Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1875.
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St. P. I. 169.
|2388. WOLSEY to HENRY VIII.|
|Since the French king's letter to his ambassador here, which gives no notice of any disasters in Italy, I have had a long discourse with his ambassador touching the treaty. (fn. 1) After much discussion it is now concluded, in better form than the minute sent to you. The French king cannot now treat with the Emperor to your prejudice, and is obliged to the payment of the sums due to you from the Emperor. If, then, you can avoid entering the league, I shall consider you the most happy of all princes. By a summary of the news from Rome, France and Venice, you will see there is no truth in the distress of the Venetians. The duke of Urbino assaulted one of the gates of Milan, and repulsed the Spaniards. Bourbon has arrived there with 400 men, and bills of exchange for 100,000 ducats; so that the news written from the Archduke to the lady Margaret "be clearly brags, and of no truth." The Papal and Venetian armies retired to Marignan, waiting for the coming of the Swiss. Trusting that you will enter the league, or contribute to its expences, the Pope and the Venetians have rejected the Emperor's offers. They have been hot and urgent in their persuasions, but I have been as cold. How long they will remain contented I doubt. The lady Margaret has sent hither the provost of Cassel, minding to recall the Emperor's ambassador. I propose they shall attend your Grace, in company with Dr. Knight, at Winchester on Lady Day. I have devised certain letters for Ireland, which I send for your signature. Hampton Court, 11 Aug. Signed.|
Vit. B. XXI. 4.
|2389. DIET OF SPIRES.|
|Translation of news from Spires.|
|The Emperor has enjoined on the princes and estates, "suprimation (sous privation?) de leurs regalles et ce qu'ilz tiennent del' Empire," not to interfere with Lutheranism, for which he will provide shortly.|
|The princes are displeased, and intend to break up the diet and go home. The Archduke leaves in 10 days for Lower Austria, and is in danger of incurring considerable loss. Nothing of importance will be concluded, for the diet will end in division. The duke of Saxony and the landgrave of Hesse are here. They eat flesh on Fridays and Saturdays, and their preachers preach the Lutheran heresy every two days. It is said that the king of Poland and Hungary has defeated certain Turks. The quarrels between the princes here are not all appeased.|
|Fears that if they separate without providing for the affairs of the empire, Germany will be in greater division than it has been for many years, and that the commons will rise against the Church, for most of the temporal princes are Lutherans. Spires, 11 Aug.|
|Fr., pp. 2.|
|R. O.||2390. DIET of SPIRES.|
|Decision of the Imperial Senate about the new doctrines.|
|The Emperor's foresaid instructions to John Hannart, his ambassador at the Imperial diet, state that the injunctions issued by the Diet of Worms have not been obeyed, and repeat his desire that they should be carried out. It is proposed to hold a general council of all Christendom in Germany; and the Nuncio has promised to persuade the Pope to sanction it.|
|An assembly of the German nation will meet meanwhile on St. Martin's Day at Spires; and all princes and states are requested to attend, or send one or more councillors.|
|Letters will be sent to the princes, and chiefly to those who have universities in their dominions, that the learned men may discover what is disputable in the new doctrines, and exhibit it at the assembly. Meanwhile care must be taken that the true word of God is preached. Complaints of the people against the Apostolic See, and of seculars against ecclesiastics, will be considered.|
|Translated from the vernacular by Simon Rybisen, LL.D., canon of Worms.|
|Lat., pp. 3. Endd.|
|Vit. B. IV. 107.
|2. Duplicate of the preceding with a P.S. as follows:—|
|P.S.—"Ex speciali ampliss. Sacri Ro. imperii Senatus commissione Simon Rybisen j. v. d. canonicus majori (fn. 2) et divi Pauli Wormaticen' ecclesiarum præpositus conclusionem præscriptam e vernacula lingua in Latinam transtulit, id quod propria fatetur manu et recognoscit."|
|Lat., mutilated, pp. 4. Endd.|
|2391. JOHN BISHOP OF LINCOLN to WOLSEY.|
|By the negligence of my priest I did not receive your letters dated 25 July until 9 Aug. I understand by it your pleasure concerning Peterborough and Spalding. The abbot of Peterborough is not the man I took him for. He almost goes from everything he speaks. As I wrote, he swerved from his promise, and came down to 400l., and begged me not to write to you till his monk came home, when he would send me his final resolution. The monk arrived on Thursday, but was not with me till Tuesday after. The monk made a great tale of the Abbot's expences, and then offered to give your college 400 marks, and after a little pause 500, under certain conditions. I said I marvelled, for he had promised a much larger sum, at least 400l.; and I refused to take his message, urging him to persuade his master to keep his word, and do it with a free will, and that without delay. He then asked for delay; and as he desired a long time, I suppose he will make suit to you to be content with 400 or 500 marks. I think it right, if he will not keep his promise, that he ought to resign on a pension ; and he would rather spend 2,000l. than do so. I stayed the deliverance of your letters to the abbot of Peterborough and the prior of Spalding till I hear from you. He does all he can to prevent the prior of Spalding from resigning,—not like a wise or kind man, but to keep you from your honorable pleasure and purpose. All parts hereabout are rejoiced for the good order you have taken in Leicestershire. I hope the commissions will be well executed. Ludington, 11 Aug.|
|Hol., pp. 3. Add. Sealed.|
St. P. I. 150.
|2392. WOLSEY to HENRY VIII. (fn. 3)|
|Clarencieux is returned from Scotland, and Patrick Sinclair comes with him from the king of Scots with letters, of which Wolsey sends copy "totted in the margin." Sinclair has always taken the King's part, and advertised Magnus of the French doings. James has taken the government, and expelled the followers of Albany. Has ordered Sinclair to repair to the King at Winchester. At your Grace's manor of Hampton Court, 12 Aug. Signed.|
St. P. VI. 542.
|2393. CLERK to WOLSEY.|
|Arrived yesterday at Blois. Heard from Dr. Tayler that Bourbon had arrived at Genoa, routed the Venetians before Milan, and compelled the Duke to surrender, offering him a pension of 30,000 ducats and the city of Como, but he does not keep his word. The Pope had been discomfited before Sienna, which is a great drawback to his affairs. Cardinal Colonna, the duke of Sessa, and Hugo de Moncada have raised large bodies, and troubled the Pope, who is in the greatest possible distress. He is sending to England J. Bap. Sanga, who has been here with the French king. They think here that the Pope will be compelled to make terms with the Emperor, and have therefore treated his emissary more graciously. I leave today for Amboise, hoping to speak with my Lady. Francis is gone on a pilgrimage to Tours. Blois, 12 Aug. Signed.|
|2394. RICHARD ABBOT OF HYDE to WOLSEY.|
|On the 26th July received his letters by his chaplain, Dr. Benet, but could not send an answer, owing to his short stay, and asked for a month's time to deliberate. Cannot come now, as he is somewhat diseased, and fears to travel "this untemperate time," and is also expecting the King next week. Wolsey writes that he has ordered his house discreetly as yet, but now, from age and imbecility, cannot attend to it as heretofore, and accordingly urges him to resign. Thanks him for his commendation, but is not so aged or impotent of body or wit, but that he is able to exercise his office to the pleasure of God, increase of good religion, and wealth of his house. Has no intention of resigning, but trusts Wolsey will rather conserve and aid him than "experiment any sharper means" to remove him. The monastery of Hyde beside Winchester, 12 Aug. Signed.|
|P. 1. Add.: To my lord Legate's grace. Endd.|
|R. O.||2395. JOHN [VOYSEY] BP. OF EXETER to WOLSEY.|
|Woton, the bedell of Oxford, tells him and my Lady governor that his son does not think he has had enough experience in physic to be the Princess's physician. She is without an apothecary also. Has written to the Queen's almoner about Wolsey's liberality to the Princess and her servants, so that her Majesty and the King may the better know it. My lady of Lincoln has entertained the Princess, and "us her servants," at Oborn, which they will leave for Reydyng, at the Vigil of the Assumption, Aug. 15, and will continue their journey thence on Friday next.|
|Hol., p. 1. Add.: To, &c., my lord Cardinal's good grace.|
|2396. WOLSEY'S COLLEGES.|
|i. John bishop of Rochester to Master Draper.|
|On the morrow of the Assumption of Our Lady I intend to be at Lesnes Abbey, and take the abbot's accounts, and hear whatever any man has to say touching the wealth of that house. Halling, 13 Aug. Signed.|
|ii. Same to Same.|
|Will be at Lesnes on Thursday. Begs he will be there. Halling, 13 Aug.|
|iii. [Same]to _.|
|My brother your abbot has exhibited his accounts to me. I purpose to be at Lesnes on Thursday next, and hear your objections.|
|Copies; p. 1. Endd.: Compotus Will'mi Tysherst.|
|2397. KNIGHT to WOLSEY.|
|In accomplishing your commandment given me at my last being with you at Hampton Court, I returned thither on Saturday last, fully prepared to observe the appointment signified by you to the King for the arrival of the ambassadors of Burgundy at Winchester. But as it was commonly reported in your great chamber that you would not give audience any more that night, I returned to my lodging. The next day I waited at your place till night, when my fear returned, so that I could abide no longer. I was informed that Francis, your physician, was sick, and therefore upon Monday returned diligently to London, leaving my chaplain to certify the cause of my departure. Sir Thomas More told me it was your pleasure that I should accompany the ambassadors of Burgundy to the court; but he did not tell me they were here. I was told they were at Kingston; and on Sunday I sent my chaplain to the hostelry of the Crane there, where they were said to be lodged, and was informed they were in their chamber. So I have been mistaken. I have caused Sir John Wallop to tell them that the breach of their former appointment of repairing to court by the Assumption of Our Lady was owing to my sickness. As it is not appointed that they shall be at court before Sunday, they will remain here till Friday. That day they will make their dinner at Kingston, and lodge at Guildford; next day to Winchester. Wallop will accompany them to Kingston, where I shall join them; and as my sickness is not contagious, I will visit your Grace on Thursday. Excuses himself in consequence of illness. London, 14 Aug.|
|Hol., pp. 3. Add.|
|2398. ITALIAN LEAGUE.|
|Bull of Clement VII., nominating king Henry VIII. protector of the Italian league. Rome, 15 Aug. 1526.|
Vit. B. VIII.
|2399. GHINUCCI to WOLSEY.|
|"Ill. ac R., &c. Habuimus literas [D. v. R.] datas xvij. mensis præteriti retulimusque S. D. N. nomina quæ eadem D. v. R. [nobis] mandat; ejus autem Stas molestissimo animo visa est ferre quod istinc aliud sperare [non] possit quam quod ei nomine D. v. R. diximus, asserens in præteritu ferventius secum processum, et exferventia ac oblationibus istius serenissimi Regis tale[m] spem concepisse ut apertissimo periculo, in quo posita est, se exposuerit ... autem quod interpellationem Regis nostri erga Cæsarem expectet, quæ etiam no ... est ut aperte post cum istinc subsidium aut favor expectari possit ...immo aliam dilationem concipere ex nunc videatur; interim expensas [quas] ad præsens sustinct sit impossibile ut diutius sustineat, et ex conseque[nti] suam et hujus Sanctæ Sedis ruinam expectare cogatur non potest ... sibi durissimum esse et eo durius persuasionibus Regis nostri et D. v. R. potissimum in statum infelicitati proximum devenerit.|
|"Replicatu[r] per nos nihil ei per Regem nostrum promissum esse quod servaturu[s non] sit, et quod declaratio ipsius Regis sibi unquam promissa non fuit, in ... acceptatis protectionis, licet spes data sit Sanctitati suæ quod data isti sere[nissimo] Regi per Cæsarem occasione detegendi se contra eum aliquid per ipsum Regem fieret.|
|"Tandem respondit quod cum Rege Angliæ et D. v. R., tanquam eis amicis de quibus se confidere posse putabat, prout etiam ad præsens putat, libere et sincere negociatum, nec cautelas aliquas curavit, et quod ipse sibi ipsi certus est quod nisi putasset per Regem Angliæ et D. v. R. id sibi persuaderi, quod ei expediret.. emque id sibi persuaderi, ex quo si aliquid sibi mali eveniret, posset istinc effectualem favorem et subsidium expectare, nunquam ipse provinciam hanc ingressus fuisset, et quod si sibi ruina aliqua eveniat, quam jamjam expectat, propterea sibi eveniat quod consilium et suasiones Regis Angliæ et D. v. R. secuta est, unde contenta est patienter ferre quic-quid ex hoc sibi succedat. Multa etiam alia circa hoc dicta sunt quæ brevitatis causa omitto ; omnia enim ad præmissa et desperationem propterea, ut ostendit, incursam tendunt.|
|"Dum legeremus S. D. N. literas D. v. R. in ea parte, in qua fit mentio de auctoritate sibi divinitus concessa, subjunxit S. D. N. et divinitus conservanda, quasi inferens quod ab hominibus derelinqueretur. Conquestus est etiam quod et ad præsens loco maximi beneficii sibi annumeraretur quod Sers Rex noster non esset præstiturus auxilium Cæsari, inferens quod de hoc certus erat a tempore factæ concordiæ inter Regem Angliæ et Regem Gallorum; itaque non opus erat de hoc nunc agere, et quod bene potuit credere Ser. Rex noster et D. v. R. quod, si Sanctitati suæ semper dictum fuisset, eam istinc alind expectare non posse nisi abstinentiam a præstando auxilio Cæsari, quod concordia cum Rege Gallorum secum de necessitate trahebat, ipse Pontifex non intrasset hoc magnum mare quod intravit. Quo ad mandatum quod de novo istinc petitur dixit quod sibi videbatur sufficientissimum esse mandatum suo oratori (fn. 4) mensibus præteritis missum; ad tollendam tamen omnem difficultatem et satisf[aciendum] isti Ser. Regi et D. v. R. id mitteret prout per præsentem cursorem Stem suam ... audio, subjunxit etiam his Stas sua, utinam facta provisione circa mandatum a[liqua non] surgant quæ hinc responsum aut provisionem requirant, quasi innue [re]vellet quod res in longins etiam protraherentur. Copia literarum Regis nostri ad Cæsarem juxta mandatum D. v. R. S. D. N. legimus, nec ei aut a[liis]alterum earum exemplar dedimus aut daturi sumus. Quod concernunt Archi[episcopum] S. Andreæ in Scotia dictum est S. D. N., qui respondit se libenter facturum quod D. [v. R.] circa hoc scribit. Nos etiam faciemus quod ea circa hoc nobis mandat.|
|"Alia dicenda non sunt nisi quod ex supradictis, et etiam ex eo quod videt S. [D.N.] Regem Gallorum tepide circa ea ad quæ vigore fœderis tenetur procedere, puto Stem suam ita ... contentam et desperatam ut facile, prout pluries scripsi, dubitandum sit [quod] ejus Sanctitas nedum, si sibi tales quales conditiones offerantur, sed si spera ... oblatis ab eo Cæsari non rejici, cum ipso Cæsare concordaturus sit p ... non obstante quod S. D. N. semper dicat se velle in fidei observatione mori et oste ... se alium esse quam aliquis eum designaverit necesse ita providere ut plusquam ad præsens spe[rat] sperare possit, gaudeoque multum quod Ser. Rex noster et D. v. R. R. D. B. ... in Galliam miserint; cum putem tamen ex electione personæ tamen ex his quæ ab eo pos ... fuit eirca Regis Gallorum excitationem expectari possint S. D. N. spem et animum parum resumpturum.|
|"Ex Lombardia nihil habetur nisi quod per ultimas literas scribu[nt quod] recuperatio civitatis Cremonæ fere pro desperata habebatur. Itaque orta erat dis[cordi]a (fn. 5) inter duos ex principalioribus capitaneis S. D. N., cui si remedium cito non adhibeatur, facile dubitari poterat ex ea magnam scissuram in castris succedere quam cum magna spe Cæsarei expectabant. Alia non occurrunt," &c. Rome, 15 Aug. 1526. Signed.|
|Cipher, undeciphered; mutilated. Add. at ƒ. 111* b.|
|2400. [GEORGE] MONOUX, Alderman, to CROMWELL.|
|Cromwell's letter and comfortable words to his servant have "greatly joyed mine heart." Has comforted his wife with them, so that he trusts she will recover shortly from her disease. God forbid but Cromwell should take leisure to conclude the matter circumspectly. As he does not know when Cromwell will take his journey, nor with what servants, has sent his servant to the lord Mayor "to have your pleasure known;" who will give him as much money as he requires. His servant will put Cromwell in surety of his reward of 20 marks. Our Lady-day Assumption, 1526.|
|Hol., p. 1. Add.: To my faithful beloved friend, Thomas Cromwell, gentilman, soyt doné.|
|2401. [SIR CHR. DACRE] to the EARL OF ANGUS.|
|Received his letter, dated the 18th inst., from Wm. Hethrington, desiring to have meetings on the Borders for redress of attemptats. Being now Vice-Warden of the East Marches, will meet him at Coldstreme, at our Lady's Kirke of the Stele or elsewhere, on Thursday, 23rd instant, to appoint a meeting between the Vice-Wardens of the Middle Marches, and take further order for the rule of the Border. Desires an answer by the bearer. Carlisle, 16 Aug., anno 18.|
|P. 1. Headed: Copie of a letter to therle of Angus.|
Calig. B. III.
St. P. IV. 470.
|2402. MAGNUS to WOLSEY. (fn. 6)|
|After leaving Wolsey, arrived at York on the 2nd day of assize, and sat with the King's justices and my lord of Richmond's council. Found at York Sir Will. Lisle and his son Humphrey. Informed Rob. Bowes of Wolsey's pleasure about receiving Swenou's ward, and indicting Sir William, against whom complaints were presented by Sir Will. Ellerker and one Roger Heron. The former says that Lisle forcibly entered his lordship with a company of a hundred persons, and carried off 40 head of "noote." On being pursued, and asked why he had done so, he said it was on account of a replevin awarded against him by Ellercar, as sheriff of Northumberland, adding, that "neither the King nor any other his officers, if he mought be a party to them, should meddle within his Lordship." Heron says that in a dispute between him and Lisle the latter said, "What! Meanest thou to strive with me? Wilt thou win anything at my hands? I have ruffled with the Warden and also with the Cardinal, and trust to pluck him by the nose." The vicar of Felton, and a kinsman and a servant of Lisle's were examined as witnesses, but could not confirm this. The vicar is a canon of Brinkbourne (fn. 7) and a curate of Lisle's. Thinks there was collusion, as they had all seen copies of the complaint. Sir William and his son for these and other matters are committed to Pountefret Castle. "Justice had good place at York with goodly appearance of gentlemen;" 16 persons suffered. Has been with the justices to the assizes at Newcastle, where were also Sir Chr. Dacre, Sir Will. Eures, Sir Thos. Tempest, Serjeant Fairfax, Rob. Bowes, and others of my lord of Richmond's council. There was never so great an assize with so good appearance of gentlemen, that no one was afraid to complain or give evidence. 16 persons were executed; many of the great surnames and headsmen of Tynedale and Riddesdale; two of the Fenwicks; and others of the Shaftehouse, Pottes, Haulles and Hedelees. Such a thing was never seen before in these parts.|
|Has sent to my lord of Cumberland the commission for keeping warden courts on the West Marches. Has delivered others to Sir Chr. Dacre and Sir Will. Eures for the East and Middle Marches. Eures has taken upon him to be lieutenant of the Middle Marches and keeper of Tynedale and Riddesdale, with the fees assigned by Wolsey. He says he will give the substance of those fees to the gentlemen of the country that the King may be better served ; but he is very desirous to have my lord of Richmond's fee of 10l. Has appointed with the Council to be again at Newcastle before Martinmas. There is a good and honest gentleman, Cuthbert Radcliff, sheriff of Northumberland, son of Sir Edw. Radcliff. Has consulted with Eures about bringing Tynedale-men to good order, without the inhabitants being charged with pledges to my lord of Richmond's council. Tyndale-men should not be encouraged to come to Yorkshire with their pledges. Suggests that 12 of the principal surnames in Tynedale be always kept as pledges, and renewed three times a year. Sir Anthony Ughtred should apply to their maintenance the wages of six or seven soldiers of Berwick, who might thus be spared. The Borders never kept better rule. Will do his best now at his return to these parts to put my lord of Richmond's household in order. Sheriffhutton, 17 Aug. Signed.|
Vitell. B. VIII.
|2403. GHINUCCI to WOLSEY.|
|"Scripsi ultima[s literas ad D. v.] R. xv. hujus mensis. Hodic autem, cum ad mei notitiam devenerit alium cursorem [discessurum], visum mihi est non ab re literas illas duplicare, et de his quæ postea ad mei notitiam [devenerunt] eam certiorem reddere. S. D. N. qui, ut superioribus diebus scripseram, cog[itabat] una cum Venetis Cæsarem in regno Neapolitano ad ejus vires dividendum et di[verten]dum molestare, secutus consilium ipsorum Venetorum quorum opinio fuit ut tam m[agnu]m chaos, sine auxilio Regis Gallorum non intraretur, supersedit donec, habitis hodie literis ab illo quem superioribus diebus ad Regem Christianissimum miserat, ut isthuc ideo (?) postea se conferret, intelle[xit] ipsum Regem Christianissimum non intendere in hoc opus contribuere; quare statuit Sa D. N., nisi Rex Gallorum mutet sententiam, ab hoc negocio abstinere. Scr[ipsit] etiam ille Regem Chrm nolle plus subsidii rebus Italiæ præstare quam per capitula teneatur, etiam quod rerum successus majus subsidium exigere videtur quam tunc crederetur, unde Pontifex putet se non posse vitare quin cum Cæsare[is] et peditibus aliquam concordiam ineat per [quam] a Bononia citra ab arm[is hinc] inde abstineatur. Pontifex etiam idem suus sibi scripserit (fn. 8) quod tam du ... per Regem Gallorum promissi cum effectu veniunt, perseverare videtur in despera[tio]ne, semper repetendo quod si in ruinam veniet, prout credit, veniet ex e[o quo]d Regis nostri et D. v. R. secutus est consilium, quod una cum re[spectu] et affectione quibus Mtem suam et D. v. R. prosequuntur, tanti apud eum momenti [fuit], ut oblatas sibi conditiones a Cæsareis, quæ meliores erant quam quæ ... bell. qui venire posset, respuerit, ex qua quidem integritate et fidei tam sincera observatione Stas sua asserit nunquam sibi persuadere potuit, quod Ser. Rex noster et Rex Chr. non moverentur ad ponendas omnes eorum vires ut cum ab hoc incendio liberarent.|
|"Licteras habet S. D. N. ex castris quibus sibi bona spes dabat de recuperatione civitatis Cremonæ. Tractatur concordia inter S. D. N. et ducem Ferrariæ, venitque propterea huc Gallus quidam qui, ex Gallia Ferrariam missus, pluribus diebus cum duce Ferrariæ super his tractavit, nunc autem tractat cum S. D. N. Successum D. v. R. significabo, qui utinam bonus sit. Ex eo ut puto succederet quod ille capitaneus fœderis crearetur, ex quo communiter creditur quod multum favoris auctoritatis et virium exercitui confœderatorum accederet.|
|"xiiij. triremes Venetorum pervenerunt ad portum civitatis Vetulæ, qui ad S. D. N. spectat, distatque hinc ad xlta miliaria. Junge[n]t autem se hæ una cum Pontificis triremibus et Regis Gallorum, si modo veniant illæ Regis Gall., prout speratur, ex co quod ita scribitur ex Gallia Regem istum mandasse, ibuntque ut ciritatem Januæ recuperent. Quid successurum sit diversæ sunt opiniones. Omnes autem in hoc conveniunt quod si recuper[ar]etur magno erit adjumento rebus Lombardiæ, et difficile extunc erit Cæsari in Italiam subsidium mittere. Discordia quæ orta erat inter capitaneos duos S. D. N. de quibus per ultimos scripsi sedata est, prout S. D. N. hodie dixit quod multum expediens fuit; eos enim fere omnes milites sequuntur, unde eorum scissura militum scissura[m] pariebat.|
|" Dum hæc scriberem pervenerunt ad nos literæ D. v. R. datæ xxviij. [mensis] præteriti, quæ postquam diciferatæ fuerint et bullæ quas D. v. R. pro suo C[ollegio] petit juxta copiam per eam missam ut originalia penes nos remanere p... fuerint copiatæ, ibimus ad S. D. N., mandataque nobis Sti suæ exponemus, et pro expeditione bullarum juxta D. v. R. desiderium instabimus, nihil omittentes quod ad fidos diligentesque servos spectat tam circa earum exp[editionem] quam ad D. v. R. transmissionem. Alia non occurrunt," &c. Rome, 17 Aug. 15.|
|Mutilated. The cipher undeciphered. Add. Endd.|
602, f. 34.
St. P. II. 120.
|1. Henry VIII. to the Earl of Kildare.|
|Has received a complaint from the earl of Ormond that Kildare retains the half of the subsidy and other revenues due to Ormond, awarded to him by the commissioners, amounting to 800l. Commands him to pay it within 20 days. Greenwich, 20 May.|
|"This letter was not delivered till St. Lawrence's even, in the presence of my lord Chancellor."|
|Headed: "The copy of the King's letter sent to the earl of Kildare."|
|P. 1, contemporary copy.|
|* The budget containing this and the two following papers is endorsed, "The copy of my lord Leonard's letter sent unto the King's grace." It also contains two documents of the year 1525 (Nos. 1279 and 1352 antè), all copied in the same hand, but not in chronological order.|
602, f. 30.
St. P. II. 125.
|2. [Earl of Kildare] to [Henry VIII.]|
|Received his letters dated 20 May, commanding him to pay within 20 days to the earl of Ormond the "halfyndele" of the subsidy and other revenues, amounting to 800l. Did not receive the letters till St. Laurence eve, before which he had paid over to Ormond all that he had received; but it did not amount to the said sum, as will appear by the account of the under-treasurer. Hopes [Henry] will not listen to the surmises of his adversaries till the truth be tried. Is bound to him, not only by his oath of allegiance, but because, after being brought up in his service, Henry made him treasurer, and gave him lands worth 100 mks. a year. "My first wife was your poor kinswoman, and my wife now in like manner; and in all my troubles before this, by untrue surmises against me, ye were good and gracious unto me." From my manor of Maynoth," 17 Aug.|
|P. 1, copy. Wrongly headed: "Copy of the King's letter sent by my lord Leonard Gray." This heading crossed out.|
f. 31 b.
St. P. II. 120.
|3. Articles to be shown to the King by lord Leonard Grey, on the earl of Kildare's behalf, touching the earl of Ormond's misdemeanors since the departure of the commissioners.|
|1. Though Ormond has been ordered to take no coyne or livery of the King's subjects without their consent, he has continued to do so, in Kilkenny and Tipperary, not only for his horsemen and kerne, but for his masons, carpenters, tailors, in his own works, and for his hunts, viz., 24 men and 60 greyhounds, and other number of men and dogs for deer-hunting, and a third for martin-hunting, charging the King's subjects to the value of 2,000 mks. yearly. 2. He occupies the King's manors of Callan in Kilkenny, and Kilmore and others in Tipperary, contrary to the indenture, and also takes the King's escheats, fines, and forfeitures. 3. He sent gunners to defend the castle of Okerull, the King's enemy, against the Deputy. 4. He offered to the Brenys, the most powerful of any of the Irishry of this land, to give them their desires in a controversy he had with them, if they would take his part against the Deputy ; which they refused. 5. Three of his servants were present at the murder of the bishop of Leighlin (fn. 9) by the abbot of Dusk's son, Ormond's near kinsman, and he succored the Abbot when the Deputy "persecuted" him for the murder. 6. His servants burnt and robbed a town of the Deputy's, called Lyvetiston in Kildare, killing 17 men and women some of them with child, "and one of them that fled out of the fire to the church was slain on the high altar." Yet he retains them in his service, and refuses to pay the compensation assessed by the commissioners. 7. He keeps a ward of evil-disposed persons at Arclow by the sea, who rob all passers by, and ravish women. When the King's subjects were chased by Bretons before the peace, and took land at Arclow, they were so ill used that they were glad to yield to the Bretons. 8. The Irish and some of Ormond's servants took prisoner Thos. Fitzmaurice, the Deputy's kinsman, whose father was slain in the King's service when the duke of Norfolk was in Ireland. 9. The churches in most part of Kilkenny and Tipperary are in such decay by provision that there is no divine service kept ; and he and his wife maintain provisors against the earl's (Ormond's?) son being archbishop of Cashel, (fn. 10) notwithstanding the King's letters in his favor. They despise the spiritual sword. 10. Before his sudden departure he levied 4d. a head on all the King's subjects above 12 years in Kilkenny, towards his expenses, and appointed collectors, as if it had been granted by Parliament. 11. He sends to Robt. Cowly over sea to indite complaints against Kildare at his own pleasure, and has given him his signet to seal them. 12. In case Ormond mentions again Kildare's letter to the earl of Desmond, the truth is that he wrote to appoint a meeting with him to ask his aid against the rebels, not knowing of his misdemeanor to the King. The Council took it to proceed of no evil intents. 13. He took 40 mks. of the seneschal of Wexford for taking part with Kildare against the rebels.|
|R. O.||4. "Certain articles presented by the earl of Kildare, the King's deputy of Ireland, unto my lord Cardinal's grace, and to the King's council in England, touching the misdemeanor of the earl of Ormond sithence the departure of the King's commissoners out of this said land."|
|To the same effect, and nearly in the same words, as those printed in St. P. II. 120, down to the end of the third paragraph on page 123.|
159, f. 3.
|"To make my preface and ceremony to you (most famous lantern of grace) condign, or yet of compendious conveyance to express my purpose, I have enterprised the treatise ensuing without deliberation, of good zeal to instruct your mastership, my poor mind for the reformation of Ireland." Does not pretend to as much experience as others, but fears that some who have experience would discourage the King in his proceedings, as they would be in danger of losing their influence and lands, to which they have slender title. Has tripartited the treatise;—the first part to show the occasions of the decay of the land, the increase of Irishmen, and the enfeeblishing of the King's subjects;—the second to point out the remedies, which are subdivided into two parts, first for a general reformation, and second for a particular reformation, preparatory to the other ;—and the third, how to enlarge the King's revenues, so as to support the charges during the time of the reformation, and bring in a profit afterwards.|
|The great cause of the desolation of the land appears to have been the remissness of former kings arising out of the dissensions between the Houses of York and Lancaster. Whoever was in possession made it his whole study to keep out his adversary ; and much of the King's inheritance, both in the earldom of Ulster, which belongs to the King by his mother, and which once brought in the yearly rent of 30,000 marks, and of the inheritance of divers lords of England, have been usurped both by the King's subjects and by Irishmen. Now that the King inherits the titles both of York and Lancaster, he will be better able to look after Ireland. There has been a similar dispute for the rule of Ireland between the Geraldines and the Butlers. The earls of Kildare and Desmond come of one stock, and have always held with the house of York, as was seen in the days of the King's father, "when an organ-maker's son (Lambert Simnel), named one of king Edward's sons, came into Ireland, was by the Geraldines received and crowned king in the city of Dublin, and with him the earl of Kildare's father sent his brother Thomas with much of his people, who with the earl of Lincoln, Martin Swart and others, gave a field unto the King's father, where the earl of Kildare's brother was slain." Perkin Warbeck was also assisted by the earl of Desmond. Ormond and his kinsmen are called the Butlers. Their lands lie between those of Kildare, called the Geraldines of the East, and Desmond, called the Geraldines of the West, "which interposition hath done good in times past," and must be preserved. The Butlers have always been loyal to the House of Lancaster, for which the earl of Ormond was attainted in the time of Edward IV.|
|2. Another cause of the desolation of the land has been that the lords and gentlemen having marchlands have given up residing upon them, and gone to England or to the heart of the English Pale, leaving their lands undefended.|
|3. The third and principal cause has been that the great rulers have each had his Irish judge, who decrees according to Irish law. The rulers themselves speak Irish rather than English, to gain the favor of the common people. Scarcely a word of English is heard in the county of Kildare, which is one of the four shires of the English Pale. Irish habits are also worn for the most part, "and tonsures above the ears, with overlips and Irish garments," so that they cannot be distinguished from Irishmen, except that the latter have better manners, and are more obedient to order. Doubtless the earl of Kildare, being deputy, has power to reform all these enormities, especially in his own dominions, so it must be supposed he has reasons for tolerating them. Some think he does not wish the King's laws to press too heavily on his own kinsmen, so that they should lose their prescription of ancient customs, viz., to be lambs or wolves just as their captain is inclined, who can only be charmed "by one medicine, that is, to have the King's sword borne before himself, and when that is once seen, all the wolves be converted to lambs." This was shown in the days of Kildare's father, who kicked and winced when any other deputy was made, and made him glad to fly to England.|
|Lately, on the duke of Norfolk's arrival in Ireland as the King's lieutenant, O'Neil's near kinsman, a great friend of Kildare's, was the first that invaded the English Pale; so that the Duke, upon Whitsunday, three days after landing, was obliged to set forward his army to resist O'Neil, and he himself to advance next day, till he chased him to the wood, where O'Neil said he would chase the English home in the same ships they came by, and compel the King to send back kildare. whether he would or not. He after wards said that he awaited the arrival of his cousin, and that if he did not come by Christmas he would subvert all Ireland. Both during Norfolk's time and during the deputyship of Ormond, all the troubles were occasioned by Kildare's adherents; and as soon as the sword was given to Kildare, all the wolves became lambs, and O'Neil became so humble as to "bear the sword before my lord of Kildare, covering his shorn poll with a coif, which was a monstrous sight to behold." The King's sword in Ireland is like King Arthur's Siege Perilous, which only Sir Lancelot's son could sit in with safety. "This vulgar Irish tongue induccth the habit, the habit induceth the conditions and inordinate laws; and so the tongue, habit, laws and conditions maketh mere Irish."|
|The King's courts being only at Dublin in a corner of the land, and no commissioners sent to other parts, makes the people incline to the Brehon laws. The great possessioners in the heart of the Pale keep "little ordinary houses, as they were in a land of peace;" leaving the burden of defending the Marches to the poor March gentlemen, who are therefore fain to make favor with the Irish and intermarry with them. Those who have great possessions in the Church now dwell in England, letting their homes go to waste, and contributing nothing to the defence of the land. No dignity falls vacant now, but some English abbot or prior who has too much already makes labor for it first. Except Dublin, Drogheda, and a very few lords' house, all the English Pale has of late become Irish. The earl of Ormond, on the other hand, having no charge or profit of the King's subjects, cares only for himself and his dependents.|
|4. The Council, being in a corner of the land, are satisfied if the part of four shires called the English Pale be at peace; in which case they report to the King that the land is in good quiet, caring no more for the rest of it than the Venetians do for the Scots. They have thus diminished the King's jurisdiction from a large forest to a narrow park.|
|Besides the four shires named the English Pale are seven others adjoining, "as by the platt may appear," viz., Carolagh, Waysford, Kilkenny, Tipperary, Waterford, Limerick, Cork and Kerry, besides many large places like Connaghe, containing many more good towns than the English Pale, without whose assistance the English would have to withdraw; "for they have drawn themselves to the door of the passage at the sea coast, where with policy and manhood they might inhabit further within the main land." If the King would break that narrow English Pale, and make a large English forest, he might have advertisement of his subjects in the West as well as in the East; for at present when the King is informed that all Ireland is in peace, Desmond and the Brennys are making war upon Ormond and others. As the people look upon their governors as their sovereigns they should be taught their natural duty of allegiance by sending over a discreet mean gentleman of England, not above the degree of a knight, armed with the King's authority, and with such a company as might be supported out of the King's revenues, who would see the disposition both of Kildare and Ormond towards this particular reformation, by which the King would be guided in making his promotion. An English bachelor knight bore the rule 16 years when there were five earls together in Ireland (viz., Ulster, Ormond, Kildare, Desmond, and Louth). This mean man should call a Parliament, to abolish the jurisdiction of Brehons, and establish itinerant judges,—to enact that every man reputing himself the King's subject shave his over lip, let his hair grow to cover his ears, and wear bonnets and English coats. If it be objected that such articles are costly, let them diminish the superfluity of saffron on their shirts and of silk on their jacks; that the gentry send their sons to learn English to the cities and port towns, or to such gentlemen as "use English conduct;" that none speak Irish under great penalties to any who understand English; that instead of the cries Cramabo and Butlerabo the King's subjects cry only St. George.|
|My lord Cardinal's grace might get from Rome the Pope's jurisdiction in Ireland for seven years for a yearly payment of 1,000 or 2,000 ducats, or perhaps for 10,000 ducats ready money, as the Pope does not know the King's subjects from his rebels, so that they are encouraged to remain disloyal. He might then take from Irishmen all their benefices, and get for his own use all the money paid to offices at Rome for Irish causes. Discreet personages should be assigned to redress disorders in the marches. The towns of the English Pale being sore decayed by resort among Irishmen, penalties should be enacted against buying and selling in Irishmen's country, and private treaties with Irishmen to be forbidden on pain of death. No ships to lade or discharge goods, except at Dublin, Drogheda, Waterford, Rose, Youghale, Cork, Kinsale, Limerick and Galway. The Emperor, French king, and king of Portugal to be written to, that proclamations be made in their dominions accordingly. No hay is made except in the English Pale, and the horses and cattle are fed with corn, which causes scarcity, and many beasts die. Husbandmen, therefore, should not be allowed to use their meadow ground as pasture till after mowing time. It would be a good thing to subdue McMorrow's and the Burnes' country to the King. It belongs by inheritance to the duke of Norfolk and other Englishmen. It is commodious and fertile, and lies between the earl of Kildare, the earl of Ormond, the county of Waysheforde, and the sea. No Irish can enter, save through the said Earls, who cannot deny they have power to subdue the country; but Kildare would probably allege that all the Irish would unite to resist it, and would be too strong for them.|
|Does not think they would be more likely to rise than when Fercolyn was taken from the Tooles, the Ferture from the Birnes, &c. Kildare favors McMorrow too much to see him subdued. They are near kinsmen, and the Earl helped him against the King's subjects. It is said the Earl intends to marry his daughters to Cayhare McMaryart Ogge, second captain of McMorrow's country who keeps the country of O'Drone, Norfolk's inheritance, as he married his other daughter to O'Coner. If Kildare and Ormond had as much right to the country as Norfolk, they would find means to subdue it without a general insurrection. Advises McMorrow's fee of 100 marks from the King to be stopped, as he does no service for it. Meantime the castles of Fernes and O'Drone may be won; and Sir John Fitzgarrot of Desmond, the earl of Desmond's uncles, lords Barry, Roche and Cogan, the Knight of the Valley, Cormoke Oge, McCarty Reaghe, McCartie More, McMorrys, and O'Connor Kerry might be separated from the earl of Desmond, and bound to act against him. By their help, Dungarvan castle also might be taken,—a great place of resort for English and other fishers.|
|The King should appoint as lieutenant an active and politic nobleman, with experience of the land, like the duke of Norfolk, and give him a sufficient army, 4,000 men, light horse, gunners, morrispikes, bows and bills, all quick and hardy men. Prices must be fixed for the victuals of the army;—gentlemen, 2d. a meal; yeomen, 1½d.; 24 sheaves of oats for 2d., which will suffice a horse for a day and night without hay. Hay is 20 lbs. for 1d. Captains should be appointed in every parish to go with the constables, and see that the fare is sufficient. Oats are 6d. a bushel, twice the size of London bushels. Meat is as follows: a quarter of cow beef, 14d.; of the second, 12d.; of the third, 10d.; 4 qrs. of mutton, 12d. Other things can be rated by the clerk of the market. O'Nele, O'Donell, and McWilliam should be persuaded, by promise of the King's favor, to help the lieutenant, and not to maintain Irishmen, and to surrender their lands to the King, taking them back at a light chief rent. If they will not come to terms, they can be set by the ears to destroy each other. The lieutenant can then begin with McMorrow, accuse him of not helping the King, though he has a fee, and of keeping the castle of Fernes and O'Drone, which is the Duke's inheritance, and offer that if he will yield to the lieutenant, give up his kerne, &c., he and the gentlemen of his kin shall have land at a rent of 4d. per arable acre. If they will not agree, the lieutenant must take their castles, put wards in them, make villages and surround them with ditches, placing two or three hagbushes in each. Paths wide enough for 20 men must be cut through their hazel and sallow wood, which they reckon fastnesses. The oak wood need not be touched. They will then be without succor, and the Pale will be enlarged 200 miles by 20. In Leinster and other parts of Ireland there are remains of castles and towns which could be easily repaired. When McMorrow's and the Byrnes' country is taken, a number of men who were born in Ireland should be sent out of England to inhabit it, and the same when other countries have been won. While taking the above countries, staples for victual should be fixed at Rosse, Arc[low] and Carloghe. Next, the same way should be taken with O'Connor. Staples and garrisons must be placed at Kesheboyne, Rathangan, Monaster Orys, and Darcy's Castle. The woods are already cut. He has married Kildare's daughter, and will expect his help. These countries are the key of Ireland; and Melaghlam, O'Molmoye, O'Doyne, O'Dymsye, O'More and O'Mehagher, will be dearly won. The army must thus proceed as far as the Shannon. Cressets must be prepared to be lighted on the top of all the "pylls," when Irishmen enter the country. As each country. As each country is won, the land should be let in freeholds, at 4d. an arable acre. When it is once brought to quiet and order, the King may by Act of Parliament enlarge his realm as he pleases.|
|Some may object, that if Ireland were quiet and prosperous, the lieutenant might practise with the King's enemies, but that while they are in division as now, it is impossible. But the King's distant realms are as obedient as those in which he lives. To have dominion without obedience or profit, is a void thing of derision.|
|Should not advise all Ireland to be under one lieutenant, unless he were English, but that there should be five captains with fixed provinces, with a standing fee. It would be unlikely that they should all unite in rebellion. It would be better to have the King's officers in every quarter of the land, trying who should best win the King's favor, than that the charge of the whole land should be with one man residing in a corner, who never resorts to the extreme parts, and is not regarded there. The lords of the Pale prefer a man dwelling amongst them who takes no care for the rest of the land.|
|2406. KNIGHT to WOLSEY.|
|After my leaving you on Friday, a servant of yours used such diligence, that he was at Guildford as soon as I was, and delivered me a packet of letters for the King, and one for my lord Chamberlain. Though this is the day "of access" of my sickness, I hope to pass through it as well as yesterday. Guildford, 18 Aug.|
|Hol., p. 1. Add.|
|2407. FITZWILLIAM to WOLSEY.|
|Since writing last the King has had great cheer with my lord of Arundel, lord Delaware, lord Lisle, and here with my lord of Winchester. When the King was at Warblington, Suffolk wrote that one of his servants had fallen sick of plague at Woodstock before he left, and, being removed into the town, died; and that another person had also died in the town, and that he wrote, as he heard the King intended to go thither. The King was displeased, and told Fitzwilliam to write, saying that he marvelled the Duke did not remove when he had the King's orders, and that he did not inform him of the servant's death immediately, that he might have altered his "giests," for now he knew not which way to go, and had lost the opportunity of seeing his daughter. On receiving this letter the Duke sent a servan to make his excuse to the King, who forgave him his "mysfaicte," and told he servant a right good tale to be shown to him. The King has now determined his giests according to the enclosed copy. The princess will meet him at Langley. The King treats Patrique Sayntcler familiarly and well. Hears that Wolsey is going soon to the More. If he will remain at Hampton Court next week, and dine at Chertsey on Thursday, Friday, or Saturday, Fitzwilliam william meet him in the forest, and bring him where he can kill a stag with his bow, and another with his greyhounds. His cousin Hennage can write him word of Wolsey's pleasure. Winchester, 18 Aug. Signed.|
|P. 1. Add.: To my lord Cardinal's grace.|
|R. O.||2. "The King's giests from Winchester to Amptell."|
|Tuesday, 21 Aug., from Winchester to Thruxston, near Lisle's place, six miles. Saturday, 25th, thence to Ramsbury, 12 miles. Friday, 31 Aug., thence to Compton, 8 miles. Saturday, 1 Sept., thence to Langley. Tuesday, 11 Sept., thence to Byceter, 13 miles. Wednesday, 12 Sept., thence to Bukkingham, 10 miles. Thursday, 13 Sept., thence to Amptell, and there and at Grafton during the King's pleasure.|
|2408. JOHN CASALE, Prothonotary, to WOLSEY.|
|Was glad to receive his letters. Has done all he ordered. The Duke and Senate at first thought it hard that in the present dangers the King and Wolsey should send them no assistance, as they expected; but now, on further explanation, when they have ascertained the Pope's mind, they will do all that Wolsey wishes.|
|Will hear further particulars from Vannes.|
|Thanks him for speaking to the King about his pension, of which he is in the greatest need. Venice, 19 Aug. 1526.|
|Hol., Lat., pp. 2. Add. Endd.: The xxiiijth of August 1526.|
|2409. The NUNCIO AT VENICE to [VANNES]. (fn. 11)|
|We were lately in doubt about the coming of the fresh German troops, but are now informed by a note from the Nuncio with the Archduke to the Pope, that they will not come without the Emperor's permission, which cannot be obtained, as all the roads into France are stopped. The said note came with great difficulty, as all the roads are blockaded, and every one passing is examined. A few days ago a junction was effected by the enemy (certa illorum unio) near the Val Camonica in the diocese of Brescia, and Camillo Ursino has accordingly gone thither wit a strong force. They are willing enough, "sed non habent bona crura propter defectum pecuniarum."|
|Letters from the Nuncio in Hungary, dated Buda, 4th inst., state that the Turks are assaulting the citadel of Petra Varadin, which is not far from Belgrade. After repeated failures the great Turk himself assaulted it with artificial fire and divers engines, and succeeded in destroying the castle. Ninety only escaped, whom the Turks spoiled and let go. He has now sent for workmen to rebuild the place, and intends to attack a neighbouring fortress. The king of Hungary was encamped at Tonna, waiting for aid from Bohemia. He will then have a large army, and may defeat the Turk. Gauricus, the astronomer, said the other day to the Doge that he would forfeit his head if the Turk was not either defeated, killed, or taken. He has often divined, but I put no faith in him.|
|Lat., pp. 2. In Vannes' hand. Headed: Literæ Nuncii S. D. N. Venetiis die xviiij. Aug. ad me.|
Cal. D. IX.237.
|2410. TAYLER to [WOLSEY].|
|On the 14th my lord of Bath at Amboise had a long communication with the King and with my Lady. On the 16th the Venetian ambassador told him that the castellan of Mus, in the pay of the Venetians, took prisoner the Venetian ambassadors that were going into France, and demands 7,000 scudi for ransom. They have heard from Peter of Navarre that the Emperor is preparing a navy and 7,000 men to send the Viceroy into Naples, but it cannot be ready till September. If, therefore, he does not speed at Genoa, Peter will collect ships and lie in wait for the Viceroy. Francis is preparing at his own cost 12 great ships, to which the Venetians and the Pope contribute nothing. The duke of Milan is with the army of the League, and has received 4,000 scudi. As Clerk was ill, and has so con- tinued, Tayler went alone to the Council, and heard news of the affairs in Italy. Milan cannot long hold out for want of victuals. Has been desired to write for justice betwixt divers Frenchmen and John Eston. Wishes to know what he is to do. According to his letters to Lark, Tuke, and Francis, sends a bill of ships' rigging. Amboise, 20 Aug. Signed.|
|Pp. 2, mutilated.|
Rym. XIV. 189.
|2411. FRANCIS I.|
|Confirmation of the treaty of reciprocal obligation between France and England. Amboise, 20 Aug. 1526.|
|R. O.||2. Copy of counterpart.|
|20 Aug.||2412. For SELBY ABBEY.|
|Restitution of temporalties on the election of Rob. Selby as abbot, whose fealty is ordered to be taken by Brian Hygdon, clk. Hampton Court, 20 Aug.|
|Pat. 18 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 1.|
|2413. ANGUS to SIR CHR. DACRE.|
|Has received by this bearer his writing dated Carlisle the 16th, which shows his good mind towards the weal of both realms. Cannot himself meet Sir Christopher at Coldstream on the 23rd, owing to business with the King his master, but will send lord Hume thither that day, and cause Mark Ker, of Dolphingtoun, to meet him at Rydenburne on Saturday the 25th. Edinburgh, 20 Aug. Signed.|
|P. 1. Add.: Sir Christopher Dacre, vice-warden of the East March of England.|