Mary of Hungary.
Learns both from John Hutton, governor of the English merchants in her dominions, and from her ambassador Eustace Chapuys, her desire for universal peace and the maintenance of mercantile treaties between England and Flanders, in accordance with which she has released the ships and the Englishmen who had been arrested there.
Complains, however, that by a late ordinance no French goods are allowed to be brought into her countries by men of any nation, even by Englishmen, whose liberty to do so is declared in the treaties of intercourse, and has been always respected in the wars with France. Has commissioned John Hutton to solicit the revocation of the proclamation. Grafton, 25 Sept. 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2.
25 Sept.
R. O.
495. Sir Gilbert Talbot and John Russell to Cromwell.
According to Cromwell's letters, have examined the vicar of Crowle "as well by way of advertisement as after by pinching with pain." Can get nothing out of him but the enclosed bill. (fn. 8) He is still in gaol. Written beside Worcester, 25 Sept. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.


  • 1. Abbess of St. Mary's, Winchester.
  • 2. At Ampthill. See No. 469. Chapuys probably meant miles, but even that would be an over estimate of the distance.
  • 3. Some words which follow are not very intelligible. The passage reads in the transcript as follows:—"et ce mavoit il plus ouvertement dit et fait dire par ses ministres depuis voire si le pouvoir de vre. mate ct mesmes les commis que la estoient presens navoient tenu principalement autre propoz." Even the punctuation of this is doubtful.
  • 4. This is a mistake; St. William, duke of Aquitaine, died in the beginning of the 9th century. Chapuys should have said daughter of William X., who died in 1137.
  • 5. George Athequa, bishop of Llandaff.
  • 6. These letters are both in the same hand, text and signature alike, but they are not written either by Cromwell or his clerk. The writing and spelling are those of a very illiterate person. Both letters have been folded and sealed.
  • 7. Sir Thomas Willoughby married a daughter (called by some Bridget, by others Katharine) of Sir Robert Rede, chief justice of the Common Pleas, who died in 1519. Dame Eliz. Rede was prioress of Malling and resigned. Her successor was Margaret Vernon, appointed probably on the dissolution of the monastery of Little Marlowe, of which she was prioress. (See Vol. X., No 1188).
  • 8. See No. 407 (2 ii.).