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Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 18 Part 1, January-July 1543. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1901.

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When the news reached Henry of the rout of the Scots at Solway Moss, and of the extraordinary number of prisoners taken, he at once ordered Wharton to send twenty or four and twenty of the best to London, taking care to prevent secret conferences on the journey, or knowledge being had of their departure beforehand. The rest Wharton was to keep securely, making use of the meaner men for the redemption of the English prisoners taken by the Scots at Haddon Rig. (fn. 1) The King's orders, however, were anticipated to some extent by Hertford in the North, who instructed Wharton to bring twelve of the prisoners to Newcastle, where he met with him on Sunday, 3rd December, and took charge of them. The number had been augmented to twenty, or more, by Wharton on receipt of the King's letters; and Hertford, who, though he afterwards proceeded to London, meant first to visit Hull to view the fortifications, had them sent on to York to the care of the Bishop of Llandaff, lord President of the North. (fn. 2) Their number was reported as twenty when they came to York; but one, Alexander Sinclair, had been left behind sick at Darlington. They reached London on the 20th, when, according to Chapuys, they numbered twenty-three; and they were immediately lodged in the Tower. (fn. 3)

They soon found, however, that it was not the King's intention to treat them harshly. Next day they were brought before the Council, and, after being sworn not to depart without the King's leave, they were committed to the hospitality of various gentlemen, who received them as honored guests. Two days later came news of the death of James V., and that his Queen was delivered of a daughter, who, it was said, was dead also. Of course this last rumor was by and by corrected. But Henry had meanwhile determined on his line of policy. At Christmas the Scotch prisoners were called to Court, splendidly entertained, and allowed to carry their swords and daggers like free men. To crown all, the King gave each a valuable chain according to his rank, and a good sum of money, with horses that they might return to their own country. He only bound them by solemn promises to come back again at Easter or send hostages, and meanwhile to do their utmost to win over men in Scotland to advance his purposes there. With this understanding they left on the 29th. The Earl of Angus, who had been sent for to London while they were on their way thither, to inform the King about his native land, (fn. 4) had left three days before them to join his brother, Sir George Douglas, in the North, both of them hoping now to re-enter Scotland and regain possession of their patrimony. (fn. 5) On the last day of the year Suffolk, as the King's Lieutenant in the North, also left for the Scotch Marches with a considerable company of gentlemen, but no armed retinue; and Lord Lisle at Berwick received orders to make no hostile movement until further orders. (fn. 6)

Lisle had already anticipated this, and on being assured of James's death, suspended the order he had just given for a raid, considering that it was not for the King's honor "to make war upon a dead body, or a widow, or a suckling his daughter." Scotland was thrown into disorder enough by the event, and the Border chieftains cared far less about the defence of the country than about carrying off cattle to which they considered they had any claim, and fortifying their houses with ordnance against each other. (fn. 7) Perhaps it really tended somewhat towards peace that the Douglases, who had been so long expatriated, were expected to return and claim their old inheritance. They were in favor with the common people, and the Council of Scotland, it was said, with Beton at the head, had given out that James on his deathbed had ordered that they should be restored. (fn. 8)

But who governed Scotland now? The late King, it was said, on his deathbed, had willed that the government during the minority should be committed to four lay lords, Arran, Murray, Argyle and Huntley, acting with the advice of Cardinal Beton; and proclamation was made in Edinburgh on Tuesday, 19th Dec., that these five were to bear the rule. (fn. 9) This arrangement, however, only held for a time. It did not work well. The first of the four lay lords, Arran, who was next of kin to the infant Queen, soon fell out with the Cardinal; it was said he called him "false churl" and drew his sword at him. (fn. 10) Whether he at that period reported that the deceased King's will was a forgery procured by Beton is not quite apparent; but that was what he afterwards alleged, and, rightly or wrongly, it is taken still for an historical fact. The actual will, in any case, did not correspond with the proclamation, for it left Arran out altogether, and placed the government in the hands of Beton and the three others. (fn. 11) But it was clear in the nature of things that during a minority some one must have supreme authority; and that some one could hardly be a Churchman.

Henry VIII. was as anxious to provide for the government of Scotland as any native of that kingdom. That is to say, he wished it placed in complete subjection to himself. The pledges which he extracted from his Scottish prisoners before their departure Northward showed clearly his great solicitude on this point. One and all of them had to subscribe four articles, of which the first and most important was a request that the King would take into his keeping the young heiress of Scotland with a view to her marriage with the Prince his son. This was called the open article, which all the prisoners agreed to avow and stand by as a matter for the good of their own country. And this article was afterwards subscribed also by Earl Bothwell, a Scottish exile who had just arrived from the Continent to offer his services to Henry. (fn. 12) But ten of the prisoners, who had been sounded in conversation and were regarded as specially trustworthy, were called to subscribe an additional article, called the secret article, which was not communicated either to Bothwell or to the others. The ten who signed it were the earls of Cassillis and Glencairn, lords Maxwell, Fleming, Somerville and Grey, Robert Erskine, Oliver Sinclair, and the lairds of Craigy and Carssie. It was to the effect that, in case of the young Queen's death, if Henry were disposed to take the crown of Scotland upon himself, they would assist him to obtain it. So the prisoners went Northwards, some more deeply engaged to the King than others. But they all promised that, after conferring with the Earl of Angus at Darlington and giving hostages to Wharton for their return by Palm Sunday, they would proceed to Edinburgh with force sufficient to withstand whatever government might have been set up in Scotland, and there publicly announce the policy which they had undertaken to promote for the delivery of the young Queen into the hands of the King of England. They pledged themselves also to use their best endeavours to bring over others to assist them in this policy and to get the chief strongholds in Scotland placed in the King of England's hands. (fn. 13)

So much had been arranged with the Solway prisoners before they left London. They were also charged with a letter from the Council, no doubt that in Vol. XVII., No. 1,244, to deliver to the Council of Scotland; but on the 4th January the King, determining to revoke that letter and substitute another for it written by himself, delivered the new despatch to Sir Richard Southwell, whom he sent Northwards to conduct Earl Bothwell to Darlington, there to meet with Angus and the returning Scottish prisoners, who had orders to wait for him. (fn. 14) The King's letter was in answer to one that he had received from the Scottish Council agreeing to his demand for the surrender of the murderers of Somerset Herald. That murder, as remarked in the last Preface, had seriously distressed James himself, who had written at once to Henry on hearing of it for a safe-conduct to Ambassadors who would give the King full information about it and assure him that it would be punished. But Henry had insisted in reply that the murderers must be surrendered if the Scotch King would clear himself of all complicity in the act; and his letter was received and answered by the Scottish Council after James's death. (fn. 15) Henry certainly could not complain of the tone of their reply, which he acknowledged was in every way proper. But he now wrote that if they showed towardness in the interests of his deceased nephew's daughter, they would find that he, who, whatever quarrel he might have had with her father, was sorry for his death, could not but love her and her realm also; and he therefore advised them to make suit to him in such plain terms as he could accept. But they must not suppose that for any fair language on their part he would let pass the opportunity which now offered of uniting the two realms, either by conformity or otherwise. He left it, however, to those who were lately prisoners in England to open the matter to them. (fn. 16)

The question of the young Queen's wardship and of the future government of Scotland was in the meanwhile very naturally decided in Scotland itself. On New Year's day a great assembly of lords was held at Edinburgh to settle this question and to appoint new captains for the defenceless Borders. (fn. 17) On Wednesday following (3 January) the Earl of Arran was proclaimed Protector and Governor of the realm during the minority. (fn. 18) This was not at all agreeable to Henry's plans; and, worse still, it was reported that the Estates had agreed to take Arran as King in the event of the young Queen's death. They were also talking of a marriage between her and Arran's son. That at least must never be allowed. But even the election of a Governor was a fatal bar to the prisoners lately in England keeping their promises without force to assist them; and Henry commissioned Southwell to take their opinions what was to be done. New articles must be drawn up about their entry into Scotland, and some of them should be asked to give their advice in writing. Would it do for two of them to repair in advance of the others to Edinburgh and present the King's letters to the Council, then notify the fact to the others, who might come with a sudden rush, put down the new Government, seize the Cardinal or the Protector, and get possession of the young child and the fortresses of Scotland for the King? (fn. 19)

Another policy, however, and a rather less violent one, was proposed by the King in a letter to Southwell himself, sent along with these instructions, to be communicated to Lisle and Wharton. Reflecting, as he said, that he staid his sword on no other surety than the word of the Scotch lords, proclamation should be made that all Borderers who within 15 days should come to the King's Warden and give the same promise as the prisoners had done in the open article, "for the keeping of the Child and Government of Scotland," should be reputed the King's friends and live in surety, while those who should not come in would be reputed enemies. This, he thought, might serve to stay many who would otherwise bow to the authority of Cardinal Beton, as the Humes of the Merse were said to have done lately, or who might be drawn to some other party. Southwell was also to get Bothwell to write a letter to the Sheriff of Ayr, a Scotch refugee in France, to induce him to repair to the King and take part with England in the coming struggle. (fn. 20)

Southwell met with the Scottish lords at Darlington on the 11th, and desired of them categorical answers to a series of eight questions. They were against sudden action, proposed first to reason with Arran and the Council, and considered that they should all go together. They were sworn to stand by each other. They could not state exactly how they proposed to get possession of the fortresses, but would report their progress as time went on. They thought the proposed proclamation on the Borders should be deferred till they had spoken both with the lords and the Borderers, but if these proved intractable they would recommend it to be made. (fn. 21)

The Scottish Council, in complying with Henry's request for the surrender of Somerset's murderers, had expressed their great desire to treat of peace or abstinence of war for at least five or six months; with which view they proposed to send up in embassy the bishop of Orkney, lord Erskine, Sir Adam Otterburn and Sir John Campbell of Lundy — a greater and more honorable embassy than that which King James had proposed only three weeks before. (fn. 22) Henry's reply to this, dated the 4th January, showed that he was in no mood for negotiation till he had the murderers actually in his hands. This reply, however, had not reached Edinburgh when Arran, as Governor, wrote to him, on the 6th, sending Rothesay herald to solicit a safeconduct for the embassy. (fn. 23) And Rothesay carried with him to the Borders as prisoners William Leiche and John Priestman, the murderers of Somerset herald, whom they delivered up to Lisle at Alnwick on the 9th, along with the record of their examinations taken in Scotland, certified by Thomas Bellenden, the Chief Justice Clerk. (fn. 24)

From this document it appeared that the murderers had confessed the deed before the Earl of Argyle, Great Justice of Scotland, and said that they had done it of their own accord without counsel or help from any other person. (fn. 25) But a fuller declaration that they made, written in Leche's own hand, gives some explanation of their motives. It appears that they were English refugees who had sought an asylum in Scotland in 1537 from the severities used in punishing the Northern Rebellion. They consequently hated the King and his Government, of which they still stood in dread from the number of Henry's spies. (fn. 26) Of course, when they came into English hands, they were questioned further. Why did they kill the herald rather than Henry Ray or any other Englishman? They said they had no special cause of enmity against Somerset, but had determined to kill the first of the three they could lay hands on. The reason was, that after the dispersion of the Scotch army they felt themselves to be in less favor with the Scotch King and lords, and believed that some cruel deed done to Englishmen would tend to restore their credit. They went first to the King, and Leche told him that there were Englishmen in Edinburgh who he thought were spies and should not go unpunished. James made no answer, but looked at them and made a motion of his hand, from which they gathered that he would not mind if they had "a shrewd turn." They afterwards applied to the King's Secretary Erskine to be taken into some man's service or have leave "to seek the wars" in some other country, as they were sure when this war was ended they would be delivered up to the King of England. Erskine bade them have no such fear; they should not be delivered, and wages would be given them shortly by order of Cardinal Beton. They then applied to the Cardinal himself, who asked what they could do in return for the asylum they had so long enjoyed in Scotland. What friends could they make against England? For he had authority from the Pope to interdict that realm, and it would not be long before the interdict was published in English churches. Beton afterwards called Leche to a consultation, but not his fellow; and while they were both kept in poverty for want of employment they heard of the going home of Somerset and other Englishmen. Some cruel deed, they considered, was expected of them, and the murder of Somerset was the result. (fn. 27)

The matter, however, could have no lasting consequences now that the unhappy murderers were delivered up. The English Government was more concerned about the keeping of the sea; for Scottish ships were roving about the Channel and keeping watch for the English fleet from Bordeaux. Even mercantile ships had big artillery on board and were quite prepared for war; and anxiety was not diminished when in the middle of January information was received that the Duke of Guise had arrived at Havre, intending to pass into Scotland, and, under colour of visiting his daughter the Queen Dowager, to get possession of Dunbar and other strongholds. (fn. 28) But at the very beginning of the month the keeping of the sea was under consideration, and on the 8th the King wrote to Lord Lisle that he was appointed High Admiral in the room of Hertford, who had been made Great Chamberlain. Lisle's services, however, being still necessary on the Borders, Sir Francis Brian was to supply his place as Vice-Admiral—an office he had filled before, and for which he was well qualified by experience. (fn. 29)

Henry was strangely sanguine if he thought that the pledges given him by a number of Scottish prisoners in his hands—eminent, as these were, in rank and station— constituted anything like a safe guarantee to secure him complete control of the government of Scotland. It is not to the credit, certainly, of those Scotch noblemen that they acquiesced so easily; but even the conference at Darlington showed how little they could be relied on to fulfil all that they had agreed to. (fn. 30) The election of a Governor by the Scots themselves must be allowed to stand. Apparently it had been anticipated by Henry. And really Arran seemed anxious to conciliate England, especially as he was not on good terms with Cardinal Beton; (fn. 31) so that the party of the "Kirkmen" in Scotland might, perhaps, be kept under control. Inquiries by Lisle of a Scotch pursuivant (Dingwall) confirmed this view, showing also that Arran was "a great favorer of the Scripture, and a man (as he thought) of very good conscience." Whereupon Lisle expressed a hope to the pursuivant that Arran would make humble suit to the King of England to take the young Princess of Scotland and bestow her in marriage upon my lord Prince. And the pursuivant, we are told, believed that the Governor would do so, as he was "a sober man and coveted no great things of the world." Lisle then dismissed him, bidding him tell Arran that if he knew the King, "he would rather be his subject than be King of all Scotland."

Just after dismissing him, however, Lisle received a letter from the King, which induced him to recall the Scotch pursuivant and send Henry Ray (Berwick pursuivant), who was to have conducted Rothesay herald Southward to Arran, with letters of which he had received a draft from the King. This mission of Ray's had evidently some bearing on the entry of Sir George Douglas into Scotland, and Lisle waited impatiently for nine days at Alnwick, without hearing anything of him. He conjectured that his despatch had been delayed by the entry of Sir George Douglas, who would wish to give the first news himself. (fn. 32) Ray, however, was received by the Governor at Edinburgh on the 16th, and Lisle's letters, which Arran had by mistake allowed Beton to see, were read in open audience by the Cardinal. The accompanying credence did not please him, for it was derogatory to the dignity of him and the clergy generally; but Arran, after consulting with Douglas, thought it politic, since the Cardinal had seen them, that he should both read out the letters and make reply according to his own mind. Arran, however, wrote himself to Lisle that he intended to reform the state of the Kirk, and besought Lisle to procure a safeconduct for Scotch ambassadors to go up and contract peace or abstinence between the realms. (fn. 33)

Sir George Douglas, too, was received by the Governor that day in open audience. He had already been some days in Scotland, having received his safeconduct at Berwick on the 10th. (fn. 34) He left Berwick with eight persons; but a company of over 1,000 horse joined him on the way, and he was informed that Arran and the other lords had ridden to the Queen, who was very ill at Linlithgow. Arran, moreover, went home to Hamilton after seeing her, but on his return to Edinburgh sent for Sir George, who was staying at the Earl of Morton's house at Dalkeith, gave him two apartments in his own house for the night, and had a long conference with him till past midnight. That was Monday night the 15th. The open audience was next day. Cardinal Beton said his coming was not for Scotland's good and that he and his brother ought not to be admitted to their lands again after being so long "nourished" in England until it appeared to the whole realm that they were come for the defence of their own native country. Argyle and Murray and the bishops took the same view; but Arran stood up and begged them to put aside all malice, considering the state of the realm; saying if they would not receive his kinsmen who had been wrongfully kept out, he would help to set them in whoever said nay. After a debate, during which Sir George was ordered to withdraw, it was decided that he and his brother should be admitted as true gentlemen to their country; and Beton, though not satisfied, bade him welcome and desired him to forget past grudges. (fn. 35)

The Cardinal was right enough that the restoration of the Douglases implied an increase of English influence in Scotland. The Governor himself was playing into Henry's hands, not willingly, indeed, but avowedly and rather too effectually, his jealousy of Beton and of the expected coming of the Duke of Guise being a stimulant to such action in his own interests. On the 26th January Sir George Douglas presented letters to him from Lord Lisle, and he, in reply, desired Sir George to thank the King for his favor to the realm of Scotland, and to say that if he were only sure of peace with England he would lay hands on the Cardinal, and reform the Church in Scotland, as Henry had done in his own country. (fn. 36) Nor did he hesitate long; for the Cardinal was arrested the very next day in the Governor's own chamber while sitting at Council. The Queen Dowager, who though lately ill at Linlithgow, seems to have come up to the capital, gave a shriek when they took him, and all was stir and confusion. He was conveyed to the Earl of Morton's castle at Dalkeith, where he was kept fast prisoner; and Arran, being thus relieved of his only serious rival at the Council board, wrote on the 30th to Suffolk to desire a safe-conduct for the ambassadors whom he was sending up in consequence of Henry's letter from Hampton Court on the 4th and his message through the noblemen lately returned from England. (fn. 37) The Cardinal's arrest, however, was a strong step to take in a country where the privileges of the Church were still respected. Arran had it proclaimed at the cross of Edinburgh that it was for treason "and not for taking away of any service of the Church." But the consequences were appalling. No priest would sing mass in Edinburgh, nor christen children, nor bury the dead. (fn. 38) In such a state of matters faction was not likely to be quiet. Argyle, Murray and Huntly prepared to come up strong to the Parliament summoned to meet at Edinburgh on the 12th March, and to insist on the Cardinal's liberation. On the other hand Sir George Douglas was solicited to get him handed over to the King of England. But Sir George astutely declined to promise that either he or his brother would make such an attempt. If they did, he said, it would create mistrust of them as men of the King of England's party. (fn. 39)

The Cardinal's imprisonment did not tend to make Arran popular. "The Governor was a good man," people said, "till he rounded with the Earl of Angus and his brother." (fn. 40) The lords who had been prisoners in England were spoken of as "English lords." Huntly, Murray and Bothwell offered sureties for the Cardinal's liberation and it was expected that Argyle would take Stirling Castle. (fn. 41) But Arran became still more English in his policy and still more opposed to the priesthood. He got a Black Friar, by name Thomas Guilliame, to preach daily at Holyrood or St. Giles's Church upon the abuses of the Church and the advisability of setting forth the Bible and Testament in English. (fn. 42) The suggestion, if it did not come from Henry's agents, was speedily backed up by them. "It were not amiss," Lisle wrote to the Governor, "to let slip among the people the Bible and New Testament in English;" and if Arran had not a supply of them he promised to get him some out of England. (fn. 43) Bibles were evidently looked upon in the light of hounds to be "let slip" to disperse the sacerdotal party in Scotland. Arran took advantage of Lisle's offer and desired that an Englishman might be sent to Scotland with Bibles to sell. (fn. 44) Ten days later, Suffolk at Newcastle was informed by Rothesay herald that English Bibles, Testaments, primers and psalters were all in great demand in Scotland. (fn. 45)

Meanwhile, diplomacy had not unnaturally succeeded in effecting a truce between the two countries. There was no question which was the stronger power, and the King and the English Warden had already given orders to suspend active operations against the Scots, while Arran, as we have seen, had all along been anxious for a more permanent settlement. Diplomatic action, however, had been deferred till the return of the Scotch prisoners to their native country and the delivery of the message with which they were charged by Henry; so that it was only on the 20th January that Arran was able to make answer. He and his Council having considered that message, came to the conclusion that no satisfactory settlement could be made by mere writings, and as Henry objected to loss of time they desired a speedy safe-conduct for Sir George Douglas, William Hamilton of Sanquhar, James Leirmouth of Dairsie, and Mr. Henry Balnavis of Halhill. (fn. 46) The Governor's letters were addressed to Lisle as Warden of the Marches, and to the Duke of Suffolk, Henry's lieutenant general of the North; and the King himself answered them on the 9th February, sending a safe-conduct for the persons named and an abstinence from war by land for three months. (fn. 47) They were duly forwarded by Suffolk from Newcastle on the 12th, and by Lisle from Alnwick on the 13th. (fn. 48) Suffolk had been authorised to date the documents, and Arran found that the abstinence was to be (by land only) from the 14th of that month of February to the 1st June. Arran's reply to the King was dated on the 17th February, promising to get ready the embassy, and requesting that the return of the lords who had been captives in England might be delayed till Whitsunday, or at least till some day after Easter, that they might attend the Parliament summoned for the 12th March, and so help to reverse the attainders of the Douglases—a point which was most important to the King's own policy. (fn. 49)

The truce was formally accepted by the Scotch Government on the 20th February; (fn. 50) and Henry, in spite of his impatience for an early settlement, was obliged to acquiesce in the delay of the return of the prisoners till Whitsuntide. (fn. 51) His only hope, in fact, rested in Arran and the Douglases, and things were getting a little out of gear. The lords opposed to the Governor—Huntly, Argyle and others, including, of course, a large body of the Churchmen—were arranging to hold a convention of their own at Perth, and not to come to the Parliament summoned to Edinburgh at all. (fn. 52) Argyle, however, it was thought, might be won over; for the Governor had now granted him a suit for certain lands in the Isles given him by the late King, though he had recently experienced trouble there raised up for him by Arran himself. There were also other complications. Beton had been lord Chancellor at the time of his arrest (having lately got Arran to take the Great Seal from the Bishop of Glasgow and deliver it to him), and though it was now proposed, with Henry's consent, to put the earl of Glencairn in his place, the office could not be held by a prisoner on parole; such an appointment, moreover, would make him useless to the King in other ways. (fn. 53) Then, although the Duke of Guise seemed to be delaying his departure for Scotland, it was said the president of Turin, M. Cheman, who was one of the French King's Privy Council, would go thither and be director of the Scotch Council until his arrival; with whom would go Captain Lorges "in case of a ruffle." More serious still, the Earl of Lennox was coming with them; and Lennox, whom the French considered heir presumptive to the Scotch Crown, looking upon Arran as illegitimate, was to marry the Queen Dowager of Scotland. (fn. 54) Thus Arran's authority was endangered in many ways.

Henry was impatient because he was already committed to a continental war. His diplomacy was leading him on to it even when a new Parliament met at Westminster on the 16th January, (fn. 55) called mainly to vote him another subsidy, the pretext for which was the war with Scotland. Yes, it required yet another subsidy, after all the previous grants, and the forced loan, and the great monastic confiscations! The subjugation of Scotland might have required it all, perhaps, even if Scotland had stood alone. But France, however unwilling to quarrel with England, could not allow Scotland to be crushed, and the Scotch war was in itself drawing England into a league with the Emperor against France. For France was sending provisions of war to Scotland and selling ships to Scotland underhand, while Scotch ships were taking English prizes. Nay, Frenchmen joined Scots in taking English crayers. (fn. 56) No wonder the truce was not allowed to extend to naval warfare! Paget, however, had his eye on such practices, while Marillac had equal complaints to make at the English Court. Marillac was to have been recalled after Christmas and succeeded by Morvilliers; but the latter took ill, and Marillac occasionally lost his temper in remonstrance. (fn. 57) Nor did he mend matters when, having, as he alleged, a new commission to treat of the marriage of Orleans and the Princess Mary, he had a conference at some length with the King's Commissioners upon that subject and the pensions. The Council instructed Paget to show the French King that his ambassador had done nothing to put the matter in a better train, and further that he was "so wilful, so proud and so glorious," that the sooner he was replaced by another Ambassador the better. (fn. 58)

Under these circumstances it required comparatively little effort on the part of Chapuys, who, indeed, was so ill with the gout that he could not go about much, (fn. 59) to bring to effect the long talked of closer amity between England and the Emperor. Henry required that alliance quite as much as Charles against their common enemy France; yet even now he could only consent to a secret treaty binding him to future action, that he might not encounter the whole responsibility of open war at once. Towards Francis, who was scarcely half deceived, but was equally unwilling to precipitate matters, he was still, for some months, to profess neutrality and claim the rights of a neutral. But before the middle of February the treaty with the Emperor was an accomplished fact. It was, indeed, greatly desired on the Imperial side, even though by the nature of the transaction the Emperor was left for some time to do the fighting alone; yet Henry understood the situation so well, that even at the last moment he ventured to insist upon other things still, which no Imperial agent could be expected to concede. On the 5th February the King's deputies dined with Chapuys to discuss the treaty, which the latter had drawn up; but they presently took exception to the fact that the King was not called in the preamble "Supreme Head of the Church of England." At this they broke off, and two days later came to the ambassador saying it was absolutely essential that these words should be set in the title, or the treaty would advance no further. They could not even venture to speak to the King of this difficulty, for he had received that very morning wonderful offers from France, to which he might justly and reasonably listen if he was incensed by a suggestion that he should renounce his title. Chapuys was equally firm on his side not to acknowledge Henry's ecclesiastical pretensions. But it was finally agreed that in the treaty which he should sign the style should be only "King of England, France and Ireland," without even the addition "Defender of the Faith"—a title which the Pope had long since revoked; while the counterpart treaty signed by the English should give their King the style recognised among themselves. Chapuys remarked that their insertion of the words would signify little, as he on receiving the treaty could cancel or erase them. But they replied that he might do in that matter as he pleased. It was enough for them to have fulfilled their duty. (fn. 60) Briefly, the treaty was concluded at London on the 11th February; (fn. 61) and was afterwards secretly ratified by the Emperor in Spain before Bishop Bonner, the English Ambassador, the ratification being ante-dated Molin del Rey, 31st March, when the Emperor had really passed on to Barcelona in April. (fn. 62)

But Henry had not yet got Scotland into his hands. He chafed when he thought of "the long time passed unfruitfully since the decease of the late King, and how slenderly he was answered from all parties in Scotland." (fn. 63) It was promised, indeed, that an embassy should be sent him from the Three Estates of that country after the Parliament had met; but he was not by any means assured that their instructions would be satisfactory. Someone must be sent to Edinburgh to see what was doing; and Henry despatched thither Sadler, the man of all his agents who had most experience of Scotland. Sadler was to tell Arran that the King, believing in his favorable disposition as regards the embassy, had sent him to reside there "as his Grace's Commissioner and Counsellor," ready to give advice when required. He was to converse with Angus and Sir George Douglas, both together and apart, and learn from them how each great man was affected and who could be relied on to take the King's part; why efforts had not yet been made to get the child and the fortresses into the King's hands, and what provision was made to resist Lennox and the Frenchmen on their arrival. He was also to confer with Glencairn and Maxwell; and further he was to approach the Queen Dowager with a rather special message. For she had lately sent a messenger, a Frenchman, to France, who was arrested on his way through England, as he had no credence for the King and made no suit for a passport. This the King considered an indiscretion; but, as he was assured otherwise of her goodwill towards himself and her desire to follow his counsel, he wished Sadler to declare his affection for her and her child, and hoped she would "open her heart" to him, and she would see how earnestly he sought the good of both of them. Sadler would then learn from her how the Governor and the rest of the nobles were really inclined, and how she herself favored the King's purpose. (fn. 64)

Sadler reached Edinburgh on Sunday the 18th. The Parliament, which had opened on the 12th, had already arranged the despatch of the embassy (fn. 65) and been prorogued, to be called together again in April or May. The proposed convention had indeed met at Perth a week before, and had petitioned the Governor to release the Cardinal, forbid the diffusion of New Testaments and be guided by them, especially as to the persons sent to England. But Arran summoned the Perth lords on their allegiance to attend the Parliament at Edinburgh, and they all came except Argyle, who, being unwell, sent proxies. (fn. 66) The instructions to the ambassadors were all drawn up and settled before Sadler could have anything to say to them. They were not such as Henry desired; for they safe-guarded the independence of Scotland, and would not permit of the young Queen's being carried to England, Parliament having already ordained that she should be kept by her mother and four chosen lords of Scotland; but if Henry desired to put Englishmen or ladies with her, he might place one or two knights of England and as many ladies of honour with their servants at his own expense. (fn. 67) So, the main business that he came to influence being already disposed of, Sadler was very cordially received by the Governor, the bishop of Glasgow (who again was Chancellor), Huntly, Angus, Cassillis, Glencairn and the Earl Marshal. Each of Henry's friends had his different tale to tell apart. Sir George Douglas took the credit to himself for getting the Governor to break up the Perth convention, said he had not been remiss in writing and had bestirred himself much in the King's behalf while speaking only of the weal of Scotland lest he should raise suspicion; but as for the promises of the nobles he had told Sadler at Newcastle that the lords could never perform them. He had brought the Governor to the King's devotion and from that of France, and with this marriage concluded the other nobles would be brought round, so that Henry would have the full direction of affairs. But if they were to go about to depose the Governor and directly subject the realm to England "there was not so little a boy but he would hurl stones against it." (fn. 68)

Just after Sir George Douglas had left, Lord Somerville came to Sadler regretting that matters had not gone on so well as he had hoped, but no doubt all would be well by and by. Bothwell, he said, had slipped from them and called them "the English pensioners." Fleming, moreover, was not to be trusted; but Angus, though too much led by his brother George, was assured, and so were Cassillis, Glencairn, Maxwell and Gray. A Governor had been chosen before they came, and it was no use talking of a new Government; but they had delivered the King's letters, proposed the marriage, and believed that other things would follow in good train, especially as they had arrested the Cardinal, who was sure to be an enemy, though many were offended at their laying hands on him. As for France, they would forsake their league with the French, who had often broken faith with them. (fn. 69)

Next morning Sadler had meetings at the Black Friars with Angus and Glencairn, both together and apart; and considered them both assured to the King, and Somerville also. On one point they excused themselves, as Somerville had done, by the fact that the Governor had been already chosen. This, they confessed, made it impossible for them to perform their promises, Angus saying plainly that his friends would not come to him at first. But they had proposed the marriage, and though the Lords were very stiff not to let their young Queen out of the realm, when the marriage was once contracted they would annul all their leagues with France and help the King against France. Glencairn even declared that though he had little silver he would go himself and bring 5,000 good fellows with him to serve the King in that war. (fn. 70)

It is a long and rather amusing story, for which we refer the reader to Sadler's own report, how the English envoy was then brought to the Governor, who affected to fear that the King would mediate for the Cardinal's liberation, and became specially cordial on being assured that Henry would do him no such displeasure; how the Governor bade him declare his message to the Council; how he was very frankly answered by Huntly, showing that the embassy was already instructed and was on the eve of departure, as Henry himself had urged haste; how Sadler felt it was too late to inquire or discuss the character of their instructions, and himself agreed that if the Council would not communicate with him the ambassadors should not be detained. At night Sadler received a visit from Bothwell, who expressed his devotion to Henry, and said that if the other lords had been as willing as they pretended, the King would already have had his purpose. No sooner, he said, had they got home again than they "fell in" with the Governor; and as he himself had fallen "out" with the Governor, he would not have gone even to the Parliament except to vote for the restitution of Angus. The Governor, he said, was more meet to be governed, for he actually was governed by mean persons, and the realm would never come right till they got a more competent man; in which matter he (Bothwell) would keep his promises to the King. He did not believe Henry would like the instructions, as the ambassador had no authority to deliver the child. (fn. 71) This point, however, was just what the Lords were most united about; and even the zealous Glencairn urged Henry first of all to have the marriage concluded; for all would oppose the taking of the "bairn" out of the realm. It would look as if the King meant conquest and not the weal of the young Queen, because when her father died there was a state of war which still continued. (fn. 72)

The King's purpose was not advanced by the fact that the Scotch lords had feuds among themselves. At the Edinburgh Parliament it was expected that there would be great contentions, and that the priests would bring their men in "coats of plate" and with long spears. (fn. 73) During the session the Clergy and Commons presented three petitions to the Governor—first for the release of Cardinal Beton, unless he could be proved guilty of treason; second, that the state of the clergy might not be altered after "the cast of England;" and third, that the Queen should be put in the keeping of four nobleman till old enough to consent to marry. (fn. 74) About the same time the Sheriff of Ayr and other Scotch gentlemen arrived in London, willing to offer their services to the King; but then there was deadly feud between the Sheriff of Ayr and the Earl of Cassillis, one of those on whom the King placed his chief reliance. Sadler was accordingly instructed to get Glencairn, Maxwell and others to urge Cassillis to be reconciled to the Sheriff, if the King, finding him conformable to his purpose, should think fit to send him northwards. (fn. 75)

The ambassadors were despatched on the 20th March with a letter from Arran to the King. (fn. 76) But Sadler had still to discharge his mission to the Queen Dowager, whom he visited on the 22nd, and delivered the King's letter to her. He found her, to all appearance, quite in favor of her daughter's marriage to the Prince, and even of her delivery into the King's custody. In fact, she told Sadler that the Governor had no real intention of marrying her in England, and that he had said himself that they would make the contract, but keep the child till her lawful age, hoping in the meantime that Henry might die, on which they would find means to break it off. This she was anxious Henry should know, though she wished her information kept secret. The Governor and Council desired to keep the child in Scotland, because it was by her authority alone that he could act. Even if she died in England they would "have another to succeed her," and if the Prince died the English could marry her to some one else; so that, however the game went, the King would dispose of Scotland at his pleasure. The Governor, the Queen Dowager was sure, intended to marry her daughter to his own son; and to prevent this the King should insist on her delivery. She added that the Cardinal, if at liberty, could do much good. Sadler could not agree to this. He said the Cardinal would rather do much hurt, for he had no affection for England. She replied that he was a wise man "and could better consider the benefit of the realm than all the rest." It would be found that the lords would neither deliver the child nor pledges for the marriage. But she would find out the Governor's whole intent very soon; for knowing of Sadler's visit to her he was sure to come and see her and she would pretend unwillingness to the marriage that she might draw him out. (fn. 77)

The Queen Dowager further took occasion to deny some rumours. Lennox might be coming to Scotland, but he was not going to marry her. She also denied that her father, the Duke of Guise, was coming to Scotland, as he was making ready the French King's army in Champagne against the Emperor; and she hoped there would be no war between England and France. She was sorry for the indiscretion of her servant in England, for she had commanded him to inform the King of his journey and ask for a passport. And when Sadler spoke of the King's high opinion of her, she wished her daughter was in his hands; for it was unfit that the heir of a realm should be in the keeping of one who claimed the succession. The Governor, she said, had actually given out that the child was not likely to live; but Sadler should judge for himself; and she exhibited the babe to him naked, as fine and healthy a child as could be. (fn. 78)

Soon afterwards Sadler had another conference with Arran, who asked some questions about the old and young Queen, and thus gave him the opportunity of further comparing notes. Arran, whom some spoke of as a simpleton, and whose purposes the Queen Dowager thought she could easily penetrate, showed himself by no means an unskilled diplomatist. He concurred with what Sadler said, even about the healthiness of the young babe; and when Sadler touched upon the peace and marriage, saying Henry would require evidences of a sincere desire to accomplish them, reminded him that he did nothing of himself. He relied upon Henry's aid, as he had much difficulty with the "Kirkmen" on his account; but he expected good news from the ambassadors. He professed to care nothing about France; but on Sadler remarking that for a perfect peace the Scots must annul all their leagues with that country, he said that would require much consideration; but he was no good Frenchman and would agree to all the King required, with the advice of the estates As long as the Cardinal was safe in prison they could have little to do with France; but if the Cardinal had his will, he, Arran, would be burned as a heretic. Sadler on this suggested Beton's removal to Dunbar or Tantallon, but the Governor thought he was as well where he was. He added that the late King had a list of noblemen and gentlemen written in a roll as heretics and that his own name stood first among them. But now he would set forth the glory of God with the King's help. (fn. 79)

Sadler was perplexed. It was difficult to judge of the real inclinations of everyone and he did not see what was to be the issue. (fn. 80) The Governor and the Queen Dowager spoke of each other and their purposes in such a way that he knew not which of the two to trust. (fn. 81) Presently the Cardinal was removed from Blackness to his own castle of St. Andrews, where the Council pretended that he could still be kept safely. From thence, indeed, it was plausibly said, he might be conveyed by water to Tantallon, or Dunbar. (fn. 82) But the thing looked rather like a prelude to his liberation—which, in truth, it was. The King, who had notice of what was intended almost before Sadler, was intensely dissatisfied. He considered that he had been fooled by his late prisoners, who had been only seeking their own profit. They had not sent intelligence or reported proceedings. They had not informed him what was laid to the charge of the Cardinal, who, though the Governor declared that he should never be delivered, was now sent home. How George Douglas had handled that matter, the King said, he knew best himself. Worst of all, the Scotch Parliament had taken care that the King should not have his way by establishing as Governor one so unmeet for the post. Sadler must tell the late prisoners to see to it that the ambassadors had instructions that were to the purpose, else the King would not be put off any longer. (fn. 83)

But even if Henry was prepared to execute these threats by a renewed war with Scotland, the replies received by Sadler might have made him hesitatc. Maxwell frankly admitted that the King had a right to use force if gentle means failed; and for himself, in that case, he would be at the King's service. He was suspected in Scotland, he said, and must take part with England if war should recommence, but peaceable means were preferable. What would satisfy the King? Sadler could not tell, but thought he would insist on the delivery of the child. If so, Maxwell said, he could obtain it, for Scotland was not strong enough to withstand him, and all the prisoners would assist him. Angus and his brother were true gentlemen, and Angus was just about to marry his (Maxwell's) daughter. (fn. 84) When Sir George Douglas next came to visit Sadler he was much perplexed by what the latter was commissioned to tell him and others. What he did for the best, he complained, seemed taken for the worst. He had done more to serve the King than all the rest, and to keep the Governor from going over to the French party and the bishops. They had been telling the Governor that Sir George would betray him to Henry, and now if the Governor knew that the King intended to have absolute control of Scotland, he would revolt to the other party, and the whole realm would be united against England. Sadler said he hoped things would not come to that extremity; but those whom the King trusted should have seen that the instructions to the ambassadors were such as would satisfy him. Douglas said they were given by the Three Estates, and to find fault with them before it was known how the King accepted them would only bring their party into more suspicion; but if the King desired at once to have complete control of the realm there was no other way but the sword. Further conference with Angus and with Maxwell led to much the same result. All were troubled with the King's message; but if the King would have war, they would redeem their pledges and spend their lives and goods in his service. (fn. 85)

The King was not satisfied with Douglas's explanations. He noted, in fact, that Sir George went back upon his word in some things, with which it was not prudent to tax him openly. (fn. 86) It would not do for Henry to quarrel with such tools as he had to work with. The Governor, too, was shaky enough, and must be secured in some way; so the King opened up to him a Church policy somewhat like his own in England, with a bribe of no small potency. The Governor had just been protesting that out of regard for Henry's project he had forborne to procure from Parliament the marriage of his son to the young Queen of Scotland—an assurance that Henry did not make much of, as he could not believe the Scots would consent to such an unequal union. But Sadler might show him that the King had so devised for the advancement of his blood that he should have no cause to repent his conformity to his proceedings. If Arran would only keep steadfast, the King would give his own daughter, Elizabeth, in marriage to his son. And this, besides the high distinction of the match itself, would enable him to keep securely the place which he then held; for the lords and bishops who were so unwilling to come in to him were evidently combining for the overthrow of him and Angus and all that party, intending the delivery of the Cardinal and the seizure of the young Queen, probably not without the consent of her mother. (fn. 87)

There was a curious agreement everywhere to disparage Arran's mental endowments. What Bothwell said of him we have seen; Sir George Douglas protested that he alone had kept him steady to the King; the King wrote of him as one who saw not deeply into matters; (fn. 88) and the Queen Dowager declared that he was simple and inconstant. (fn. 89) But the way he received the King's great offer hardly indicates such weakness as was so generally imputed to him. He put off his cap and said he was most bound that a prince of such a high repute should offer his daughter to so poor a man as himself, acknowledging the great surety and support that it would give him, both in governing and in setting forth God's word, and extirpating the Bishop of Rome's authority. But he could not believe in such a combination of lords and bishops against him as the King suggested. As to Cardinal Beton (who had by this time been completely liberated), he said Seton, to whose custody he had been committed, had deserved to forfeit both life and lands, and he acknowledged the justice of Henry's opinion that it was a disastrous mistake committing him to his own house. Talking thus, he was recalled by Sadler to the subject of the King's offer, and, putting off his cap once more, prayed him to write that he thanked the King a thousand times and would communicate with his brother (meaning his bastard brother the abbot of Paisley) and Sir George Douglas, "and not many more," and ere long let the King know his answer. (fn. 90) A few days later he said that he had taken the advice of secret friends, who thought with him that he was most bound to the King and should accept the offer. So when the treaties were settled, which would be easily agreed on unless the King sought to take away the independence of Scotland, he would send to desire the marriage. (fn. 91)

It was not that the Governor was weak, though perhaps he did not mind being so considered. The state of Scotland was weak and he could but temporise at first, willing enough to have kept down the Church with Henry's aid, and happy for a time to keep his old enemy, the Cardinal, in durance. But Henry's policy was impracticable and the imprisonment of the Cardinal was both useless and dangerous if the Governor's hands were not strengthened from outside for a great ecclesiastical revolution. He fell in with Henry's views easily about having the Scriptures in English, but told Sadler that the extirpation of monks and friars and the abolition of papal authority would be difficult, though he himself did not believe in Purgatory, and thought these foundations could be applied to better uses. (fn. 92) He was most anxious, however, to avert suspicion on Henry's part that the Cardinal had obtained his liberty with his connivance; and, three days after the interview with Sadler just referred to, he sent for him again to clear himself on that point, swearing many oaths and laying his hand on his sword with a wish that it might stick in his heart if he knew beforehand of the Cardinal's liberation. His kinsmen, lord Seton, he said, who had shamed all his blood, had bound himself in his life and inheritance for the Cardinal's keeping, but had been corrupted with money and gifts and had not 12 or 16 men within the Castle when the Cardinal had 200. Sadler advised him not to admit Beton to his presence but put him in the custody of some noblemen till the King's advice was obtained. This the Governor thought not amiss, and said he would discuss it with his Council. (fn. 93)

The Cardinal, in truth, had been taken to his own castle of St. Andrews and released that the interdict might be taken off, so that mass might be celebrated in the churches at Easter. (fn. 94) And very soon after, a new element in the situation was introduced by the arrival of Lennox, who landed at Dumbarton with a gentleman of France and a store of French gold to till Scottish purses. (fn. 95) Dumbarton was Lennox's own castle, and the keeper brought him the keys; so he stored it with arms and accoutrements brought from France. (fn. 96) He soon gathered a company and joined Argyle, lord Erskine and others about Stirling, while Huntly, who had got leave to go home from the Parliament, went instead to Beton at St. Andrews. (fn. 97) The news alarmed Henry VIII. more than it did any Scotchman in Scotland. He suspected a design to carry off the young Queen and desired Sadler to warn Arran and the Douglases that the success of such a plot would be the end of their glory. (fn. 98) The Douglases must get Arran to summon Lennox to surrender Dumbarton. (fn. 99) Sadler took counsel with Cassillis and Glencairn, but they said Lennox had no following, and though he and the Cardinal might aim at such a thing, they could not succeed unless the Governor joined them. Sir George Douglas, on the other hand, said he had been already urging Arran to remove the Queen to Edinburgh Castle, but the Governor told him it was too near England and that there were rumours which made him fear that the King, disappointed with the embassy, was planning to have her carried off himself. Sadler then went to see the Governor and urged that after the trick played about the Cardinal the Queen should be removed to some place of strength. Arran thanked the King for his advice, again said that never man was worse served than he about the Cardinal, but there was no danger as to the Queen, as Lennox had made no assembly. Besides, Linlithgow, where she lay, was "in his chief strength" and he could not be deceived. Parliament, moreover, had ordered that she should be kept nowhere but there or at Stirling without the consent of her mother and him and the other estates of the realm. (fn. 100)

Soon afterwards, Sadler found a change in the situation. The Governor had been irresolute and would have abandoned England and gone over to the opposite party if Angus and his brother, with Glencairn and Cassillis, Maxwell and Somerville, had not kept him steady. (fn. 101) The Governor had, indeed, naturally wavered when he heard what terms the King had insisted on with the Scotch ambassadors—the delivery of their Queen in her tender years and the abandonment of their alliance with France. (fn. 102) But he had now issued a proclamation forbidding the adverse lords to bring with them such a force as they had intended. The result was that, after much ado, Lennox and Argyle had come to Edinburgh, and an agreement was about to be made between Lennox and Angus. It was hoped, however, that the King would not press for the delivery of the child till she was of lawful age or near it. Arran, at the same time, excused his delay in answering the King's demands by the slow coming in of the Lords. They had all come in now, except the Cardinal and Huntly, without waiting for whom an answer would be drawn up, which he hoped would satisfy the King, if he would but moderate his demands. Sadler said the King's demands were surely reasonable and necessary. But the Governor swore "a great oath" that he considered them quite the contrary; they were such "that every man, woman and child in Scotland would liever die in one day than accept them." Nevertheless, they would offer such reasonable conditions as Henry, he trusted, would not refuse, and would despatch the answer in three days. While they were thus talking, Lennox entered the chamber, and was welcomed by the Governor, who said they would now make the agreement between him and Angus, and then go to Council to hear the credence brought by him from France. (fn. 103)

In the afternoon the Governor sent to inform Sadler of the effect of that credence—which was, that Francis desired the Estates of Scotland to remember their old league with France, as he would do on his part, and if Henry should invade them, he would send them aid in men, money and munitions; but if they agreed with Henry, they should comprehend him in the league. Nothing could be more frank, and Sadler found by other evidence that Arran had sent him a true report of the message. He was also encouraged by his separate conferences with Cassillis, Glencairn and the others to believe that Arran was now "in a good towardness" if the King would only relent somewhat. He would agree to give pledges for the child's deliverance at lawful age, or within a year or two of it, and they all thought this should be accepted. That would be a foundation for an amity in which the King would be sure to have his whole purpose. But the stipulation proposed by Henry that the Governor should continue during the young Queen's minority only on condition that he remained devoted to the King and used the counsel of such persons as the King thought best would never be admitted—at least, if it was intended to establish an English Council in Scotland; if it allowed a purely Scottish Council it would be conceded. But Sir George Douglas, or some other wise person, would be sent up to the King with the answer they were about to make, and if the King agreed with them, some noble personages would be sent "to knit up matters." (fn. 104)

Sadler continued to maintain that the King would use force, (fn. 105) and a draft letter from the Privy Council to him in reply, shows that they at first were instructed to keep up the menace; but wiser counsels prevailed and the minatory clause was struck out. Other articles were despatched to Scotland, and Sadler was to endeavour to procure the concurrence of Angus and the rest in getting the Governor to agree to them; but he was still to intimate that if these were not accepted without further amendment, the King, in his opinion, would be driven to the use of force; and in case matters were to come to extremity, he desired their advice how the war might be best conducted. (fn. 106) When these instructions reached Sadler, however, the assembly had been already dissolved, the earl of Glencairn and Sir George Douglas had been despatched to England with the lords' answer, and not only the lords, but the Governor himself, had left town. So that it was impossible for Sadler to proceed in the way he was enjoined. But he was very hopeful that things were now in so good a train that the King would soon be able to do what he pleased in Scotland. (fn. 107) He was assured by Angus, who had been at Linlithgow with the Governor, that good order had been taken for the custody of the young Queen, whom her mother would fain have removed to Stirling, and he knew that Arran, before he left for Hamilton, had given strict orders to Bothwell and the other Wardens of the Marches to keep the days of truce. (fn. 108)

There was a new danger, however, of which the King sent warning to the Governor through Sadler. Pope Paul III. had been naturally much moved on hearing of the overthrow of the Scots on the Solway, the death of James V. and the apprehension of Cardinal Beton; and being at Bologna on his way to meet the Emperor, on the 25th March he despatched to the Governors of Scotland Mark Grimani, patriarch of Aquileia, as collector, in place of the Cardinal, of a certain tribute of six-tenths which he had placed at the disposal of the deceased King for the defence of the Kingdom. He appears to have believed that the Government of Scotland was at this time in several hands, and that the Cardinal's apprehension could not have been the work of the rulers whom Grimani was to supply with money for his release as well as for the defence of the Kingdom. (fn. 109) Grimani's mission had been urgently solicited by the French to prevent Scotland being completely at Henry's mercy; but in May he was still at Paris preparing to go to Scotland, and very strangely informed, certainly, of the state of affairs there. (fn. 110) On Whitsunday, 13 May, the English Council wrote to Sadler to impress upon Arran the danger of this new legate's coming, and Arran took the warning "in marvellous good part" (fn. 111) —none the worse because he had just been writing to the Pope committing Scotland to the protection of his Holiness. (fn. 112) He answered blandly that if the French King did them no more harm than to procure a legate to curse them, he cared little; for if the legate raised trouble with his excommunications he should surely never go home again. Still, the Governor would be glad, with the King's advice, to hinder his coming, and he only waited to know whether he should have peace or war with England; for if once peace were made he could soon reduce the realm to obedience, reform the Church and advance the word of God in spite of the legate, the Cardinal and all the bishops. Sadler said he had good hope of peace shortly, and the Governor replied that he only wished to be sure of it to set upon the Cardinal at St. Andrews, who was the only man he hated. Yet he must take measures also against Lennox, whom he had summoned in the Queen's name to deliver Dumbarton Castle. Lennox had, indeed, agreed to do so, but the Captain, whose name was Sterling, refused, declaring that the custody of the Castle was his for seven years to come by a grant of the late King, and Lennox, on the approach of the Governor's forces with Angus, Cassillis and others, had fled into the Highlands. Seated on an impregnable rock, it was impossible to reduce Dumbarton except by famine; but Arran said he had made proclamation against aiding the Captain, and the country seemed obedient. Stirling Castle, too, would be difficult to get into his hands, as it was the Queen's jointure; yet he would try to get it from Lord Erskine. In any case, however, he could be master of the bridge, as the castle had no ordnance to command it, and he and Angus, Cassillis and Glencairn had more friends on the other side of the water than their opponents. (fn. 113)

There is something singular in the admissions made by Arran to the representative of such a jealous and suspicious sovereign as Henry VIII. The Convention of the Scotch clergy, he admitted, had met at St. Andrews with his licence to determine what money they would contribute for the war if it should ensue, and though many bishops had assembled, it was prorogued till 1 June, when the whole clergy hoped to meet. Meanwhile it was resolved that they would for the maintenance of the war give all the money they had, and even their plate and the plate of the churches—"chalices, crosses, censers and all, leaving nothing unspent in that quarrel, and fight themselves if need required." But if peace succeeded the Governor would stop their meeting on the 1 June. Peace once concluded, as he was always telling Sadler, he would soon bring the realm to perfect obedience. (fn. 114) And so, as an anti-clerical, anti-Papal Governor, he appealed continually to Henry for support, and not without effect till the pretence could be kept up no longer. Was Henry, in this one case, exceptionally blind? And was Sadler blind as well? Part of the mystery, no doubt, was that if the Governor was false there was no agent anywhere in Scotland to carry out Henry's policy at all. But Sadler, at least, seems to have been marvellously convinced of his perfect sincerity.

The Scotch ambassadors were still at the English Court when, some time in the course of May (the truce having been meanwhile prorogued to 1 July), (fn. 115) it was resolved to send back Sir George Douglas to Scotland to obtain a commission to conclude the compact for the marriage on five specified conditions. First, the bride was to be delivered to the King or Prince at the age of eight, or ten at furthest. Secondly, six earls and barons or their heirs approved by the King and two bishops were to be hostages for her delivery at that date. Third, she was to remain in the custody of the Scottish lords already appointed by Parliament, except Erskine and Seton, and the King might appoint "English folk" about her for her education. Fourth, after her delivery she was to be married at the age of twelve at furthest (!). Fifth, when she became Queen of England she was to have as great a dower as Queens of England usually had. (fn. 116) With these proposals Sir George returned to Edinburgh and found the Governor very well inclined to them. He could not, however, take upon himself the responsibility of concluding with Sadler privately, and summoned divers lords to be with him on the 4th June, though he apprehended that they would find little to object to except the delivery of their young Queen at the age of ten. Even to this, however, he hoped easily to bring them. Angus, Cassillis and Somerville were much of the same opinion. The Governor had already put off the convention of the clergy and said, as usual, that, if once sure of peace, he would prosecute the Cardinal. (fn. 117)

The Scottish nobles actually assembled on Tuesday the 5th and sat all day on Wednesday the 6th. Very strong objections were made to the delivery of the child queen at ten years of age unless the King of England would give pledges for her marriage to the Prince at twelve years old at the latest. But finally the King's proposals were accepted with only three modifications :—1. That the child should be delivered at ten years of age, provided the marriage was previously contracted by proxy, and six suitable earls and barons would be laid as pledges, her custody, meanwhile, being according to the articles. 2. A little alteration was required in the articles of the peace, to preserve mercantile intercourse with subjects of such 'comprehense" as by those articles was to lose the benefit of comprehension. The peace was to be like the last peace, "with the exception of France pretermitted," and a provision inserted that whomsoever either party should comprehend should forfeit the benefit of comprehension if he withheld land, possession or pension from the King or from Scotland, and the parties might assist each other against such "comprehense" for wages of the requirant. 3. They added a new article, that if the Prince should die without issue their young Queen might, if she pleased, return to Scotland unmarried. (fn. 118)

The final answer was made in Parliament two days later and may be read at length in the Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, or in condensed form in this Calendar. (fn. 119) It was not such as to occasion much further difficulty, and Sir George Douglas being sent back with it to England, a commission was issued by Henry on the 17th June to the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Norfolk and others to arrange with the Scotch plenipotentiaries for the espousals, and for the peace between the two realms. (fn. 120) Apparently they met that very day, when seven articles brought by Sir George were delivered to the English Commissioners by the King. Next day Sir George produced the same articles before the Council, or that part of it which was in London (for the King was then in Essex (fn. 121) though expected at Greenwich on the day following), and the Councillors made a show of arguing some points and demanding a few explanations; but in the end they deferred matters till they should see the King, desiring the Scotch Commissioners meanwhile to copy the Articles and add others requesting the Council to expedite matters, for a speedy arrangement was exceedingly desirable. (fn. 122)

It was quite evident, however, both in England and in Scotland that the two Kingdoms were coming to an understanding. And matters being in such favourable train, Sadler was now looking for the redemption of Arran's promises, to see what he would do against the Cardinal and his party now that peace with England was secure. Most unfortunately, in June, the Governor had returned to Hamilton and was very ill. The lords also were scattered and diplomatic business at a standstill. Sadler did not see how the Scottish prisoners could keep their "day of entry"—that is, their return on parole—at Midsummer as had been arranged; the time would have to be prolonged till Lammas (1 August). (fn. 123) At last the Governor was well enough to come to Edinburgh, and Sadler had an interview with him on the 29th June, when he urged him to get the Cardinal, Lennox, and their adherents at once apprehended. He could not but note for some time past that the Governor had seemed to "wax cold" in this matter. (fn. 124) Was his faith in the Governor shaken? Early in the month he had discredited some rumors, declaring that if the Governor was a Christian with "any spot of honor," he was wholly "dedicate" to the King and had always shown himself so—in fact, he had earned a bad name among his own people as "an heretic and a good Englishman," who had sold his country to the King, and Scotch suspicions were aggravated by the fact that his ancestors were English. (fn. 125) Still, there were no signs as yet that he was going to take active steps against the Cardinal and Lennox. So Sadler was glad of an opportunity to press him personally. Oh, he was very well disposed to do so, but still he made the enterprise more "difficile" than he was wont to do, both on account of their strength and of the prospect they had of shortly obtaining money and weapons from France. Such a prospect, Sadler said, was only a reason for prompt action beforehand, and he might be sure of the King's aid. He replied that he hoped to have God and the King on his side, for whose sakes he had much cumber and should have more; but he was sure the King could do more for him than the French could for his adversaries; and as soon as peace was concluded and pledges laid, he would proceed against the Cardinal and Lennox as the King advised. (fn. 126)

So, once more, he cleverly deferred everything till the peace, and meanwhile prepared to go to Linlithgow to see to the sure keeping of the young Queen, whom Sadler himself advised him to remove to Edinburgh castle. (fn. 127) But what came of so many promises and protests when the peace really was made we shall have to show in our next preface; for the present Part does not carry us far beyond the actual conclusion of the treaties, which were signed at Greenwich on the 1st July, both for the peace and for the marriage. (fn. 128)

It was doubtless a great comfort to Henry to have got this settlement with Scotland. Not that he wholly trusted the Governor or the Scottish nation; but he had as good security now as could be looked for against the Scots aiding France while he and the Emperor were engaged in joint hostilities with that country. And it was, surely, not without due consideration of this that he at length declared himself against France on the 22nd June, just nine days before the Scotch treaties were signed at Greenwich. (fn. 129)

How long and how carefully he had been preparing for this open rupture we have partly seen already. He had secretly bound himself to the Emperor as early as the 11th February, and he had immediately made inquiries of Wallop how best he could give the French "the first buffet" when the actual breach should be notified to him. (fn. 130) That same month he had given Paget leave to quit the French court to return home on the plea of illness, with an intimation that Dr. Layton, the dean of York, would be sent as his successor. (fn. 131) But Paget's cool demand for leave to return before the arrival of his successor put Francis almost beside himself, so that he could not speak for passion. It was the very time, moreover, when the English were complaining of Marillac, desiring that he might be replaced by some more agreeable negotiator. His old experience of Henry's trickery could not but fill Francis with alarm. He thought it wise, however, on consideration, to put the best face on matters, and said he saw that Marillac had been unskilful, but hoped his good brother would be able to conclude with him for all that. He confessed frankly that he was warned from every quarter that his good brother would be his enemy; and he endeavoured to show Paget that it would be more advantageous for Henry to ally himself with him than with the Emperor; for he would have to spend money on an Imperial alliance, whereas he would gain it on an alliance with him, without forfeiting the Emperor's friendship. Paget said he did well to speak so frankly, but Henry had been illtreated in the matter of the ships Francis said that was a trifle, which Henry might order as he pleased; and he actually gave Paget leave to go, but before he was out of the Court gates recalled him, saying he had changed his mind and desired him not to leave till his successor arrived. (fn. 132)

Paget remonstrated and said he would not stay unless he was forced; but if it must be, he would rather he stayed at Boulogne than at Paris. Cardinal Tournon, whom with Bayard, Francis had meanwhile called to Council, agreed to this and said a gentleman should accompany him to Boulogne with orders to Monsieur du Biez to make him good cheer. (fn. 133) To Boulogne, accordingly, Paget was honourably conducted, and there, as he found, he must be content to stay until his successor came. A special letter that he wrote to Cardinal Tournon to be allowed to proceed had met with an unfavorable answer, showing that it was quite unprecedented for two French Ambassadors to be in England (for, by this time, Marillac's proposed successor, the Prothonotary d'Orthe, had reached the English Court (fn. 134) ) and no English Ambassador in France. For the sake of the amity Paget must remain. He in vain sought to meet this by saying he was ordered home. Du Biez confessed that he had no command to arrest him but to make him good cheer; he might go hawking and hunting whither he would. "Why, then," said Paget, "I will go to Calais." "Nay, that you may not," replied Du Biez; and when Paget remarked that that was equivalent to an arrest, he begged him not to use the word. On asking how long he should be detained, Du Biez told him he should be at liberty when his successor came, if Marillac came with him. (fn. 135)

He remained at Boulogne till the beginning of April, when Marillac arrived at Calais; and, as he continued there till the middle of the month, his stay must have lasted about six weeks before matters could finally be adjusted to let him proceed. For Marillac on reaching Calais on the 1st April was treated precisely in the same way there as Paget was at Boulogne; and it was fully intended by the English Council that he should be compelled to sojourn there at least till Paget's arrival. (fn. 136) A demand was also made by Henry for the liberation of a Scotch priest whom he had employed as a spy about Rouen and whom the French had apprehended as a malefactor; and though Francis regarded this as quite unreasonable, especially as it was insisted on as another condition of Marillac's liberation, he forbore to contest the point. But neither of the Ambassadors had got liberated even as late as the 14th April. (fn. 137)

To turn to matters of domestic concern. We have already said that the chief business of the Parliament which was called in January was to vote the King a new subsidy; and really besides this there was comparatively little of public interest. There was, indeed, an Act entitled "for the advancement of true religion," to regulate the printing, sale and use of the Bible and other books of religion. There was an Act also containing ordinances for Wales. There were Acts against fraudulent debtors, for setting the prices of wines, and touching the manufacture of pins; for preservation of the river Severn; for making coverlets in York; for making friezes and cottons in Wales, and for paving certain streets in London and Westminster; also a noteworthy Act to allow capable persons who did not belong to the fellowship of Surgeons in London to administer medicines free from molestation by that fellowship. But the great bulk of the Acts passed were private and local Acts. (fn. 138) The proceedings of the Convocation of Canterbury this year are a degree more interesting; for even in February when it first met a general revision of mass books and other service books was ordered, not only to get rid of all mention of the Pope's name, but also of all "feigned legends" and references to Saints not mentioned in the Bible or "authentical doctors." Some petitions also were presented, which are of interest to the ecclesiastical historian. (fn. 139) But the Houses were presently prorogued till the 4th April, and then again to the 20th, when a rather important session began, resulting in a revision, urged on by the King, of the book called "The Institution of a Christian Man," published in 1537. This treatise, after amendment, was renamed "A Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian Man," and being at length authorised in May, became known as "the King's Book" instead of "the Bishops' Book." The new name was not inappropriate, for Henry had certainly urged on the work, supervised it, and suggested amendments. (fn. 140)

It is notable, however, that at this time heresies were beginning to break out at Court or in high places, of which we shall hear more in the later part of the year. First, Dr. Simon Heynes, dean of Exeter, was committed to the Fleet on the 16th March, after being examined by the Council for propagating "evil opinions." On the two following days there were likewise sent thither Thomas Weldon, one of the masters of the Household, one Sternall, whom we may pretty safely identify with Thomas Sternhold, the metrical translator of the Psalms, and Philip Hobby, gentleman usher of the Privy Chamber— a man whom we have met with before. These three were arrested and sent to the Fleet on the 17th and 18th March. It would seem they had been infected with objectionable views of the Sacrament by a clergyman named Thomas Parson; and on the day of Hobby's committal letters were despatched by the Council to Windsor, to call up three inhabitants of that town, Testwood, Marbeck, and Benett, for "seditious opinions and other misbehaviours," which, as we shall hereafter find, were not unconnected with heresy as well. There was also one Anthony Peerson indicted about this time for irreverence to the clergy and disbelief in Transubstantiation. (fn. 141)

"The whip with six strings" (as the Act of the Six Articles was called) had never been largely put in force, and men apparently were beginning to despise its terrors. Church authority hardly stood quite so high as it had done; and it is significant that at a meeting of the Privy Council on the 8th April even the King's printers, Whitchurch and Grafton, with six others, were ordered to prison for printing unlawful books contrary to the proclamation. At the same time orders were sent to the City authorities to search through London what households ate flesh continually all Lent. (fn. 142) This, whatever we may think of the gravity of the offence, was a breach of actual law; but almost at the next meeting of the Council twenty unhappy joiners were committed to the Tower, Newgate and the Gatehouse, for having made "a disguising upon the Sunday morning, without respect either of the day or the order which was known openly the King's Highness intended to take for the repressing of plays." (fn. 143) Four players belonging to the lord Warden were at the same time committed to the Counter for an actual infraction of an order by the lord Mayor. The joiners, however, were released after four days' imprisonment. (fn. 144) Cases were also brought before the Council of persons who kept "open boards of flesh in Lent," and who pleaded the King's licence for eating it, though this did not warrant them to sell. (fn. 145)

On the 1st April, the poet, Henry, earl of Surrey, was charged before the Council with eating flesh in Lent and roving about the streets at night, breaking windows with stone-bows. For the eating of flesh he alleged that he had a licence, though he had not used it "so secretly as appertained." The other offence he confessed, admitting that "he had very evil done therein," and the Council committed him to the Fleet. (fn. 146) His arrest seems to have been due to the information of the lord Mayor and Aldermen on the previous day. (fn. 147) But these night exploits of his had taken place in the beginning of February, with two young companions, one of whom was Thomas Wyatt, son of that Sir Thomas Wyatt whose name is so generally linked with his as a fellow poet, and who, as we have seen in our last Volume, had died in the preceding October. This younger Wyatt, we need hardly say, was afterwards the famous rebel of Queen Mary's time. He had begun his education in lawlessness already, and Surrey, apparently, had begun it even earlier. For, as we also saw in the last Volume, he had already been once committed to the Fleet by the Council last year, and if the penitent letter he wrote to them is authentic and rightly placed, his confinement on that occasion had already made him reflect seriously enough on the injury he had done to a career till then, as he declared, unstained. (fn. 148) His doings this time, however, had been inquired into by the Council a week or more before his arrest, and not only was something known of his night rovings before they were reported on by the City Authorities, but it had been elicited by private inquiries that some of his dependents called him a prince, and thought that accident might one day place him on the throne. (fn. 149) The information does not seem to have led to any formal charge being made against him at this time, but no doubt it was not lost sight of and must have sharpened the suspicions which, at a later date, brought to light other evidences of his ambition.

As regards continental matters there are yet a few words to say. The secret treaty with Henry was of course a great comfort to the Emperor and his sister Mary, and not less so to his brother Ferdinand; for their affairs had not been going on as well as could be wished. The Diet of Nuremberg resumed this year in February; but what help it was likely to afford against the Turk was doubtful from the first. The Duke of Cleves defeated the Imperial troops at Sittard on Easter Eve (24th March), and Granvelle at Nuremberg found it expedient to conclude a truce with the Duke's agents at the request of the States of the Empire till the Emperor came from Germany. But while the news of this truce delighted the Antwerp merchants, the Duke himself refused to ratify it. His army lay before Heinsberg, in the Emperor's lands, and the siege was long continued. Meanwhile, after four months' bickering, the Diet of Nuremberg passed some resolutions for the defence of Hungary, but not without protests from the Imperial towns and the Protestants, and the result was a practical failure. (fn. 150) A month later, Ferdinand appealed in vain for the aid promised by the Diet; the soldiers were not forthcoming when the Turk was seriously expected. (fn. 151) The Emperor, meanwhile, left Spain and landed at Genoa in May, (fn. 152) and had an interview with the Pope on the 20th June between Cremona and Parma, (fn. 153) in which he flattered himself he had succeeded in removing his Holiness's suspicions as regards the effect of his league with the excommunicated King of England. (fn. 154)

Of the manner in which Henry at length launched into the war it is unnecessary to say much. It had been a matter of some arrangement beforehand that an English and an Imperial herald should go together to Francis on the occasion to defy him. Henry ratified his treaty with the Emperor on the 27 May, (fn. 155) and shortly afterwards despatched Garter King of Arms (Christopher Barker) to join with Toison d'Or (Francois de Phallaix), chief King of Arms sent by the Emperor, that they might proceed to Francis together on this mission. Toison d'Or was to speak first, and, without saluting the French King, was to require him to leave off his alliance with the Turk, indemnify the King of the Romans for injuries, pay all past debts to the King of England, and make restitution of lands and compensation for damage to the Emperor; on doing which things England and the Emperor would be willing to make peace with him. (fn. 156) But Toison d'Or was refused a passport by Francis, and Garter, being unable to execute his instructions alone, both heralds had to return. The English Council then arranged for a joint intimation to be made to the French Ambassador in England by Chapuys and the Duke of Norfolk; and in this manner war was denounced to France on the 22nd June. (fn. 157)

Though many things have been passed over, as usual, in this cursory review, there is just one event more which we must mention as of special interest within the compass of this Part. The King married his sixth and last wife, Katharine Parr, the widow of lord Latimer, at Hampton Court on the 12 July. Bishop Gardiner officiated on the occasion. (fn. 158) J. G.


  • 1. Vol. XVII., No. 1148.
  • 2. Ib. Nos. 1142, 1163, 1167, 1179, 1190.
  • 3. Ib. No. 1224; and in this Volume No. 44, p. 29.
  • 4. Vol. XVII., Nos. 1189, 1191. He was written to on the 11th Dec. to get a "plott" (or map) of Scotland made for the King, and next day to come up himself. "A platt of all Scotland," however, as Lisle wrote on the 12th, was not an easy thing to procure in the North, and he recommended the King to apply to his own Scotch physician, Dr. Cromer, who had such an article, and who could have the help of one of his countrymen, a refugee in London learned in the laws, in making "such a platt." Ib. No. 1194, p. 658.
  • 5. Chapuys was misinformed when he wrote on the 23rd Dec., that "Earl Douglas," as he called Angus, had actually regained it. No. 1230.
  • 6. Nos. 3, 44 (p. 29).
  • 7. See what is said in Vol. XVII., Nos. 1221 and 1225, of the doings of the Carrs (or Kerrs) of Fernyhirst and Cesford and of the laird of Buccleuch.
  • 8. Vol. XVII., Nos. 1225, 1233.
  • 9. Ib.
  • 10. Ib. No. 1249.
  • 11. See Historical MSS. Commission's Report XI., Pt. VI., 219-20. (Duke of Hamilton's MSS.)
  • 12. See references in last Volume.
  • 13. No. 22.
  • 14. No. 7 (2). Angus was at Berwick on the 4th January, when he received a letter from the King directing him to repair to Darlington. See No. 39. The Scotch lords also received orders to wait there for Bothwell and Sir R. Southwell. No. 60.
  • 15. See the correspondence in last Volume, Nos. 1151, 1187, 1227.
  • 16. No. 7.
  • 17. No. 4. Maxwell, the Warden of the West Marches, was amongst the prisoners in England.
  • 18. No. 13.
  • 19. Nos. 19, 22.
  • 20. Nos. 23, 25.
  • 21. Nos. 37, 38, 39.
  • 22. Vol. XVII., No. 1227, cf. 1151.
  • 23. No. 16.
  • 24. No. 26.
  • 25. No. 26 (2).
  • 26. No. 26 (5).
  • 27. No. 26 (4).
  • 28. Nos. 40, 46, 47, 57.
  • 29. Nos. 19, 36. But though Lisle's appointment as Admiral was intimated to him on the 8th, the privy seal for it was not issued till the 17th, and was not delivered to the Chancellor for execution till the 26th, the date of the letters patent. See No. 100 (27). This in itself shows that the undated letter written in Lisle's name about the Salamander and Unicorn (No. 28) is placed too early. The reference to "the abstinence" also proves that it could not have been before March. Most likely it was written towards the end of April as a draft letter, which Lisle did not find it advisable to despatch; for apparently the rumors about the ships were false (see No. 483). It may be observed, moreover, that just at that time Henry rather hoped Bothwell's friendship would be useful to him. See Nos. 455, 465.
  • 30. Lisle evidently had grave suspicions of their good faith. See No. 43.
  • 31. No. 11.
  • 32. No. 58.
  • 33. No. 56.
  • 34. No. 32.
  • 35. Nos. 59, 64.
  • 36. Nos. 81, 88.
  • 37. No. 96.
  • 38. Nos. 102, 105.
  • 39. Nos. 104, 124.
  • 40. No. 161.
  • 41. No. 105.
  • 42. Nos. 155, 161. The two footnotes giving this friar's name as John Rough appear to be erroneous. Both Knox and Lesley mention Guilliame as the first who preached, though Rough followed. They were both Black Friars.
  • 43. No. 157.
  • 44. No. 174.
  • 45. No. 214.
  • 46. No. 96.
  • 47. No. 132.
  • 48. Nos. 152, 155-6.
  • 49. No. 173.
  • 50. Nos. 188, 189.
  • 51. No. 204.
  • 52. No. 238.
  • 53. No. 104.
  • 54. No. 140.
  • 55. No. 66.
  • 56. Nos. 62, 63, 71, 106 (p. 72), 113, 117, 153.
  • 57. Vol. XVII., No. 1203; and in this Vol. Nos. 44, 63, 87.
  • 58. Nos. 91, 92.
  • 59. No. 87.
  • 60. No. 150.
  • 61. Nos. 144, 164.
  • 62. Nos. 339, 397, 406.
  • 63. No. 270.
  • 64. No. 271.
  • 65. Nos. 264, 273.
  • 66. Nos. 286, 305.
  • 67. No. 273.
  • 68. No. 305.
  • 69. No. 305.
  • 70. Ib.
  • 71. No. 305.
  • 72. No. 305 (2).
  • 73. No. 261.
  • 74. No. 285.
  • 75. No. 278.
  • 76. No. 303.
  • 77. No. 313.
  • 78. No. 313.
  • 79. No. 324.
  • 80. No. 325.
  • 81. No. 348.
  • 82. Nos. 313, 318, 338.
  • 83. No. 334. Henry's suspicions, especially of Sir George Douglas, were evidently fanned by what Lisle had written to him on the 24th March. No. 316.
  • 84. No. 366, 391.
  • 85. No. 374.
  • 86. Nos. 402, 425, 455.
  • 87. No. 364 (p. 214).
  • 88. Ib.
  • 89. No. 355.
  • 90. No. 391.
  • 91. No. 395.
  • 92. No. 391.
  • 93. No. 395.
  • 94. No. 348.
  • 95. No. 374.
  • 96. No. 419.
  • 97. No. 391 (p. 230).
  • 98. No. 400.
  • 99. No. 402.
  • 100. No. 418.
  • 101. Nos. 448, 458.
  • 102. No. 402 (1, 6).
  • 103. No. 458.
  • 104. No. 458.
  • 105. No. 482.
  • 106. No. 479.
  • 107. Nos. 509, 510.
  • 108. No. 514.
  • 109. Nos. 319, 321, 387.
  • 110. No. 528.
  • 111. No. 572.
  • 112. Nos. 542-3.
  • 113. No. 572.
  • 114. No. 572.
  • 115. Nos. 607, 614.
  • 116. No. 577.
  • 117. No. 638.
  • 118. No. 664.
  • 119. No. 671.
  • 120. No. 719.
  • 121. No. 700.
  • 122. No. 728.
  • 123. Nos. 733, 741, 769.
  • 124. No. 733.
  • 125. No 677.
  • 126. No. 791.
  • 127. No. 796.
  • 128. No. 804.
  • 129. No. 754.
  • 130. No. 195.
  • 131. Nos. 182-3.
  • 132. No. 217.
  • 133. Ib.
  • 134. See Chapuys' letter of the 10th March (No. 259), p. 148.
  • 135. Nos. 250, 252.
  • 136. Nos. 353, 354.
  • 137. Nos. 354(3), 381, 390, 403.
  • 138. No. 66.
  • 139. No. 167.
  • 140. Nos. 365, 507, 534, 609.
  • 141. Nos. 283, 287, 292, 293.
  • 142. No. 384.
  • 143. No. 392.
  • 144. No. 401.
  • 145. Nos. 421, 426.
  • 146. No. 347.
  • 147. No. 337.
  • 148. Vol. XVII. No. 542. One might be inclined to think the letter referred to this year's imprisonment, as he confesses his folly and begs the Council to attribute it to "the fury of reckless youth." But the imprisonment of 1542 is a certainty, and if the letter refers to a second offence, how could the writer assert that his life had been hitherto unstained?
  • 149. No. 315.
  • 150. Nos. 203, 335, 398, 519, 526.
  • 151. No. 790.
  • 152. Nos. 520, 545, 617.
  • 153. Nos. 723-4, 782.
  • 154. No. 818. For a French view of what occurred see No. 788.
  • 155. Nos. 603, 612.
  • 156. Nos. 582, 588, 608, 612, 613.
  • 157. No. 754.
  • 158. Nos. 873, 894.