Henry VIII: July 1536, 11-15

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 11, July-December 1536. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.

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'Henry VIII: July 1536, 11-15', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 11, July-December 1536, ed. James Gairdner( London, 1888), British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol11/pp30-45 [accessed 13 July 2024].

'Henry VIII: July 1536, 11-15', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 11, July-December 1536. Edited by James Gairdner( London, 1888), British History Online, accessed July 13, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol11/pp30-45.

"Henry VIII: July 1536, 11-15". Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 11, July-December 1536. Ed. James Gairdner(London, 1888), , British History Online. Web. 13 July 2024. https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol11/pp30-45.


July 1536, 11-15

11 July.
R. O.
57. Dunmow Priory, Essex.
Book of household expences, kept (weekly) by Geoffrey Schether, prior of Dunmow, Essex. Among the items are the following:
A beef, 12s.; 3 porkers, 5s.; 2 pigs, 8d.; 6 geese, 2s.; 2 capons, 12d.; fresh fish, 16d.; butter, 6d.; 3 cheeses, 2s.; eggs, 16d.; 4 couple of coneys, 2s.; spices, 6s. For Lent "in capite jejunie" (sic), white herrings, 25s. 8d.; red herrings, 30s. 20d.; sprats, 11d.; fresh fish, 5s. 6d. Honey, 20d.; mustard seed, 6d.; 8 couple of ling, 20s.; firkin of oil, 10s.; salt, 15d. and 2s. 8d.; 3 salmon, 3s. 10d.; 11 stock fish, 22d.; a beef, 20s.; 2 calves, 3s. 4d.; 2 lambs, 2s.; a pea hen, 8d.; mutton, 10d.; lamb, 16d.; 200 cod, 4l. 14s. 8d.; 15 ling, 21s. 4d.; for fish bought at Stebryche fair, 5l. 13s.; a bottle of wine, 5d.; 3 lbs. of great raisins, 5d. and 4½d.; half a pound of pepper, 12d. The average expenses are somewhat over 1l. a week.
Memoranda of payments for shoes for two nuns, at 4d. a pair.
The dates range from 25 Dec. 1528 to 11 July 1536.
(Signed) Geffrey prior of Dunmowe.
Book of 117 pages.
11 July.
R. O.
58. Tunstall to Cromwell.
This evening having laid wait for the escape of Will. Whetheral at the barge at Gravysend, he was apprehended going thither by the gentleman that was before your lordship at my lord Chancellor's, who brought him straight to me. On my examining him why he fled, he could say nothing but that he was afraid to come before your lordship, though he could show no reason but that the devil was on him. He was at breakfast at my house till I went to take my barge, and at that moment he fled. Is glad he is apprehended, so that the other man "whom he detected to be in his country is not like to be warned to flee"; and if he can be gotten, what communications they had will be ascertained. Begs favor for the bearer Askew who brought him up. London, 11 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy [Seal]e. Endd.
[11 July.] (fn. 1)
Cleop. E. v. 59. (fn. 1) B. M. Burnet iv. 272.
59. Religion.
The articles of religion, signed by Cromwell and both houses of Convocation.
On vellum.
First printed by Berthelet in 1536, under the title of "Articles devised by the Kyngs Highnes Majestie to stablysh Christen quietnes." Also printed in Wilkins, iii. 817, and from two different drafts in "Formularies of Faith" (Oxford, 1825 and 1856).
R. O. 2. An earlier set of articles, substantially to the same effect, the different sections being headed as follows:—1. Salvation; 2. Salvation of children, infants, and innocents; 3. Of justification; 4. Of images; 5. Of honoring saints; 6. Of praying to saints; 7. Of rites and ceremonies; 8. Of purgatory.
Pp. 6.
R. O. 3. Duplicate of § 2.
Pp. 13.
Cleop, E. v. 45. B. M. Burnet iv. 336. 60. Holy Orders.
Declaration touching the sacrament of holy orders, with instructions to bishops and preachers how to teach the people.
Signed: Thomas Crumwell—T. Cantuarien.—Edouardus Ebor.—Cuthbertus Dunelmensis—Joannes London.—Joannes Lincoln.—Joannes Bathoniens.—Thomas Elien.—Joannes Bangor.—Nicolaus Sarum.—Edwardus Hereforden.—Hugo Wigorn.—Johannes Roffen.—Rich. Cicestr.—Ric. Woleman—Joannes Bell—Will'us Clyff—Robertus Aldrydge—Galfridus Downes—Joannes Skyppe—Cuthbertus Marshall—Marmaduk Waldeby— Nicholaus Heyth—Rob. Oking—Rodolphus Bradford—Richard Smith— Simon Matthew—Joh'es Pryn—Gulielmus Bukmastre—Will'mus Maye— Nicolaus Wotton—Ricardus Cox—Joannes Edmondes—Thomas Robertson— Thomas Baret—Johannes Nase—John Barbar—Johannes Tyson,
Sacrae Theologiae juris ecclesiastici et civilis professores.
11 July.
R. O.
61. John Husee to Lord Lisle.
This day Mr. Secretary (who will not be called lord Cromwell, it is said, till the last day of the parliament) sent your lordship a letter which I hope will somewhat satisfy you. Both he and Mr. Sadleyr this day motioned the King for your licence to come to Dover; but his Grace said the matter required no great haste. Whether that journey will take effect or no God knows. Mr. Treasurer says plainly the King will go, but how soon no man knows. Mr. Secretary hopes in his next letter to certify you that your licence is obtained, and I have shown him 1 wait here for nothing else. As yet the strength of your lordship's patents and Whethill's gift has not been scanned, but Mr. Treasurer hopes shortly to finish it. I desire instructions about Hide, for time passes. As I find Mr. Secretary so reasonable, I shall not now trouble Mr. Treasurer or Mr. Russell for your licence. Your ship is discharged, and the master knows not how to demand his freight for want of the purser. I never knew a thing worse handled. Much of the merchants' goods are wet, and I shall have to try and appease them. She may be fraught to Fecckam (Fécamp) if you think fit. London, 11 July.
Your lordship's letter to my lord Chancellor should be sent with speed. The resumption of Mr. Wingfield's patent is not yet done, notwithstanding Mr. Secretary's repeated promises. I fear there is some hitch. It is thought there be of that town that have done little good in it since their hither coming. Henbery and Palmer the spear have been at words, and Henbery wishes, your lordship's pleasure known, to inform the Council here.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.
11 July.
R. O.
62. John Husee to Lady Lisle.
I have this day spoken with Mr. Tuke, who made me a very gentle answer, that he had hitherto stayed your sureties out of process, and will write to my lord in three days. I think he will do what he can notwithstanding his writing. Bremelcom's coat must not be forgotten. Mr. Basset is merry, and applies himself to learning. There are one or two sick of small pox in the house, but I hope he will be in no danger. It is not known yet if the King is to go to Dover; and the King will make no determinate answer whether my lord shall come over. Do not forget Hide's matter, for the time draws on. If the King go to Dover the Queen goes with him. London, 11 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
11 July.
R. O.
63. Walter Bucler to Lady Lisle.
Mr. Bekynsawe and I have received of Hugh Giles for Mr. Barker, 4l. 13s. 7d. st. and 8 cr. that your lordship sent for the money Mr. Worth borrowed here, which we caused Mr. James himself to pay to the doctor and his chaplain. Also 4 cr. 13s. which I laid out for him five weeks since Mr. Reynolds departing, for his pension and other charges. I pray God send him well home. Mr. Bekynsawe and I will diligently solicit your affairs. Paris, 11 July.
I beg you to see that this gentleman of France, a great friend of Mr. Bekynsawe and mine, who has business with the ambassador in England, be gently handled at Calais and Dover.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.
11 July.
Notes and Queries, 4 S. iii. 52.
64. Dr. Ortiz to the Empress Isabella.
Wrote last 26 June with the news his Holiness had from England. The ambassador now writes 10 June that the Princess is well and anxious to be reconciled to her father; that the parliament began on the 7th, and was inclined to treat the daughter of Anne Boleyn as illegitimate. The day after Anne Boleyn's execution, the King married a lady of hers named Juana Semey at her house, and three days after took her to his palace; from whence in other three days, he published that he was married to her, and ordered festivities. The ambassador writes that she was a maid of the late Queen, and afterwards of Anne Boleyn; that she is virtuous and kindly and welldisposed to the Princess, in whose favor she has spoken to the King, and that there were hopes of her being declared true heir in the parliament. The Pope hears through France that Francis is endeavouring to marry the Dauphin with the Princess. The king of Scotland has also married with a lady (fn. 2) of his kingdom. The cardinal of Sancta Cruz, though despatched; by his Holiness and the Consistory, has not yet left to go to the king of the Romans, awaiting an answer from his Highness. Hopes the Emperor's successes will not meet with any reverse. Rome, 11 July 1536.
12 July.
Wilkins, iii. 807.
65. Henry VIII. to Cranmer.
Order for bidding prayer, including the name of queen Jane. Westminster, 12 July.
12 July.
R. O.
66. Office of Master of the Rolls.
Account by Henry Polsted, servant to Thos. Cromwell, Supreme Secretary and Master of the Rolls, of the issues of that office, from Mich. 26 Hen. VIII. to Mich. 27 Hen. VIII.
Received from John Gill, John Lambart, and Wm. Yowe, the three clerks of the petty bag, 104l. 8s. 8d. From John Croke, Ric. Welles, Hen. Wyncote, Olyver Lether, Wm. Jefson, and — Lyndeseye, the six clerks, 35l. 4s. 8d. From John Judd, under clerk of the hanaper, for sealing 500 patents at 2s. each. Casualties from divers "cousetours" of the chancery, 21l. 20d. Allowances out of the exchequer, for my master's fee, two chaplains, three "converses" and one clerk 29l. 10s. 2½d. Money for summer and winter robes. A tun of wine from the butler of England. 12 yards of broad cloth, given yearly by the lord of St. John's. From the abbot of Tame, by John Williamson, for the price of a horse, for the carriage of the King's records. Rents of assize in London.
Total 291l. 4s. 10½d.
Payments, quitrents of tenements in London to the bishop of Chester, and 1½d. a day to three "converses." Total, 7l. 3s. 4½d.
Pp. 3. Endd.
ii. Similar accounts from Mich. 27 Hen. VIII. to 12 July 28 Hen. VIII.
Total receipts, 317l. 13s. 10½d., the only payments being that to the three "converses." Charge transferred to great account. See No. 135.
Pp. 3. Endd.
12 July.
R. O. Latimer's Remains, 417.
67. Latimer to Cromwell.
"As touching you wot what, I have written again, guessing at your advice, I trust not far wide, but yet pity it is to see God so dishonored and no remedy provided, at leastway that God hath provided not free to be used; but the vengeance of God more and more to be provoked, when comperts doth show what fedities doth grow.
"Now, Sir, if you be lusty to hear of Furnesse Felles, this simple priest can tell you the state of those parts. He hath come far to show you his grief. A world to know how pardoning doth prate in the borders of the realm. If you help not that men of learning and judgment be resident there, they shall perish in their ignorance. God send you well again to us for without you we shall make no end. Postridie Benedicti, at Strownd." (fn. 3)
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
12 July.
R. O.
68. John Weddryngton to Cromwell.
Desires to be reinstated as constable of Alnwick. The earl of Northumberland granted him the office, and on a light information put his brother, Sir Ingram Percy, in the castle, allowing the writer yearly a part of his fee; "and another part he is owing me." 12 July. Sealed.
P. 1. Add: Privy Seal.
12 July.
R. O. St.P. ii. 342.
69. Wm. Wyse to Cromwell.
Is bold upon Cromwell's favor to write that today Wm. Saintlo, captain of the retinue here, brought from Dublin money for the soldiers' wages, to their great comfort, "so that he that was erst lame now goeth upright." The Deputy is besieging Fernes Castle in McMorow's country, which is very strong. Corn is fairly plentiful. Are like to have some sport with the Desmonds and Breenys this harvest. They thought to put the lord Treasurer to rebuke at Tipperary "enterparling togethers by a mediator the archbishop of Casshell;" but he put his men in array, and they retired to their woods again. The pretended earl of Desmond and the said Breenys have sent a defiance to Ossory; so all these parts prepare their defence. "He would have Roche, Barry, Cormogog is son and heir called Teig, and Gerald McShane upon his peace."
Business betwixt O'More and McGyllefadryke is pacified by the lord Deputy's coming to Kilkenny. The unquietness of the land is not at an end. Sends a leish of falcons by his son Harry Wyse. Hears labour is made to put him from the cell of St. John's, which was united to the house of Bath in England, being under 40l. a year. Trusts he will have annum probationis, and if he excel not all previous governors of that cell, let the King take it and all his land in Ireland. Waterford, 12 July.
P. 1. Add.: Chief Secretary.
12 July.
R. O. St. P., vii. 657.
70. Sir G. da Casale to Cromwell.
Wrote by a messenger sent to Flanders, 7 July. Fossano had not come into the Emperor's power as he expected by the 2nd July. The Emperor is not hastening to invade France. The prince of Pisignano embarked 7th July at Genoa with 4,000 foot for Nice. Andrea Doria will follow with 2,000 Italians and as many Germans who have laid waste the country to Mirandula. John Paul de Ceri is said to have come to Turin with money. If so, it will make the Emperor anxious, for the Italian foot like him as a leader. The French are also said to be fortifying Grasse in Provence. In that case, the Emperor, when he reaches Provence, will get no help from Italy.
My brother the bishop of Belluno is going to the King. You will learn from him what I have been able to collect in obedience to your letters of 25 April. I am informed by a Dalmatian bishop that Barbarossa has come to Salonica with a large fleet, but when or whither he will depart he knows not.
At Vallona also a large body of horse and foot was collected and ships to transort them, and also a great body of Turkish horse in the neighbourhood of the island called Sophi. Rome, 12 July 1536. Signed.
Lat. Add.: Secretario. Sealed.
12 July.
Poli Epp., i. 463.
71. Card. Contarini to Pole.
Reports a conversation with the Pope about Pole. On telling his Holiness the King wanted him back into England, he said, "And will Reynold go even if summoned by the King's letter?" Answered, not if he was wise. Entreats him on no account to incur this manifest and fruitless danger, but trusts in his prudence. The Pope has determined to summon various learned men, Italians, Spaniards, and Frenchmen, to Rome this winter to consult about the future Council, and he means to call Pole to Rome even against his will. Is glad to think that thus he shall enjoy his company this winter and perhaps next summer. Has read to the Pope what Pole thinks should be done with the King. Does not know what steps his Holiness will take. Rome, 12 July.
13 July.
R. O. Burnet vi., 177.
72. Tunstall to Pole.
I have received your letter, dated at Venice on Corpus Christi Even, expressing a wish that I might see the book which you have sent to the King, with your opinion of the King's title and the power of the bp. of Rome, and inform his Grace what I thought thereof. I perceive ye fear lest your vehemency have offended. I have perused both your letter and the long book, which made me heavy in my heart, seeing the vehemency and eagerness of it all through, and yet the whole thing ran wide of the truth. You purpose to bring the King back to the Church by penance, when your proof that he has receded from it rests only on common fame; and you promise, if the King return, to bend your learning so that all displeasure may be taken away from your book and redound entirely to his glory. Wishes Pole had rather written to his Grace his opinion in a brief letter, which he need not have shown to other learned men of his Council. What jeopardy was it to send so long a book so long a way, containing displeasant matter, which might have fallen into the hands of such as would have published it to the King's slander. Thank God it came safe. One thing made me cold at heart, when you wrote in your letter of two quires which be not in your hands to repress. The rest you say you can make sure not to come abroad, which I advise you to do. Burn them for your own honor and that of your noble house, that it may never come abroad that you exercised your learning against him whom you ought in all points to defend. Endeavour also to get those two quires and burn them, for there is not one quire in your book without bitterness. But to show you that the whole is wide of the truth, you presuppose that the King has swerved from the unity of Christ's Church, and that by taking the title of Supreme Head, he separates his Church of England from the whole of Christendom, that he usurps an office belonging to spiritual men, and does not know the duty of a Christian king. No prince in Christendom knows that duty better. For his purpose is to see God's laws purely preached and Christ's faith kept; not to separate himself from the Catholic Church, but to reduce his Church of England out of all captivity to foreign powers, and abolish the usurpation of the bishops of Rome. This is conformable to those ancient decrees of the Church which the bp. of Rome himself at his creation professes to observe, viz., the eight general councils. But how far the bps. of Rome have brought this realm and other from those, you may see; for I am sure at Venice they have the said councils in Greek, as now they be commonly abroad in Latin; which, if they had been commonly known, the bp. of Rome's power heretofore usurped in many realms would never have been so far advanced. If you say it is supported by those passages in the Gospel cited in your book, then the Council of Nice and others did err, which ordained the contrary. The apostles also in their canons ordained that all matters spiritual should be finished within the diocese. Gives other arguments from Nicholas Cusa, &c. Pole is mistaken in thinking the King's subjects greatly offended at the abolition of the bp. of Rome's authority. The people see quite well what profit cometh to the realm thereby. All the money which before went that way is now kept within the realm, and if the King wished to restore the said abolished authority, giving the bp. of Rome his old profits, I think he would find much greater difficulty than in anything he ever purposed in his parliament since his reign began. Repels the charge that he was faint-hearted and would not die for the bp. of Rome's authority, for he never thought to shed a drop of his blood for it. Will do his best, since the book has come into the King's hands, that his plain fashion of writing, as of a sharp ghostly father, be taken in the best part, but implores Pole not to addict himself to the opinion of his book, for the Councils show that there was no such monarchy in the church of Christ ordained by Christ. The precedence of the bp. of Rome in councils was only because Rome was the chief city of the Empire, &c. Begs him to consult authors touching the beginning of the Church. The King has in his realm men as learned as be in other countries, who think themselves well delivered from the bondage of Rome. Warns him of the discomfort it will be to my lady his mother to see him swerve from his Prince, and also to my lord his brother. London, 13 July.
Copy in Wriothesley's hand, pp. 25.
Cleop. E. vi. 375. B. M. 2. Corrected draft of the same in Tunstall's own hand.
R. O. 73. [Starkey] to [Cromwell].
Concerning his conversations with [Pole]. "[T]her was betwixt us often times much controversy . . . . . . . though I have long time past learned to bear in my friend so [long] as it springeth not evidently of wilful and blind obstinacy, as being with him I could never perceive plainly that it did; yet at the last it bred a certain break in our friendship"; for which reason partly, and partly because I could not comport the air of the country I left Italy. Yet in this matter of the primacy I could never perceive him to "abhor from" my judgment, that it was only by consent of Christians, and this was his opinion when the King first moved the matter to him, as I have witnesses in England to testify. Afterwards, seeing More and Rochester defend the cause with their blood, his opinions changed, as he writes in his book, which was long after my departure from him. Considering the constancy of my judgment, and how I have declared in public, I think it hard that I should be suspected of maintaining popish folly. Two things there are which slander the truth set forth by us with other nations, i.e., the suppression of these monasteries and this defection from Rome. If the world "might see these great monasteries which yet stand converted and turned into little universities" the suppression of these little abbeys would not give such occasion of slander. Seems to advise the spreading of God's word among the commonalty. Begs remembrance to the King.
Pp. 6. Badly mutilated. Half of each page gone.
R. O. 74. [Starkey ?] to Reginald Pole.
"Master Pole, if you lay before your eyes either the innumerable benefits that I have received of our most gracious Prince and sovereign lord the King, or else mark my nature, my deeds, my duty, you may perchance partly feel both how your bloody book pricketh me, and how sorry I was to see him whose honor I am bound to tender much more than my life so unreverently handled, and of you whom I would reckon no less bound unto his Grace than I am." The King considering what he had done for you and your family thought you had stored up the fruits of your long study to promote his honor, and that you tarried the longer to do it better. "Are you not sorry to have wasted them thus in renting his honor, in defiling his name, in obscuring his memory ?" Your last letters put him in hope of the better remembrance of your duty. Let your deeds hereafter go with mine and I may be able to bring the King to believe your fault to be but rashness. "You wri[te] your book, you say, to no one but to his Grace only. Your servant saith that he is r[ight sure] you will let it never go further. Your shame shall be the less: the fewer shall accuse you of ingratitude. Publish it: what honest nature shall not detest and abhor your conditi[on] ?" Princes will then have good occasion "to let their nobility attain unto eloquence. (fn. 4) They shall not fail to nourish them as the King hath done you, when they see what reward he receiveth of you." The bishop of Rome may bear you a fair face, finding you a useful instrument; [but he] himself will never love your conditions. Leave fantasies and follow the tenor of your last letters to the King, wherein you handled yourself (saving your dissent in opinion) very moderately, and you will find the King's heart is much sooner won than lost. Pole shows even in his book that he has not quite forgotten the King's benefits. But he must leave Rome if he loves England. The King is one who forgives and forgets displeasures at once, and if Pole acts like a true subject the writer can reconcile him with the King. "You write in your gentle letters that you are at my commandment in all things where God and your conscience doth not let you;" an evil ruled conscience is an easy excuse for error. You may find that glosing and lying little differ. Show yourself an obedient subject and I am and will be your friend.
Pp. 5. In Wriothesley's hand.
13 July.
R. O.
75. Richard Bowyer alias Strilley to Cromwell.
Dan John Wilson, prior of Mountgrace, and part of his convent will accomplish the King's wishes. If a commission were issued to Dr. Horde, one of their religion, and one joined with him, there would be no stop, and all of that order in the North parts will be inclinable. Your mastership cannot do a more charitable deed than to win such a simple sort with mercy. If I had your letters I could receive the seals of many Benedictine, Augustinian, Cistercian, and Premonstratene convents. I have received many seals freely. Mountgrace, 13 July, in my journey to Alnwick.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
13 July.
Add MS. 28,589, f. 3. B. M.
76. Charles V. and Francis I.
Reasons for and against the Emperor's invasion of France. Seville, 13 July.
Among the latter it is said that the king of England, with whom there is some hope of treating, and even that he may aid this enterprise against the French, will join in closer friendship with Francis, and will never return to the obedience of the Roman Church. Flanders, Lubeck, Denmark, and those parts will be notoriously injured.
Sp., pp. 6. Modern copy.
13 July.
R. O.
77. Order of St. John of Jerusalem.
Fragment which seems to be an account of the receipts for 1534 of John Sutton, receiver of the Priory of England. Concluded, in presence of the undersigned, at Malta, 13 July 1536. Signed by the prior of Aquitaine, lieutenant of the Master, F. Jaques Pellequin (?); [another signature illegible]; lieutenant of Grand Commander, Fr. Bertan de Roset; . . . . . . . . . . Cortez, steward of the treasure; lieutenant of the Hospitaller, F. Jhan de . . . . . . . . ; lieutenant of the treasure, F. Jehan Andebert; lieutenant . . . . . . . of the Master, F. Phillippus Schilhing; . . . . . . . . de Ferrere (?), conservator-general; [Ni]colas Depas; . . . . . . . . . . .; . . . . . . . . ., ; Gylis Russell.
Ital., p. 1. Very mutilated and faded.
13 July.
R. O.
78. A. de Berghes to Cromwell.
Writes, at the request of the widow and the guardians of the orphans of Master Cornille Vander Delft, that his land in England may be divided among them, and a portion allotted to Richard Hills, the bearer, which he has purchased from them. Berghes, 13 July 1536. Signed.
Fr. p. 1. Add: "A Messire Thomas Cromwell, chlr., &c., premier secretaire du Roy d'Angleterre."
R. O. 79. All Soul's College, Oxford.
Decree of Henry VIII., as founder, modifying the statutes of his co-founder, abp. Chichele, touching the election of wardens; with a form of oath to be taken by future wardens in accordance with the Act of 28 Hen. VIII. [c. 10].
Corrected draft, pp. 7.
14 July.
Vienna Archives.
80. Chapuys to Charles V.
Although, as I wrote on the 8th, Cromwell had given me hope that I should have audience of the King as soon as he returned from the Princess, and some good answer, not only about the negotiations for the amity, but about the assistance I demanded against France, yet I have been put off from day to day with excuses and general words; and finally, this morning they have made me another dilatory excuse, in which (to show how roundly and openly he proceeds with me, as he has continually affirmed), he told one of my servants that the delay has only been to wait for news from France, and that I had proposed to him something for the good of affairs of which he would very shortly send me agreeable news. These are the good words he has been accustomed to use, as you may know by what I have already written; but hitherto I have seen little effect in them, through no fault of his, for I believe he would be exceedingly glad to accomplish the matters, but neither he nor all the other councillors combined are able to shake the King in his opinion, or to persuade him of anything if he has not declared his fancy therein, otherwise he looks upon them with suspicion; and even when he would like it, he will do nothing, as Cromwell has several times given me to understand. I cannot imagine what those here have invented for the good of affairs, nor what news they can await from France, except those of which I wrote before to your Majesty, viz., that the French king should ally himself with them against the Pope, against whose authority they continue to do the worst they can. Even lately, when news came of the bull of the Council, they passed statutes that no one should hold the convocation of the said Council good on pain of being considered a traitor. They have also renewed and aggravated the statutes against those who should use the name of Pope, which is also treason; and it is said they will cause the whole realm to be sworn again, in confirmation of the statutes against the Holy See, against the marriage of the late good Queen and the legitimacy of the Princess, to whom no one should dare give that title on pain of his life. Moreover, on the arrival here, 10 days ago, of the Bishop, (fn. 5) who has been some months in Saxony, there has been a proposal in Parliament to reform the state and ceremonies of the Church after the fashion which prevails in Saxony; to which the said Parliament would not as yet consent. By these things you will see their abominable obstinacy. It is to be suspected that, unless they hoped for favor elsewhere than from your Majesty, they would not continue in such disorders; and it is to be feared that the stings of their own conscience and dread of punishment from your Majesty make them the less desire your prosperity.
Three days ago the French ambassador told an honest man, who reported it to me, that he had great fear of the ruin of the King his master, both from the great forces of your Majesty and for other causes, especially that the said King was hated by his nobility, seeing that he took no account of any but the Grand Master and the Admiral, by whom he was led into enterprises so rash that there was scarcely a lord or gentleman in France who had not lost some of his relations in them, or met with injuries in them himself; moreover, the French people were so oppressed that, knowing the happiness of your Majesty's subjects, they began to murmur greatly, especially as the season (la saison) this year "sera fort petite;" further, the ambassador said that the French might console themselves with one thing, that they should have the English as companions of their misery, for they would be punished after them.
The King has news that the duke of Holstein (Duc Dolstet) his ally, has taken a castle (fn. 6) on the frontier of Norway, which was held in his name by a captain of Lubeck, (fn. 7) his pensioner, at which I understand the King is extremely displeased. I shall not omit when opportunity offers to represent to him that and other injuries to draw him over in favor of Duke Frederic Palatine, to whom he shows good inclination. Cromwell has always told me that when matters have been set right between your Majesty and the King, he would be glad to show all favor to the said Duke Frederic.
Three days ago Cromwell sent to me by one of his principal servants to beg that I would not take ill the delay of the audience I had asked, which had been owing to a mass of business, and at the same time to mitigate the blame, he informed me that next day he would get the King at my request to deliver the bishop of Llandaff, the late Queen's confessor, from prison, where they pretended that he might be kept for ever, simply for attempting to escape from the kingdom without the King's leave. He also intimated to me that next day he would send to tell me some good news touching our negociations, and moreover would request me, on the part of his master, to do something for him. But he forgot everything except about the bishop, whom he caused to be brought to me by those who kept him; to which I attach the more importance, because I had never spoken to the King about him, nor even to Cromwell, except lightly, for several reasons. London, 14 July, 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 4.
14 July.
Vienna Archives.
81. Chapuys to [Granvelle].
This morning at 10 o'clock, after I had closed my letters to His Majesty, my man George arrived, from whom I have not had time to learn anything except the most important news, viz.: the good health of his Majesty and of you; nor have I yet been able to read the despatch he has brought, for the haste of the courier, bearer of this. Will write more fully in three or four days, but must not omit to say that last time I spoke with the King he almost denied having said to me at Christmas that the French had declared to him they meant to go and conquer Milan, but at last he was compelled to say the truth, which was half a miracle for several reasons. London, 14 July 1536.
Fr., from a modern copy, p. 1.
14 July.
Vienna Archives.
82. Chapuys to [Antoine Perrenot].
I have just received by my man George your letters with the documents therein mentioned, for which I thank you heartily.—Private affairs. 14 July.
Those who favor his Majesty here are sorry to hear that he proposes to besiege Marseilles. They think it would be better to do like Cæsar, who, going into Spain and seeing the difficulty of taking Marseilles, passed on and left it till his return, and that his Majesty ought to go right into France; for after having done there some good exploit, Provence and Dauphine being separated from the rest of the country by a great river they would surrender without difficulty, and but that the country is so hot the place would make good winter quarters. They speak certainly from a great desire to advance the glory of his Majesty, which numbers of them would be glad to show by deeds, and I am assured by good authorities that if this King would give leave, 20,000 would go at their own expense as some lords offered lately to do to Secretary Cromwell, of whose answer I will inform you another time.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2.
R. O. 83. Authority of Bishops.
Things to be remembered before the breaking up of parliament. Many of the clergy take the two texts following to prove the authority of bishops to be above that of kings and princes. "It is expedient that the question be demanded of such of the clergy as be most like by their authority and learning to be disposed to declare the truth therein," and their declaration to be made so manifest that all who list may take exception to it, and not say afterwards that they would have spoken, but durst not. The texts are John xx. Sicut misit me Pater, et ego mitto vos, and Acts xx. Attendite vobis et universo gregi in quo vos posuit Spiritus Sanctus episcopos regere Ecclesiam Dei quam acquisivit sanguine suo. Explains how these are interpreted by some of the clergy.
P. 1. Endd.
Cleop. E. vi. 227. (fn. 8) B. M. Strype's Eccl. Mem. I. i. 209. 84. — to Cromwell.
Whether your lordship think convenient that we should endeavour ourselves to prove these articles following:—
1. That the clergy have not authority by the law of God to make laws nor excommunications, &c. 2. That the king's [Majest]ie yn parliament has authority to determine what causes shall be determinable in the spiritual courts, and to limit the manner of the process. 3. That by reason of spiritual jurisdiction in making process, the King loseth much profit that might accrue to him by his seals at the common law. 4. The King has the cure of his subjects' souls as well as their bodies, and may by the law of God make laws touching both, by his parliament. 5. That the text, Matth. xvj. Quodcumque ligaveris gave authority to the apostles jointly to make laws and keep councils till a convenient number of the lay people were converted to the faith, and then this text ceased, and Matth. xviij. Quodcumque ligaveritis did take effect. This text being spoken to the whole Church as well as the apostles, gave power to the whole Church to make laws and restrained the peculiar authority of the apostles in that behalf. 6. The successors of the apostles have not like authority in all points as the apostles. 7. To affirm that the bishop of Rome is head of the universal Church, and has authority to summon general councils is heresy. This authority belongs to kings and princes. 8. That the King may dissolve holidays without parliament, but he may make no holidays without parliament. 9. That the text of Acts xx. Attendite vobis et universo gregi in quo Spiritus Sanctus vos posuit episcopos, etc., was not meant only of such bishops as be of the clergy, but referred to every ruler and governor of the Christian people.
Pp. 2.
R. O. 85. Heresy.
A treatise against the ecclesiastical proceedings for heresy, entitled: "Of divers heresies which have not been taken for heresies in time past."
The writer attempts to show that the Church itself was guilty of heresy and not they whom it condemned. He explains the word Episcopus, Acts xx. 28, as referring equally to laymen as to clergy; that it will be hard to prove the existence of bishops, as now understood, at the sermon of St. Paul. Argues strongly in support of the royal prerogative; condemns the pretensions of the bishop of Rome, the power of the keys, the exemption of the clergy from the civil courts, the divine prescription of tithes as an exact 10th (tithes are really due only by custom and by the new statute); (fn. 8) affirms that others besides the clergy have cure of souls, that their benediction avails no more than that of a layman; argues against tradition; discredits the fact of St. Peter ever having been at Rome, except Babylon be taken for Rome; asserts that kings or their appointed officers have powers to determine what is heresy, and that none fall from the Church, except they fall from Scripture. In conclusion he points out that the matter demands the attention of parliament, as the power of the ordinaries, on which the writ de haeretico comburendo used to be granted, is now expired.
Inc. First it is to be noted that heresy, after the very true interpretation and signification of the name.—Ends: And if it be as I have said, that then a convenient punishment be assigned by parliament in that behalf.
Pp. 34.
R. O. 86. Dialogue between a Doctor and Student. (fn. 9)
"What we be bound to believe as things necessary to salvation and what not. The— (fn. 10) chapter.
"Student. I pray thee, show me now what we be bound to believe, as thou thinkest, as things necessary to salvation and what not. Doctor. Scripture is fully to be believed as a thing necessary to salvation, though the thing contained in scripture pertain not merely to the faith, as that Aaron had a beard," &c.
Ends: "and against the true doctrine in his so doing."
Pp. 80.
R. O. 2. Fragment of a treatise against the "power of Rome" (being chapters 11, 12, 13, and 14), in form of a dialogue between a doctor and student. The subjects treated of are absolution, the keys of Heaven, Purgatory, and canonization. Advocating the prohibition under penalty of old doctrines tending to uphold the power of the priests and of Rome.
Begins: "and so wyll there doo long as it contyneweth."
Ends: "it is convenient that it shuld be prohibited by the"
In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 12.
14 July.
R. O.
87. George Gyffard to Cromwell.
I thank you for your comfortable letters dated 1 July. Your late beadsman the abbot of St. James (fn. 11) died on Thursday night, and I suppose has left the house in debt not like to be recovered, so that I think it is like to be suppressed. In that case I beg to be the farmer thereof. The demesnes are worth 14l. a year and I will give your lordship 20l. for your pains. I fear no man's labour for it but Serjeant Knyghtley's. I have written to Mr. Chancellor for his favor therein. Kettering, 14 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Crumwell of Wimbledon and Lord Privy Seal. Sealed. Endd.
14 July.
R. O.
88. Hexham.
A rental of the demesnes of the monastery of Hexham, upon the survey taken there 14 July 28 Hen. VIII.
Site of the monastery, hospital of St. Giles adjoining, &c. 17s. 4d. Signed by Jas. Rokeby, auditor.
P. 1.
14 July.
R. O.
89. Gardiner to Lord Lisle.
I forbear to write news of importance as you have them more fresh and certain with you. The French king is on his way to Paris, but has been delayed by sickness. The Turk's coming is uncertain, except that it is thought the year is too far gone. It is said the French king has the better hand in Piedmont. Commend me to my lady. Paris, 14 July.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Deputy of Calais.
14 July.
Lamb. 603. f. 79 a.
90. McMurgho.
Indenture 14 July 1536, 28 Hen. VIII., between lord Leonard Grey viscount Grane, deputy, and Charles McMurgho, principal captain of his nation.
1. McMurgho to be keeper and constable of the castle, &c. of Fernes, lately recovered by the deputy from the rebels, during the King's pleasure, paying for the first year 80 marks, &c. 2. Gerald Kavenagh, commonly called Gerald Sutton, to be sub-constable. 3. They shall yield the castle, &c. to the deputy when required. 4. Maurus, son of McMurgho, now in Dublin Castle, and Arthur, son of said Gerald, now in the custody of the earl of Ossory and of his son James, to remain as hostages, &c. [See Carew Calendar].
Lat. copy, p. 1.
15 July.
Cleopatra, E. vi. 328. B. M. Strype. Eccl. Mem. I. ii. 295.
91. Reginald Pole to Henry VIII.
I received your letters dated 14th June on the 30th, and learn the receipt of my book and letters to your Grace, sent by my servant, and your Grace's desire that, as divers places could best be explained by conference with the writer, I should repair to your presence; so that as I learn by your Grace's letter (but much more by Mr. Secretary's, "stirring me more vehemently," and most of all by the bearer of both) you expect not a letter but me in person. Protests there is nothing he desires more than to do so, but that the King himself alone prevents it, for to come to him would be "temerariously" to cast himself away; seeing that, ever since the King cast his love and affection to her whose deeds have declared she never loved him, every man is a traitor that will not accept him for head of the church in his realm. This law enforced "with so sore severity" against the best men of the realm, suffering the pain of traitors, who throughout their whole lives had been the King's most faithful servants,— this law, against which is the whole process of the writer's book, is a sufficient impediment to his coming. The extreme heat of the season and other causes might have excused delay in coming; but had he been sick in bed when the King's message arrived he would have run through fire and water to obey. But the cause above rehearsed forbids it, except he should be accounted a traitor of his own life which he is bound to keep to God's pleasure and not temerariously to cast away.
As to explaining the book; thinks he made it so plain that it could not be misunderstood, and that if one thing be lacking it is what he cannot give, — "that is, an indifferent mind in the reader; such a mind to the reader as I had when I writ it, delivered of all affection but only of the truth and your Grace's honor and wealth." The book to be understood must be read all through. From some passages the writer would appear to be the King's greatest enemy, but the whole taken together will show that sharp handling to be for the most loving end, and that there was never book written with more sharpness of words nor again more ferventness of love. "My whole desire it was and ever shall be that your Grace might reign long in honor, in wealth, in surety, in love and estimation of all men," and this desire "(remaining those innovations your Grace hath of late made in the Church)" cannot take effect. Never read of a Prince spoken of with more dishonor when his actions "came abroad to be known." Has jeopardied his life in defending the King's cause, and touching these innovations and the acts following, never yet found but one that did praise them.
Now to give an account of his writing. Received the King's command, by Mr. Secretary's letters, to write his "sentence" in that principal matter which was the ground of all innovation, when the King took the name of Highest Head of the Church in his realm, grounding himself upon passages of Scripture which divers books written for his justification did express. The first that came to his hands was Dr. Sampson's. Answered it, taking away (as my book shows) all Sampson's arguments (as nothing concluding), and then went on to confirm in his place as head of the Church, him whom the Church has so long confessed to be instituted by Christ himself, confounding Sampson's arguments to the contrary. This done, as the verity of a sentence is sometimes shown by its fruits—"the acts which followed of this title taken,"—he proceeded to point out to what dishonor and peril the King had cast himself and his realm, so that "remaining any sparkle either of goodness of nature or grace of God," he should seek the only remedy, a return to the ordinances of the Church. The wisest man that ever was (Solomon) made great errors (whereof the grievousness and jeopardy he saw), being blinded like the King "by inordinate affection which he bare to women." All lies in making the King know what he has done, for he that defends his act augments his dishonor. And here is all the difficulty in a prince. Who will tell him his fault? And if one such be found where is the prince that will hear him? But God has provided the King a faithful subject in a sure place where he may speak at liberty, and by prompting the King to ask his sentence, has given him the opportunity. Likens himself to a surgeon anxious to heal a wound, and urges the madness it would be in the wounded man when the surgeon "draweth his knife to cut the dead and superfluous flesh, according to his craft," to cry out against him as an enemy.
In fine, it rests only with God to send the light of his Spirit, and the King will abhor his acts more than any man. Does not despair of this, "seeing God hath rid you of that domestical evil (fn. 12) at home, which was thought to be the cause of all your errors, and with her head, I trust, cut away all occasion of such offences as did separate you from the light of God;" and, moreover, "hath given you one full of all goodness to whom, I understand, your Grace is now married." There only remains for the King to put off the burden of being head of the Church in his realm, which no other prince dare take upon him since the Church began. No doubt there is a great appearance of profit and revenue coming into his coffers. Wishes he might confer with him in person, and show how no profit gotten this way were worthy to compare with the profit to be got by leaving off this title. The King may think he speaks like a young man, but he has long been conversant with old men, and has long judged the eldest living too young to teach wisdom to him (Pole), who has learnt of all antiquity and by conversation with those "who have been the flowers of wisdome in our time." Knows this, that God has sent the King an occasion to do more good than if he had gotten Asia from the Turk, for he himself may be the "occasion of the reformation of Christ's Church, both in doctrine and manners." "Wherefore, this is the time, sir, to call to God that he will not suffer you to let pass this so noble an occasion," that "your ancient years now growing upon you, you may finish your time in all honor and joy." Venice, 15 July. Signature mutilated.
Harl. 283, f. 108. B. M. 2. Modern copy of the preceding.
15 July. 92. Reginald Pole to the Countess of Salisbury.
[From a mutilated copy in a document which will be noticed under the year 1538.]
"Most humbly desiring your ladyship's blessing. And, Madam, I doubt [not] but your ladyship continually desiring my com[ing ho]me, and speciall[y] at this time, having firm [ho]pe that it should [in] a few days come to pass [th]at you should [see] me there presently, as the b[ea]rer hereof, my [ser]vant, did inform me to be your w[or]ds at his departing from your ladyship, tru[st]ing that he was sent for that purpose to bri[ng] me home; now that my return doth not fo[llow] according to your expectation, the more, I doubt not, greve it woll be to you, and marvel both, that I do not come." Must put her, however, in remembrance of her old promise to God touching him from his childish years, "that ever you had given me utterly unto God. And though you had so done with all your children, yet in me you had so given all right from you and possession utterly of me that you never took any care to provide for my living nor otherwise, as you did for other, but committed all to God, to whom you had given me. This promise now, Madam, in my [Maister]es name I require of you to maintain, [the wh]iche you cannot keep nor make good if y[ou] now beginne to care for me. Whan you see [me] . . . . . . . complayne of my Maistre, [th]an were [it] tyme for you to care for me; b[ut] afore [that] tyme you do God wrong if y[ou] . . . . . . . . . wiche cannot be without a certa[yne doubt] of the provident favor of Him towa[rds me to] whom you have given me. Therefore . . . . . Madam, let not this injurie be ever found [in y]ou towards my Master and yours both, specially . . . eng this testimony of me the servant, that [I ha]d never cause in my life to make the . . . . complaint, being, in comparison, infinitely [better] provided for in all parties than I was [worthi]e or could desire, never feeling from [child]wod, syns that I knew who was my verie [Ma]stre and Lord, the least displeasure, but [that] I had a thousand weight of comfort furthwith f[ollow]eng. Wherefore, what cause I have to have s[uch] confidence of His like goodness in all that may h[app]en the time to come your ladyship may hereby s[ee]. So that if you woll enjoy in me any part of that comfort God sendeth, the readiest way is, putting all care aside of me, let my Master and me alone; I mean this, not intermit the least care of mind for me, knowing to what master you have given me; but both touching yourself and me both, commit all to His goodness, as I doubt not your ladyship will, and shall be to me the greatest comfort I can have of you." Venge (Venice), 15 July.
R. O. 93. [Countess of Salisbury] to Reginald [Pole].
"Son Reginald," I send you God's blessing and mine, though my trust to have comfort in you is turned to sorrow. Alas that I, for your folly, should receive from my sovereign lord "such message as I have late done by your brother." To me as a woman, his Highness has shown such mercy and pity as I could never deserve, but that I trusted my children's services would express my duty. And now, to see you in his Grace's indignation,—"trust me, Reginald, there went never the death of thy father or of any child so nigh my heart." Upon my blessing I charge thee to take another way and serve our master, as thy duty is, unless thou wilt be the confusion of thy mother. You write of a promise made by you to God,—"Son, that was to serve God and thy prince, whom if thou do not serve with all thy wit, with all thy power, I know thou can not please God. For who hath brought you up and maintained you to learning but his Highness?" Will pray God to give him grace to serve his prince truly or else to take him to his mercy.
P. 1. Apparently a copy.
15 July.
R. O.
94. John Husee to [Lord Lisle].
I have written several letters "these days," which I trust you have received ere this. I have received yours by Goodalle. As to the bailiwick of Hampton upon Way, I shall be in hand with my lord Harford for it, but now the Parliament is so busy there is no speaking therein. Mr. Hacton has promised to make ready your harness by Tuesday next. I shall speak to Gylmyn of the Guard to follow Wading's suit, as you desire. I will deal no further with Hide till I know your decision. It will be hard to borrow money on the land in Wyzt. I will do my best, but the title must be first scanned. I delivered the letters to Mr. Secretary and my lord Chancellor on Goodalle's arrival, but neither made immediate answer. The parliament is not yet broken up; it is expected to continue five days longer. Till then I cannot tell you the very day the King will be at Dover. I think not this eight days. The King's carriage was sent to Greenwich, and was countermanded again the same day to York Palace. Notwithstanding great suit to the contrary, Mr. Wingfield's patent is passed the Commons House, and I hope the Lords will not long stick at it, but there has been much privy working by our townsmen to impeach it. By reason of the weighty matters of the parliament, the lord Chancellor, Mr. Secretary, and Mr. Treasurer have had no time to finish the matter between Snowden and Whethill, but I have full hope Satan will be defeated. I will meet your lordship at Dover a day before the King comes. The Queen comes with his Highness. Your ship is here, unladen and the merchant's goods much damaged, but the matter has been handled so that you shall not lose much of your freight. The purser has not yet come, nor sent his book. The ship is this day aground and searched, and shall be made staunch ere she depart. I wrote of one who would serve both as purser and gunner, and, at need, as mariner. Let me know your pleasure, for a freight is offered her in Flanders. London, 15 July.
Since writing I have spoken with Mr. Treasurer, who says the King will not be at Dover before this day eight days. Parliament is now expected to be prorogued on Monday or Tuesday. Henbury showed me this day he had heard from lord Ferres that the Bill for the Marsh was staid or ordered to be put by by a lord of Parliament, whose name he would not tell. Whoever it be, I trust God will give him little power to stay it.
Hol., pp. 2.
R. O.
95. — to —.
On Saturday last proclamations were made at St. Owmer's that the Emperor's subjects should retire within his dominions, and that those who were apt should take his wages, and serve none other prince on pain of death if taken. The proclamation was to take effect in a month, being made on the 15th. The party who told me offered to suffer death if it were not true.
P. 1.


  • 1. See Wilkins, iii. 803.
  • 2. No doubt Margaret Erskine was the subject of this rumor.
  • 3. At his house in the Strand, apparently on the morrow of the Translation of St. Benedict in 1536. This is the only feast of St. Benedict that seems to suit.
  • 4. Meaning, to educate their nobility in rhetoric.
  • 5. Foxe bishop of Hereford.
  • 6. Warberg.
  • 7. Marcus Meyer.
  • 8. 27 Hen. VIII. c. 20.
  • 9. Apparently only part of a treatise in defence of the Reformation and against the authority of the bishop of Rome; discussing the authority of general councils, &c. Similar in drift and in some of the arguments to the preceding paper.
  • 10. Blank in MS.
  • 11. St. James', Northampton. The abbot must have been John Dasset who signed the acknowledgment of supremacy in 1534. See Vol. VII., No. 1121 (28).
  • 12. Anne Boleyn.