Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 3, 1519-1523. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1867.
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Calig. B. III. 149. B. M.
|1929. ALBANY to WOLSEY.|
|Sends to him his secretary, Gaultier Malynes. Has hopes all will proceed favorably. Refers him to the bearer and Clarencieux. Edinburgh, 1 Jan. Signed.|
|Fr., p. 1. Add.: A mons. le Cardinal arcevesque de York, legat, &c.|
Calig. B. VI. 213. B. M. Ellis, 3 Ser. I. 294.
|1930. The BISHOP OF DUNKELD to WOLSEY.|
|Learns from his chaplain, who was yesterday with Wolsey, that Galtere, the secretary of the duke of Albany, desired Wolsey not to let him pass, alleging that he had promised not to enter England. Had said quite the contrary. Begs Wolsey not to give credence lightly against him. The Duke seeks his destruction and the extermination of all his kin. Wolsey may judge how the writer would be treated if he were in Scotland, or were to pass to France. Besides, it is piteous "if ony kirk man suld be [sto]ppit gangand to Rome for his lauthful defence, an summond thiddir." Can easily be induced to remain here; but not at the Duke's desire. Wolsey may tell Galter that if the Duke his master is content to remit the cause from Rome to his grace, he will be glad to remain; otherwise why should Wolsey hinder his going? London, New Year's Day. Signed.|
|Add.: To the maist reverend, &c. my lord cardinallis gracie of Zork, legate, &c.|
|In a clerk's hand, p. 1.|
Galba, B. VII. 207. B. M.
|1931. SIR RIC. WINGFIELD and SPINELLY to [WOLSEY].|
|Wrote on the 29th ult. This morning the seigneur De la Roche came to convey us to court to accompany the Emperor to church, and to tell us of the overtures made to John de la Sauch in the French king's name, as mentioned in our former letters, and that in case Robertet and Hannart at their meeting could take no resolution, the French king was content that the ladies Regents should take the matter into their hands, the lady his mother pretending to go in pilgrimage to St. Josse, when the Archduchess could meet her somewhere in the neighbourhood. He said the mover of the overture was one Michael de Abbatis, who professed to have no authority, but offered his body in pledge that Robertet would come and meet Hannart, or send a safeconduct for any person the Emperor might send to meet him. This practice, as we wrote to you, was totally dissolved without further answer. De la Roche also told us the French had used another instrument, the provincial of the Friars Observants, whom the captain of Boulogne addressed to the Emperor's confessor. The Emperor is determined to notify all this to the King, and to give no hearing to any matter moved by the French, without informing him. Ghent, 1 Jan. Signed.|
Vit. B. V. 1. B. M.
|1932. [CLERK to WOLSEY.]|
|The Cardinals were to have entered the c[onclave on] St. Stephen's Day, but there were such parties among them that it was once very likely to have been Twelfthtide before they entered it, in consequence of the tarrying of certain French [cardinals]. Francis Maria, duke of Urbino, has taken Pesaro, and is believed by this time to have recovered full possession of the duchy. Tidings also that the rebels of Perugia and Rimini were endeavoring to re-enter ... have caused them to make more haste. On St. John's Day the Cardinals met at St. Peter's, cardinal Colonna sang the mass of the Holy Ghost, after which they had a sermon in Latin, and then "with [Veni Cre]ator went singing towards the place where ... conclave," where each took possession of their cells. The conclave was in the Pope's palace; each cell 16 feet long and 10 broad. "They have as much room within the said conclave as is the Queen's and the King's great chambers, their dining chambers, the chapel with the gallery thereunto, in Greenwich." Their cells are all together in a chapel. After taking possession of their cells, each chapel within the conclave, where the ambassadors and lords to whom the custody of the conclave was committed were called before them and a bull of pope Julius was read "before them and us all," for the prevention of simoniacal pactions, which the Cardinals took oath to observe. The ambassadors, prelates and nobles were then sworn to see to the safe custody of the conclave, each in the ward to which he should be deputed. There are three wards. The outermost was held by "the barons and lords Roman," the second by ambassadors, the third by certain prelates elected, who kept the keys of the conclave. After our departure, the Cardinals "remained still in the chapel awhile, for [establishing certain order and] other circumstances concerning this election; all [which] time the conclave stood open, and was two ho[urs within] night or it was shut up. They were wont [to have], each cardinal, two servants within with them, but [now they] have three each of them, and they that be sick ha[ve four] with their physician." Among the ambassadors were those of England, Portugal, Hungary Poland, Venice, Milan and other Italian cities. The Emperor's ambassador is old, and did not come. The French ambassador has come little abroad since Milan was lost, and has been sick ever since the taking of Tournay; except in the night, when he went about his practices for this election. "The charge that [the outer]most ward hath is to see that there be no viol[ence or] invasion made to the Cardinals being in the concla[ve, and] for that purpose they had assigned unto them  footmen Swiss, and 3,000 other, for the custo[dy of] the palace. The chief thing wherein consisteth [the ora]tors' and other prelates' charge in this custody [is] that there be no letters sent out ne in to con[clave], ne none other watchwords to and fro. so that w[e] search their meat, their pots and their platters; and if they agree not after three days, we may diminish their fare, and at the last keep them at bread and wine. [Their meat and] their drink was delivered them at a round turning wheel made in the wall, as I am sure your grace hath seen the like in religious places, namely such as be enclosed."|
|The first night everything was very quiet. Next day it was said that, in spite of their custody, watchwords and tokens had been given by those within, that it went against De Medici. The second day this opinion continued, and that the chances were in favor of the cardinal of St. Clement's, called De Jacobaciis, a Roman 72 years old, "meet to be Pope in some other time, when the Church should have need to care for nothing, but only for the spiritualties." On the third day three cardinals, in the name of the College, requested that the door of the conclave should be opened, that "they might avoid such filthin[ess] as they had there within of the fragments of meat and drink, the savor whereof, they said, was so great that they could not abide it." We called a congregation to consider this, and concluded that as "they might avoid their leavings and fragments (saving your honor) into drafts," there was no occasion to comply. The Cardinals made strong remonstrance, but to no purpose. On the fourth day their meat was diminished, and each was given to choose whether he "would have [some] meat roast, or all sodden." That night the cardinal Gri[mani, a] man of sixty, the duke of Venice's [son], who had come from Venice in post, and went into the conclave sick, was carried out almost dead, and borne home to his house. "And at his coming forth there was [one of] the cardinal of Fernes is servants came to [the door], and called for one of his company, and said [to him] that he should bring a bigger pot full of [his master] is wine in the morning, for the cardinals li[ked much] that wine everyche of them." From these words it was rumored that that cardinal was likely to be Pope. He is a Roman, bishop cardinal of Pope Alexander's creation, fifty-six years old, noble in blood; "and though he were [only] cardinal, he should be reputed one of the chief barons of Rome, which take themselves to be dukes' peers." He has patrimony worth 6,000 or 7,000 ducats, besides two or three bishoprics, and has been a great spender in building. He is of the Guelph and Ursyn faction, and was once of the French party, but is now somewhat alienated, and it is hoped will be neutral and promote peace. He has two sons and one daughter (which is not here thought much to his reproach, as he is of a great family), but no brothers. His eldest son is twenty years old, and has the command of fifty spears in this enterprise of Milan against the French; the second, twelve years old, is bishop of_ (fn. 1); the daughter is married to a near kinsman of the duke of Bari. Whatever he has been, he is now thought a very virtuous and well-disposed man. His chief failings are that he is choleric and hasty, and somewhat covetous. "He is of stature, favor and complexion not much unlike my lord of Rochester;" well learned both in Latin and Greek. "I have talked with him sundry times, and I assure your grace he is a wise man, and hath a very good tongue." The noise ran so much of him yesterday, that [every] man expected he would have been Pope this first of the new year.|
|This Thursday, the second day of the year and the sixth of the conclave, the Cardinals were allowed but one kind of meat, which each should choose for himself for four or five days, after which they shall get no [more]. Reports vary from day to day, but the cardinals of Sienna, de Pic[colomini] and the cardinal Ægidius are most talked of. They are both very virtuous learned men, and both 50 years of age. Sienna is nothing worldly, and more likely to be ruled than to rule; but as there have been three Popes of his kin, Pius I., II., and III., all good and holy men, he is in great favor. Cardinal [Ægidius] was born at Viterbo, 40 miles from Rome, is so exceedingly learned in all the four tongues, Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and Chaldee, that he has few fellows; is a wise man, and of no faction. He was created Cardinal at the same time as Wolsey, and was sent to Spain at the time Wolsey was made legate. "He is a friar Austin, and of all men living most commendeth the King's book, which, wherever he becometh, he hath ever with him, and hath made thereunto a repertory, and I suppose there is no book wherewith he hath so great familiarity." Clerk never meets him without hearing a commendation of the book, that lasts a quarter of an hour. "He is of stature and visnamy more liker the abbot of Westminster than any man that I know. He is of no great kindred, and hath few kinsfolks, and, finally, amongst us hath no spot, saving that he is a friar."|
|"This 4th day of this new year nothing appeareth outwardly but rumbling and noises, and sundry of them that cometh to the door to inquire whether there be any mo of the French cardinals coming. They look for the cardinals of Narborne and Lorraine." There seems to be great dissension. We here without think they hardly agree to choose any one that is within among them; "for there is none in the College, whom the cardinal De Medicis dare trust," that the rest are likely to consent to, unless it be Campeggio, Fernese, and Ægidius; "and if the ... band can make none of them, we here [undoubtedly think] he must needs be driven to fall to some m ... so we without this day have made your grace ... and I assure your grace if it lay amongst us [or any] other noble men, the which resort unto us, your [grace may] be assured thereof; every man here thinketh you [meet] thereunto, considering all your qualities which he ... nyd to the uttermost." It is usual here, when a Pope is chosen, for the people to spoil and ransack the house in which he lived before,—a thing tolerated ob recentem [creationem]. The houses of several Cardinals have been in danger from rumors being spread that they would be chosen. At Bologna there was a rumor about the cardinal [de] Grassis, on which "the people in a fury, n[ot only came] to the Bishop's palace, which is his, but also [to the] house of his family, and could not be kept from spoiling, till three or four were put to execution. [The Cardinal] of Farnese's manors without the city, upon [the bruit] as a day or twain ran upon him, be spo[iled and] ransacked, to his damage, above 2,000 duc[ats]. His palace here within the city hath been in great danger d[uring] such talking as is here amongst us." Thinks, from the talk today, that if Wolsey had a palace in Rome, it would be in as great danger as Farnese's, which is hourly kept by 300 or 400 armed men and seven or eight great pieces of artillery.|
|In all these transactions in the absence of the Imperial and French ambassadors, the other ambassadors and lords have given Clerk the chief place in going, sitting, and speaking; so that, whatever was done, he was first heard; which seems much to the King's honor.|
|Pp. 10, mutilated; a few words in cipher, deciphered.|
|1933. SIR RIC. WINGFIELD and SPINELLY to WOLSEY.|
|Wrote on the 1st. By letters of the 19th ult. from Rome, the Cardinals had not entered the conclave. The oldest fearing the influence of De Medici, who had already 14 or 15 votes, deferred the congregation. The cardinal of Yverea had been taken on his way to the election, and Colonna insisted the College were bound to procure his deliverance. Prospero was written to, and the conclave was prorogued to the 28th, which don John Manuel could not oppose. Colonna favors the Ursins. Enclose a letter from Sion's chaplain. The cantons of Berne, Fribourg, Lucerne and Soleure are ready to serve the French. The disposition of the rest may be learned from their answers at the diet of 31 Dec. They have warned La Tremoyle they are bound to defend Burgundy. The king of Portugal is dead; his son has been received with much joy and triumph. It is said the young king of Scots is dead, and Albany will succeed. The Chancellor has seen the Hungarian ambassador's answer to the letter of Hannart, which he denied having written. Will ask the Emperor to let them see it. Ghent, 4 Jan. Signed.|
|Pp. 2. Add.: To my lord Legate's grace.|
|1934. MARGARET OF SAVOY to WOLSEY.|
|I have lately sent an answer to your letters. News has since arrived from Rome, which you will hear from the bishop of Badajoz. God is aiding us in the matter you know of, and all goes as well as could be wished, inasmuch as our despatches will arrive in time. I will not break the promises passed between you and me at Bruges, and will be guided in this matter by your advice. Gand, 5 Jan.|
|(In Margaret's hand.)—I beg you to consider this as written by my own hand, as I have a headache from catarrh. Signed.|
|Fr., p. 1. Add.: Mons. le Cardinal d'York, legat et primat d'Angleterre.|
|1935. SIR EDW. GULDEFORD to [WOLSEY].|
|Bought on the 20th August, at Boulogne, "a hue barke," which had been taken from a Fleming, to convey stone for the fortifications here. Sent her to Rye and Winchelsea for fuel and victual to supply Calais, according to Wolsey's orders when he was last here. While at anchor within the blockhouse at Cavell, a ship passed, made like a galias, and entering the Cambre threatened to fire on the boat of Guildford's ship, unless they came aboard, which they did. Several Dieppe merchants at Rye made great joy, seeing Guildford's servants taken. The Frenchmans then tried to take away Guildford's ship; but as wind and tide failed them, spoiled it, and carried away two of the mariners. They met two other Englishmen, one of which they drove on the Black Shore.|
|The French merchants having returned to Rye, Guildford's purser ordered them and their goods to be arrested, as one ship was laden with woad, tallow and leather, which ought not to pass without licence; but the mayor had allowed them to go. On his return the purser found that the French boatswain and eleven men had come secretly to the strand without Rye, "the boatswain dissembling himself to be sick, and led with two men, having his whistle under his frock," and he caused them to be arrested. Thinks they must have intelligence with some one in Rye to venture thither so boldly. Proposes to send letters from Dover Castle, to examine the mayor and others.|
|A ship of Treeporte has taken, within two miles of Calais, a ship bringing victuals hither from Zealand. There are French men-of-war in the Downs, and no ships dare bring necessaries here from England. Has no vessels to resist them. On Saturday they took a ship belonging to the mayor of Calais, bringing necessaries from Zealand, and set the master on shore, badly wounded. Calais, 7 Jan. Signed.|
|1936. JAMES V.|
|Certificate that the customs have been paid at Perth on the goods of certain Scotch merchants laden in a ship of Andrew Blakwood, bound for Campver. The goods and names of the owners are specified. Perth, 5 Jan. '21, 9 Jas. V. Seal attached.|
Calig. B. II. 276. B. M.
|1937. QUEEN MARGARET to HENRY VIII.|
|Not having received an answer to her last, sent by Ross herald, desiring a prolongation of the truce till St. John's day, or been able to send ambassadors, as she promised, in the governor's absence, on account of the rebels, makes request—(1.) that he will prolong the truce, and send it her before the day appointed; and (2.) that he will not allow assistance to be given to the rebels. He shall find no fault with what the bearer has to show on her behalf, otherwise he may hold her "the gretyst lear that ewer vass, and not for your systar." Desires Henry to send some one to ascertain the truth of what she says." It lies with him to cause her to be treated well or ill. Edinburgh, 6 Jan.|
|Hol., pp. 2.|
Calig. B. I. 204. B. M.
|1938. QUEEN MARGARET to WOLSEY.|
|The bearer, her servant, has letters of credence and instructions from her to the King, which she trusts will be agreeable to him and Wolsey. Desires a speedy answer. Edinburgh, 6th Jan.|
|Hol., p. 1. Add.: "To my lord Cardinal."|
|Calig. B. I. 197. B. M.||2. "Here follows the pownts and artykels that ze sal schaw to the kyng of Ingland my brothar, in my behalf, his sistar queen of Scotland."|
|(1.) She and her son are in good health. (2.) She has written by Ros herald for prolongation of the truce till St. John's next; and my lord Governor will send an ambassador for that purpose. (3.) He could not be sent before, because of the troubles in the realm. (4.) To urge the evil that will ensue to the realm by the breaking of the truce. (5.) If he will for the present agree to peace for her love, the Governor will show his plain mind in conformity with her writing on that behalf. Hopes he will not support the rebels. (6.) If an ambassador is sent from England with any demands, she will be ready to comply and explain to him the verity of matters. (7.) the Governor has gone to the Borders to redress wrongs, and has consented she shall be with her son. (8.) He agrees that all matters touching her son shall be arranged by the council with her consent;—is never with the King except she is present; and is more respectful to her than any person in Scotland. "And abufe thys he hath causyd me to be furnysed of the redyest of the King my son's [rents,] and for his part gyfes me monne of his coffars, be cause he sais that I am not answerit of my auine and troblit be mi lord of Angus." (9.) He has given her the disposition of the bishopric of Dunkeld, now vacant for the delict of him that held it. Begs the Bishop may have no help from Henry, as he is the cause of all the dissension in the realm, and made false reports of her. And sen I helped to get him the benefice of Dunkeld, I sal help him as viel fre the sam." (10.) Begs that the King will give credence to her as his sister, and what she cannot explain now he may learn by whoever is sent to Scotland. Clarencieux knows the realm well, and would be acceptable to the Governor. (11.) If he refuses audience to the bearer, "ye" shall come before his grace, and tell him ye have to show him, on my behalf, matters touching his honor. (12.) If he cannot obtain this, he is to visit the lord Cardinal, request him to procure an audience, as "the maters that ye cum for ar plesant and agreabil to the King." (13.) If the Cardinal be present at the interview, and the King desire that the King addres the said materis to me to do heir that is neidfull to be don in the said materis efter mi understanding and avis." "And be cause it suld be takyn in mare efekt, I have vryten thir vith myne awne hand." Edinburgh, 7 Jan. Signed.|
|Hol., pp. 8. Another copy, signed by Margaret, is in Calig. B. VI. 208, dated Edinburgh, 6 Jan. 1521.|
Calig. B. VI. 424. B. M. Ellis, 3 Ser. I. 296.
|1939. GAWIN BISHOP OF DUNKELD to WOLSEY.|
|As Wolsey was busy yesterday, could not show him what he thought touching the coming of the Scotch priest, Sir John Duncanson, who presented writings to the King and the Cardinal for a safeconduct, yesterday, having come from Scotland with great diligence in seven days. He is right familiar with Albany, and has long been a special servant to the archbishop of Glasgow. He has brought writings and directions from Albany and Glasgow, to be sped into France, Flanders and Rome. With him is come an Italian named Evangilista, "the maner of a Lombard in Scotland, to convoy him at merchant's hands heyr and in Flanders." If Wolsey had seen their papers he would have learnt much; "and gif your high prudence thinks speedful at salve conducts be sped here at the instance and subscription of the said Duke, I report me to your great wisdom, or zit that the said bishop of Glasgow's matters and promotion for Saint Andrew's should prosper, considering he is the mast spyciall man that manteinys, and all wayshes mantcinyt ye said Duke." Dreads lest Duncanson is sent to oppose him, and beseeches Wolsey to refuse him passage till he knows his instructions, but so that no one may know it is done by the writer's desire, with whom Sir John fancies himself familiar. There is "none more double in our realm" than he. London, Epiphany Day.|
|Hol. Add. Endd.|
|1940. BARTH. PROWSE of Ylfford, Essex, and ELIZABETH his wife, widow of GEO, RYGBY.|
|Indenture, whereby they sell to Anthony Cavalare, merchant denizen, the wardship and marriage of William son and heir of the said George Rygby and Elizabeth. He is to marry a daughter of Cavalare's. 4 Jan. 13 Hen. VIII.|
|Draft, corrected by Cromwell (?), pp. 5. Endd.|
|ii. Indenture, same date, whereby they lease to the same certain possessions in Barking, Essex.|
|Draft, corrected by Cromwell (?), pp. 4.|
|iii. Another draft of § ii., in Latin.|
|Pp. 4. Endd.|
|iv. Another draft of the same, dated 8 Jan.|
|Corrected by Cromwell (?) pp. 4. Endd.|
|1941. SIR RIC. WINGFIELD and SPINELLY to WOLSEY.|
|Wrote last on the 4th inst. A post came yesterday to the Emperor from Rome, with letters dated 24th ult., saying that the Cardinal of Yverea had been released; that the conclave would sit on the 26th; that don John Manuel, seeing the efforts made to elect some who are not the [Emperor's] friends, exhorted all, on his master's authority, to favor the cardinal De Medici, who has promises of nineteen votes. The remainder, twenty, are clearly against him, and by this time they have probably made their election, or "fallen into a scysma." The Chancellor says that Adrian (fn. 2) was there, asserting his right to sit in conclave by virtue of a brief from the late Pope; that Franciscus Maria was repulsed in his attempt to enter the duchy of Urbino; that the Baillons, who are of the Venetians' retinue, went to Perosa to expel the governor of the church and usurp the same dominion; that sieur Frederick Bozello was wounded, and 700 or 800 of his men killed before Parma, and the marquis of Mantua's light horse were chasing him with the rest of his company. There is no news of the reso- lution of the Swiss diet assembled at the instance of the French, but we hear that the money promised by the French has arrived, and many cantons give ear to them. In that case, the Emperor must send large reinforcements to his army in Italy, or else lose what he has conquered, and endanger Naples and Sicily. The General Estates were to answer the Emperor's demands tomorrow; but as they have not come, it shall be deferred.|
|Last night, about supper time, the Emperor sent Haneton, the audiencer, to desire me, Wingfield, to speak with him. He said that he wished me to go to England with certain charges and instructions to the King and you, of which he declared part, and told me to go to my Lady, and lords ... and Montanye, for the rest. I told him it was not convenient to go without leave, but that, considering the King's good mind to him and the importance of the affair, I would go tomorrow. We inclose a letter from Pace. Gawnt, 8 Jan. Signed.|
|Pp. 2. Add.: To my lord Legate's grace.|
Nero, B. VII. 41 (fn. 3). B. M.
|1942. CHARLES V. to KATHARINE OF ARRAGON.|
|Has requested "Mycer Charles* Winchsfel," the king of England's chamberlain, to go the King with a message which she will see. Begs credence for him. Ghent, 8 Jan. 1522. Signed.|
|Spanish, p. 1. Add.|
Galba, B. VIII. 2. B. M.
|1943. CHARLES V. to HENRY VIII.|
|I have asked Wingfield to go to you, and tell you some things of importance. I have found no man who understands business better, or is better disposed towards our common interest. He wished to excuse himself as having no commission to do so, but I have pressed him to go. Ghent, 9 Jan.|
|Hol., Fr., p. 1, mutilated. Add.|
|1944. JOHN CLERK to WOLSEY.|
|The conclave is not yet opened. Campeggio sent me this letter today, 9 Jan., at 3 p.m. "The world is here marvellously abashed and evil contented. This man here is nother known nor spoken of."|
|Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my lord Cardinal's good grace.|
Vit. B. V. 7*. B. M.
|1945. CAMPEGGIO to WOLSEY.|
|After much dispute about the papal election, extending to 14 days, the Cardinals have chosen Tortosa with wonderful unanimity. This morning, at the eleventh scrutiny, there were fifteen votes for his election, to which most of us added ours. What seems almost incredible, the cardinals were influenced by his integrity alone, as none but a very few had ever seen him. Was not forgetful of Wolsey's merits. Often proposed him, and easily got some to agree. "Romæ, ex conclavi die viiij. Jan. 1522, hora xix." Signed.|
|Lat., p. 1. Add.|
Calig. D. VIII. 197. B. M.
|1946. [FITZWILLIAM to WOLSEY.]|
|On Saturday last my servant Baldwin Willoughby, the bearer, brought me your letter at Paris, when the French king was gone to St. Germain's. Went to Robert Tete, who tarried behind sick, "shewing him I came to see how he did," and spoke to him according to the effect of your letter. He said he had no doubt when I spoke with my Lady I should have a satisfactory answer; "and as to the money he said of very truth they were to blame," but Francis trusted the King would not be displeased to forbear it a month or six weeks. The cause of its not having been sent to Calais was, that just after it had been got ready to send, news came suddenly that Milan was lost, on which they sent all the money they could find to Italy and to the Swiss. He bid me say, that if there were but two goblets in France, they should be sold, rather than that the King should be displeased. No man could speak more highly than he did of the King's constancy and wisdom.|
|Came to St. Germain's on Monday, and told my Lady the effect of my charge. When I said the King was surprised at Albany's going to Scotland, and that the Chancellor and others of the French council paid no better regard to your exhortations for amity than appeared by the sending of the Duke and the delay of the King's money, and that you thought it necessary, to prevent suspicions, that the money should be immediately sent to Calais, and that letters should be written to the duke of Albany and the nobles of Scotland, commanding the Duke to return, otherwise the French king to declare himself to [the said] Duke and Scots, according to his promise;—I perceived the words sank deep in her heart. She said I might be sure the King her son would do against Albany what he had always showed me he would; that the delay about the money was only in consequence of their great business and urgent need. She then said, "Ye shall go to the King my son, and show him as ye have showed me, and come again tomorrow, and I adwarrant [ye shall] have such an answer as shall content you, and then I shall [tell] you what ye shall write to my lord Cardinal. But I wi[ll say] this to you: it doth me good to see the demeanour of my s[aid lord] Cardinal, for I perceive well now by his good advice [he is the] same man that I have ever reckoned him to be." She then said their ambassadors were gone, which I knew, and trusted that you would be pleased with their message. As for Tournay, she believed the King would have done what he could for his brother, but they knew the time was too long driven. She said their Chancellor was a wise and just man, but too much of a man of law, always driving matters at length.|
|I then went to the King, who said he was willing to write to Scotland for Albany's return, and if he refused, he promised to do what the King pleased with his lands. As to the money, he hoped the King would have patience for a short time. I said I had no commission to speak about that, but I thought the King would not be dissatisfied, seeing that he spoke so reasonably, but the sooner it was sent to Calais the better, so as to cut off all grounds of complaint from those who wished ill to the amity. He said he would speak with my Lady and his council, and bid me go to her next day, saying he would abide by what she told me, for he would go hunting that morning. The said day, Tuesday, I came to my Lady, who told me the King was determined to give me as good an answer as possible, and desired me to come again on Wednesday, for he would tell me by his own mouth what day the King should have his money, and in what manner he would write to the duke of Albany. She bid me write that the King her son trusted Henry above all princes living, notwithstanding all the false tales that were told of him; and that anything you may hear to the hindrance of this amity shall be reformed whenever you point it out. It is impossible to write half her good words. They have stricken their sail a great deal, and I dare say would give as much as they could to be sure of the King.|
|"Please it your grace, the French king goeth to Rouen within these three or four days, and from thence to see his great ship and [his new] haven; and therefore I speak nothing of my going thither, for I am sure he will have me with him, and I reckon it is much the better that it cometh of him than of me. And as to the army in Picardy, I hear say [he] hath sent to countermand them that they assemble not as yet, but that they be every man in areadiness within a day's warning, for he saith he will be the first ready in the beginning of the year, and for any enterprise that he intendeth to make I can hear of none, but that he saith that he will be in such areadiness that and the Burgundians enter into his country he will straight give them battle. Also I hear every man say that the French king will go to Lyons as soon as he hath been at Rouen, and from thence into [Italy,] which thing, as I suppose, is one of the causes that maketh him to speak so fair; for he saith evidently, that and he go thither, and be not sure of the King's highness, he is not only sure to [fail in] that, but also in jeopardy to lose all the rest."|
|On the foresaid Wednesday morning I came to the French king, and desired to know his pleasure, as my Lady had commanded me. He said his Chancellor was sick, but he had [sent for] him, and after dinner I should know his pleasure. He afterwards sent me word that the Chancellor could not come that day.|
|"Also the same Wednesday the man that was wont to show me n[ews] showed me for a truth that the Cardinals went to the concl[ave] on St. Stephen's day, and that the cardinal Colombe, c[ousin] german to Prosper de Colombe, who they said is for the Emperor, [had] nineteen voices or he entered, and he saith that the cardinal Medicis [and he are] at great strife whether of them shall be Pope, whereof ... unless it be but some drift between them to b[ring] their purpose abouts, and they reckon here surely to have [word] within these three or four days at the furthest who [shall be] Pope. Also Monsieur Lautrec sent seigneur Fredrik [de] Beauge with 6,000 men to Parma, which is the way that the Spaniards must recule; and the Sp[aniards] were advertised thereof, and sent thither certain folk, and the said Frederik de Bage gave assault to the s[ame tow]ne; howbeit, the Spaniards and Italians so reversed them that [they] reculed, and lost their enterprise. Also captain Bayard is arrived at Genoa with 4,000 men, and they say the great master mons. Le Palice, the grand esquire Rochepott, and such other as be in their company, be arrived in Switzerland, and that the Swiss will march." The Venetian ambassador, however, told me that the Swiss are keeping a diet, and he though would drive on the time."|
|This Thursday the French king bid me tell you that, if the King would tell him how he should write to Albany, he would do it. I desired that he would write immediately for Albany's return. He said it would not take a long time for you to tell him how to write. He said he would not fail to send the money to Calais, and his ambassadors would satisfy you on that subject. He bid me say that, notwithstanding all rumors, he loved the King above all princes living; and if they two could speak together, (fn. 4) and the King would say, "Brother, I will ye take peace," he would surely do it, but not upon mere letters. I think thus he will be glad to have peace. He said his ambassadors and Le Foyet had sent him word that you would come to Calais, where preparation was made for you, and two great ships laid between Dover and Calais to keep the passage. I asked if he had any letters about it from you; and he said, [No]; "and then I awarranted him it was but tales," as I was sure, if you had intended it, you would have let him know. He said he thought so too, as he saw no reason why you should come over now. Cannot tell why I have been thus driven off these three days. Suppose it is for one of two things; either he wants his ambassadors to be with the King [before] my servant arrive, or he wants to know who will be elected Pope. Excuses the confusion of this letter. Writes every night what has been shown him in the day. Thanks the King for his commendations, of which he is not worthy, having merely followed Wolsey's instructions. Cannot recompense Wolsey for the good report he has made of him, as he has learnt by his mother, wife, brother and servant. St. Germain's, 9 [Jan.]|
|Pp. 6, mutilated; part cipher, with decipher in margin, also mutilated.|
D. VIII. 109. B. M.
|1947. FITZWILLIAM to [WOLSEY].|
|On St. Stephen's Day last the French king showed me that the Cardinals at Rome had deferred their going to the conclave till the arrival of the Cardinals of France, whom he has sent thither in post. I then said, to see what he would say, "I beseech our Lord send us now a good Pope, for thereof we have much need; and, as meseemeth, it lieth much in your grace, considering that the said Cardinals will not go to the said conclave till such time as your Cardinals come." He said he was sure of ten or twelve Cardinals. I said I feared they would give their voices rather for meed or affection than as the Holy Ghost should put in their minds. He answered, half smiling, that it was not the fashion at Rome to give their voices as the Holy Ghost puts in their minds, adding, "I would Mons. le Cardinal were there (fn. 5), for he were the most meetest man to be Pope. Howbeit, he said he would not that your grace should be from abouts the King's highness his brother, having the credit with him that ye have. This fortnight he has not made me such good manner as he did on St. Stephen's Day. He said that the Pope died in debt to the extent of 1,200,000 cr., which the next Pope will have to pay. He told me his ambassadors were by this time with the King, and said he hoped the King would give as good heed to what they would show as to what the Emperor's ambassadors would. (fn. 6) I said I knew not what his ambassadors would show the King, but I knew he would hear his causes with a more favorable ear than those of any other. "And he said he should see, and that he would go within these three or four days to Rouen for the levying of such men as he will have for his towns. He sayeth they had promised him 30,000 men at their own charge, and this town and Rouen once set in ... he said all the towns in his realm after were [in] the same case; and I asked him and if I should go w[ith] him, and he said I should." He then told me "all the Swiss in the Pope's army were rec[uled] into their country, and that there is now no mo in Milan but the Spaniards and the lanzknechts;" that Lautrec's army "enforsed daily," and the Swiss were all for him, and beginning to set forwards, so that he expects within these fo[ur] days to put the Spaniards out of Milan, of which he professes to entertain not doubt.|
|I hear from the man that was wont to show me news that Francis has sent a varlet of his chamber to all the Cardinals, with a letter telling them that if they elected the cardinal De Medici, who was the cause of all this war, he protested neither he nor any man in his kingdom would obey the church of Rome. Cannot say if this is true, but I have generally found true what this informant has told me; and he said he thought the French Cardinals would come too short to the election; for although Francis said the other Cardinals would wait for them, they had only deferred the conclave till St. Stephen's Day. He said Prospero Colonna had raised a taile in the duchy of Milan, "that the towns only pay 100,000 cr., and the other towns as much." On St. Innocent's Day, Mons. de Lescu arrived. It is said, though the French king says nothing of it, that he was taken prisoner, and paid 6,600 ducats ransom to the Swiss that were in the Pope's army. I hear of no men that were lost at Como, they keep it so secret; but they must have lost more than they wish known. I hear there are but few towns in the duchy of Milan that hold for the French king at this hour, yet he expects to recover his duchy shortly, for the great master La Palice, Rochepot, Montfort, Mountegue, Bocard, Hanibald and others have gone to the Swiss already. The Swiss are ready to march, and Lescu goes thither within these four days in post.|
|The day I wrote this letter I fell sick of colic and fever, from which I have not yet quite recovered, and could find no means to send till now. Signed.|
|Pp. 3, mutilated, chiefly cipher.|
|Ib. f. 195.||2. Decipher of the above.|
|Pp. 4, mutilated.|
|Cott. App. XXIX. 71. B. M.||1948. [LOUISA OF SAVOY to WOLSEY.]|
|Has received his letter expressing the cordial amity of the two crowns. The good of Christendom is concerned in its continuance. France will do nothing towards its rupture. Touching the capture of English vessels, and the going of Albany to Scotland, her son [has written] to his ambassadors in England. If he be in Scotland, Francis will strictly observe his word. As to the letters which the Emperor elect has written into England for aid against France ...|
|Fr., pp. 2, mutilated. A leaf wanting.|
Calig. B. VI. 275. B. M.
|1949. DACRE'S CORRESPONDENCE.|
|I. Albany to Dacre.|
|Has heard of his agreement with Cesford for redress. Is agreed. The Queen's grace has shown him her letter to Henry for the peace, and her desire for the truce to be prorogued forty days after its expiration. Begs him not to support the rebels. Edinburgh, 9 Jan. Signed.|
|P. 1. Addressed.|
|f. 276.||II. "Copy of a letter to the duke of Albany. Answer of the letter hereunto annexed."|
|Has received his letter dated Edinburgh, the 9th. The commissioners have met on two days; but nothing could be performed, owing to the Scotch defaulters. Has heard by spies that the Scotch purpose to invade Berwick and Wark, or else Norham, which seems probable, "as well by reason of the carriage of your ordnance as by the sudden departure of the warden and commissioners of Scotland." He must, therefore, see to his charge. Wark, 15 Jan.|
|f. 277.||III. Albany to Dacre.|
|Has received his letters dated Wark, the 15th. Has always been resolved to preserve the peace, for which purpose he had sent the commissioners, who declare the fault is not on their side. "Andrew Car, of Fernyherst, fell one the is of ane hors," and is in bed impotent. Will send Buccleuch as soon as he comes with Mark Carr. Hopes Dacre will remember his letter of the 9th, notifying his departure from Edinburgh. "Gif ony brek beis," will consider Dacre the principal cause. Knows what he means by the excuse in his late answer. Could dissemble as well as another, but will do right. Dunbar, 17 Jan. Signed.|
|Pp. 3. Add.|
|f. 276.||IV. "Copy of a letter to the duke of Albany. Answer of the letter here-unto annexed.|
|Has received his letter of the 17th. It is clear therefrom the fault was in Scotland, as the defaulters were not present. His departure from Edinburgh, so far from being to the good of the realm, has hindered the coming of the ambassadors, and forced on preparations for war. Had agreed to the abstinence, on condition that they should be sent. There will be a meeting on Friday next. Expects he will deliver up the captains concerned in the breaking of truce. Is ready to meet on Tuesday, the 28th, if he has notice on Friday. "For if we should meet, and then to deliver poor caitiffs for weighty bills, like as your warden with others has handelit me in the delivering seklike heretofore, whereof I have had a dozen and mo lying with me, some half a year, some a whole year, and some more, and no man lookit to lowse them, but was fane to pay for ther mete myself,—I see not but bes[t] it were that we met not." Norham, 19 Jan. Signed.|
|f. 279.||v. "Copy of a letter to the captain of Berwick." The lords departed from Albany at Dunbar. Berwick is in no peril. Is to discharge his new comers. Norham, 21 Jan. 13 Hen. VIII.|
|Nos. II. IV. and v. are copies by Dacre.|
Calig. B. VI. 128. B. M.
|1950. [WOLSEY to DACRE.]|
|Sends copy of letters received by the King and him from the queen of Scots and Albany, showing much double dealing "after the accumable Scottish manner," and a great alteration from the fair promises made to Dacre by Huntley, Argyle, Arran and others, that they would on no account break the peace with England for the sake of France. The Duke now requires a prorogation of the truce till Midsummer or 1 Aug., with express comprehension of the French king; and if his servant be not despatched immediately he will take it for dissimulation. Either, therefore, the Duke and Lords had deceived him in their fair promises in order to dissolve the King's army, or Albany, perceiving they would have no dealings with France, has played them false, and suborned the Queen to write such letters as she has done. He has devised this comprehension of the French king, seeing that, by the confederation of England with the Emperor, France cannot be comprehended without a breach with the latter. Advises [Dacre] to negotiate for prorogation of the truce for one month to defeat Albany's malicious purposes, and discover the true intentions of the lords of Scotland. Thinks they are not privy to Albany's proceedings. If he can manage this, there will be time to provide against their malignities, and bridle the presumption of such messages, "which is so presumptuously and foliously done that no prince christened would demand so unreasonable a thing but only he." Remits it all to his wisdom.|
|Draft, pp. 3.|
Calig. E. III. 45. B. M.
|1951. BERNERS to [WOLSEY].|
|* * * "into the Fren[ch] ... and he showyth me that off ... [Fr]ench kynge at hys plase be seyd ... sertente as zett wer he woll be come ... the montayns and sum seyth to Hedyn ... porposyth to go to Roune (?) to the enten ... money off the merchants ther. As for ... ther lyeth a 5,000 Suches a bowtt Amyens ... and a 7 or 8,000 adventurers abowtt Hed[yn] ... Dorlance and Corbey and ther abowtt. They be c ... dyables de France, they wer in ther bagg ... [t]her brestys the fygure off the divelne th ... yt in the contre in mortherynge, robby[nge ... sp]oyllynge, and in Abbevyll, Monterell, Boloyn, ... [Ty]rwyn, ther be no men off ware but ... d ordenarys as zett they have done no ... enterpryse in no plase, they say themselff ... redy to do every thynge that they be commande[d] ... by their capeteyns, and also my servant seyth ... he was in Pareys ther was no talkynge na ... the way as he cam howmwarde, but every ma[n ... de]syryde and prayed to God for pease, also my la ... on this the x. day off January I had a nodyr man * * * and Almayns and ... they say they wyll into ... ys and at Seynt Omers ther y ... the Lord Beawrayn his sone with a sert[ain] ... off Borgonyons and Almayns and as I coud ... almost slayn the lord Dourons and hys s ... yt ys sayde because they lakkyde ther wa[ges]."|
|[Has] men abroad both on the French and Flemish borders, so that he trusts [nothi]nge will be done without his hearing of it. Will write from time to time as he gets certain news. Mons. le Baty and le Pullett [came] hither on the 12th at 4 ... lay without the gate, and passed over the ne ... at 4 o'clock, saying he would wait till his horses came over to him.|
|"Wedyr he ... or not I know nott, as for hys horsses ha ... schypyd thes two dayes, and cannott pase by * * * grase sent fro ... ayn they shall be schypd a ... have eney schyppynge for them, and also as on the ix. day the enbassedo[r] ... aryvyd her, and as on thys day depar[ted] ..." Calais, 10 Jan.|
|Hol., pp. 3, mutilated.|
|1952. CAMPEGGIO to [WOLSEY].|
|Wrote briefly yesterday amid the confusion of people bursting into the conclave as usual at elections. On coming out [that] day received Wolsey's letters of the 18 Dec., [which] arrived sooner indeed than he could have supposed, but after the conclave was over. Nothing, however, was omitted that could have advanced their purport. Before entering the conclave consulted with the English ambassador what was to be done, and at the conclave in concert with De Medici, made it the first object that regard should be had to absentees. At every scrutiny Wolsey had some votes, sometimes eight or nine. Always asserted that he was second to none in virtue, probity and religion, and would be of great service to the Church by his influence with the King. Urged, from his own personal impression, that Wolsey was over fifty and near sixty, but could not prove it to their satisfaction; which was a great obstacle. Some feared that with Wolsey's greatness, they would not have enough intercourse with him. On the 14th day they elected cardinal Tortosa, on account of his fame and his age. He was nominated by fifteen votes, and had thirteen accessory (15 votis postulatus, 13 accessibus). Trusts Wolsey's time will come ere long. Rome, 10 Jan. 1522. Signed.|
|Lat., pp. 2. A duplicate is in B. M., Vit. B. v. 10.|
Vesp. F. III. 61. B. M.
|1953. MARGARET OF SAVOY to HENRY VIII.|
|Writes by his ambassador, Sir Ric. Wingfield, to express her satisfaction at the firm amity established between her nephew the Emperor and the King. Has communicated with Wingfield at length on all other matters touching the common good. Ghent, 10 Jan.|
|Hol., Fr., p. 1. Add.|
Galba, B. VII. 2. B. M.
|1954. MARGARET OF SAVOY to WOLSEY.|
|For the purpose mentioned in her last letter, has requested the despatch of Sir Ric. Wingfield, the bearer, knowing him to be thoroughly well inclined to the good of both their majesties. Has informed him of many things, which he will tell Wolsey. Intends to be entirely guided by Wolsey's counsel, and will act like his good mother since he has chosen her for such. Trusts he will use his best efforts in the matter Wingfield will tell him, seeing that it is very dangerous, nay, impossible, to withdraw. Ghent, 10 Jan.|
|Hol., p. 1, mutilated. Add.: A mons. le Legat.|