Henry VIII: May 1525, 1-9 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1875.

'Henry VIII: May 1525, 1-9', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530, (London, 1875) pp. 570-583. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol4/pp570-583 [accessed 25 April 2024]

May 1525



1 May. R. O.	1299. The SUBSIDY.
	Certificate of John Kyston, Roger Cholmeley, and Ric. Hawke, commissioners for the second payment of the subsidy in Middlesex in the 16th year, that they have assessed the inhabitants of Hampsted, Holborne, Iseldon, Fyncheley, Freron Barnet, Harnesey, Seynt Johnstrete, Shordych, Nortonfoly, Fynesbury, Hoxston, Clerkenwell, Estsmythfelde, the Tower, and Seynt Kateryns, parcel of the hundred of Osulston; and have made Nicholas Serle collector. 1 May 17 Hen. VIII.
	ii. Lists of persons chargeable, with the amounts at which they are rated for lands, goods or wages, and of the tax levied:—
	St. John's Street, 117 names (besides one or two partially lost by mutilation), including 11 servants of the Charter House. Total lost. (fn. 1)
	Hoxston, 50 names, at the end of which "Our Lady box" 4l., taxed 2s.; St. Christopher and St. James's box, "in money 3l.," taxed 18 d. Total of tax, 10l. 18s. 10d.
	Halywell Strete, 51 names, 4l. 2s. 4d.
	Holburne, 44 names, [4l. 15s. 4d.] (fn. 2)
	Grayesyn, 9 names, [15l. 12s.]†
	Fynnesbury, 64 names, 6l. 15s.
	Norton Foly, 23 names, 29s.
	Harnesey, 32 names, 5l. 4s. 2d.
	Hampsted, 35 names, 3l. 0s. 2d.
	Iseldon, 93 names, 21l. 7s. 2d.
	Fyncheley, 90 names, 10l. 15s. 6d.
	Freron Barnet, 18 names, 42s. 6d.
	St. Katharine's. Servants to the master of St. Katharine's 181 names, a few of which appear to be erased. Total, 17l. 8s. 8½d. (?) (fn. 3)
	The Tower. Servants to master lieutenant, and others, 61 names, 32l. 7s. 6d.
	Estsmythfelde, 142 names (fn. 4) (including three servants of my lord abbot of Tower Hill), 50l. 17s. 3d.
1 May. Turner's L. of Fisher, II. 307.	1300. NUNNERY of HIGHAM.
	Proceedings against the nuns, and appropriation of their house to St. John's College, Cambridge. Rochester, 1 May 1525.
Galba, B. VIII. 140. B. M.	1301. MARGARET OF SAVOY. (fn. 5)
	1. Instructions to Sir Wm. Fitzwilliam, captain of the castle of Guisnes, and Sir Robt. Wingfield, lieutenant of the castle of Calais, sent on special embassy to the lady Margaret.
	They shall deliver the King's and Legate's letters at their first audience, taking with them Dr. Knight, and congratulate her on the capture of the French king, thanking her for informing the King of it, and commending the Emperor's prudence and the courage of his army. The great hindrance to the peace of Christendom being now removed, Henry sends to deliberate with Margaret on what is to be done, and wishes her to be open with his ambassadors that he may know her opinion. At the delivery of the letters, they shall first endeavor to find out what my Lady and the Council intend, and what they think should be done on the King's part. But if she requires first to know the King's advice, and what he purposes for prosecution of his claims in France, they shall deliver their charges as follows. Considering the divided state of Christendom, the danger of Naples, Sicily, Poland, and Hungary from the Turk, who has taken the two "most sure propugnacules of Christendom," and the damnable heresy of the Lutherans, evils which have arisen chiefly from the ambition of French kings, the King thinks that God has ordained the overthrow and captivity of the present king of France as a means to put down the tyranny of the enemies of the Faith; and if other Christian princes in whose hands the matter is placed do not embrace the opportunity, he fears God will punish them.
	Both he and his Council think that there never will be tranquillity while France is governed by those whose sole desire is to extend their dominion, and who, for that end, sow dissensions among other princes. It is well known what great patrimonies the French king has taken from others, for it is notorious that the King has a right to the whole crown of France, both by inheritance and by treaties; and, if he had none, at least Normandy, Gascoigne, Guyenne, Anjou, Maine, Poitou and other provinces should belong to him. What countries he keeps from the Emperor, my Lady and the Council know. They have also claimed Milan, Aste, Genoa, Naples, and other territories in Italy; persuaded the Venetians, Florentines, and Lucchese to assist them, and since striven to decrease the power of the empire in Italy by encouraging feudatories to withdraw their allegiance. No Emperor will ever be able quietly to keep his rights while France is so powerful. And though the French king is now in captivity, and would consent to pay a large sum, and restore some of his unjust possessions, it is certain that, when once returned home, he would endeavor to revenge his present misfortune, recover what he had conceded, and make new pretences, from which no pact or convention would restrain him. They shall, therefore, say that there is no way to place the affairs of the Emperor and the King in perpetual security as long as the French king, or any other of his line, reigns in France. Here they shall make a pause to perceive how the lady Margaret and the Council take this overture; and it is supposed they will incline either to the total disappointment of the French king and his line, or else to his restoration under conditions. The latter they shall dissuade as much as possible for the reasons mentioned above. To the former the following difficulties may be raised by my Lady:—
	(1.) How it may be accomplished. (2.) Who shall succeed to the kingdom. (3.) They may propose Bourbon, but this is not likely. (4.) They may think that, if the King succeeds, having so large a kingdom adjacent, the empire will be in as much danger as before from the extension of the limits of France. To these they shall answer: (1.) It would be in vain to attempt it by composition with either the French king or the peers or estates of the realm, and, therefore, to treat with France thereof were but superfluous. There is no way but force, which would be easy now the King is prisoner, and his captains and army vanquished, especially if the King and Emperor make their personal invasion this summer, as they are bound to do, and if the lady Margaret assists the King with a force of 3,000 or 4,000 horse, and as many foot. If they will do this, the Emperor may come straight to Paris, where the King will meet him, as it is improbable there will be any resistance, and then, after their meeting, the King can take his crown of France, and will then assist the Emperor to obtain his crown imperial, and recover all the rights of the empire, whereof Italy is the chamber. By this voyage the monarchy of all Christendom is likely to fall to the Emperor; for, by inheritance, he has Spain, a great part of Germany, Sicily, Naples, Flanders, Holland, Brabant, Zealand, Hainault, and the other Low Countries; by election he has the empire; through my lady Princess, he may have England, Ireland, the title to the superiority of Scotland, and all France and its dependencies;—with which the King will be content, provided he assist him to recover his crown of France. (2.) As to who should succeed to the French crown, he trusts that the Emperor and lady Margaret have never had any other intent than to second his just right, the vindication of which was the chief intent of their confederacy. (3.) The third point is not likely to be moved, as there is neither honor, reason, nor possibility in it, and it is not likely the Emperor would suffer any one to succeed who might be to his annoyance and the disturbance of Christendom, as French-born kings of France would be. (4.) For the fourth point, four matters must be considered: (1) the King's title; (2) the alliance between the King and Emperor for mutual recovery of their rights; (3) the possibility that the Emperor may inherit the King's possessions by right of the Princess; and (4) that if this is brought about, the King does not intend to keep so many pieces adjacent to France as are now occupied by the French king, but will share with the Emperor and Bourbon such portions as will content them. The lady Margaret may, perhaps, require delivery of my lady Princess into the Emperor's hands on the plea that she had already been promised to France, and also proposed for the king of Scots. To this they may answer that the King has admitted no overture since the war, either from France or Scotland, though the Scots have offered to abandon France for it; and the Emperor will learn how stedfast the King has been, by the bishop of London and Sir Ric. Wingfield, now sent to him on special embassy. The King has also intimated to the Emperor that he is making all possible preparations to invade France, and desires him to consent to the 3,000 or 4,000 horse and as many foot being given by the lady Margaret for the purpose; which can be done this year if all diligence be used. The ambassadors shall, therefore, first urge her to grant 4,000 horse and as many foot at the expence of the Low Countries; and, if she object to nothing but the number, may gradually reduce it to 3,000 of each, stating that the King intends to make his army up to 30,000 foot and 10,000 horse.
	Secondly, as the King cannot get a sufficient number of horse in England, they are to desire leave for persons appointed by him to raise what number they think fit in the Low Countries, and also some foot. Thirdly, that such carriages, limoners, &c., as the King may require out of the Low Countries may be had at the Emperor's prices, and that my Lady will depute officers to help them. Fourthly, that shipping may be provided by the lady Margaret's order to convey the army, in recompence for the ships sent by the King to convey the Emperor to Spain. They are to press for an answer to these points, as no time is to be lost, and urge her to preserve the strictest secrecy, and not defeat the scheme, as she did that of Henry's invading Normandy, by making it known. On receiving a promise of this assistance, or that it shall be proposed to the country, they shall ask that it may pass into such parts of France as the King shall desire, assuring them that he will not desire them to pass by sea, considering the difficulty of obtaining shipping. This they shall urge as indispensable, showing that a refusal might be the ruin of the whole enterprise. They shall also say the King has arranged a plan for the entry of Bourbon in another part, by order to be given by the King and Emperor jointly, so that these three armies acting on every side, the greatest effects may be expected, for the honor of the King and Emperor, and extirpation of the Lutheran heresies.
	These things being declared, Knight, who has remained long in these parts, shall take his leave. Fitzwilliam shall return with the answer, and Wingfield shall remain behind as ambassador resident.
	Pp. 20.
Galba, B. VIII. 150.* B. M.	2. Answer to the overtures of Sir Wm. Fitzwilliam, Sir Robt. Wingfield, and Wm. Knight, to madame the Archduchess. Articles proposed in the Emperor's council by the English ambassadors:—
	1. They demand 3,000 horse and 1,000 foot at the expence of the Emperor, and that they be on the confines of Calais during the whole of May, to join the King's army and go in their company through Picardy to Paris. 2. That the above auxiliaries march with the King's army into Normandy, if the Emperor will agree to it. 3. That as the Emperor has offered to pay for 1,000 foot soldiers, the ambassadors request to have 3,000 foot at his Majesty's expence, if he be content. 4. That a number of hoys be appointed, at the Emperor's expence, for one month, to transport the van and rear guards or corps de bataille of the army from England, in accordance with conventions; 5, and to state the number, in writing, that they will give. 6. To have aid of the Emperor's officers to obtain 1,460 limoners and 1,230 wagons at the prices at which they serve the Emperor.
	On consultation with her Council, Madame replies,—1. That she holds to the offer made by Bevres and others of 3,000 horse and 1,000 foot at the Emperor's expence, and to keep them ready to join the van and rear guards of the King, wherever he thinks fit, within a month of the time when it shall be signified to the Emperor's captain-general on what day the van and rear guard shall have crossed the sea, and be ready to march through Picardy to Paris. 2 and 3. Madame will do whatever the Emperor agrees to on these points. 4 and 5. Although Madame has heard nothing of the convention, she will, taking it for granted, supply, at the Emperor's expence, 100 hoys for one month for the passage of the King and his train, and, if the Emperor agrees to a larger number, will do her best diligence to obtain them. 6. She has given charge to the officers of the Emperor's artillery to endeavor to obtain 776 draught horses, and 692 wagons for the King's van and rear guard, and 684 horses and 538 wagons for his battle, which she will furnish within a month after demand, on the same terms as they would be engaged for the Emperor, provided the King will advance 14 days' pay in some place near their territory, and that on the arrival of the King's army 14 days' wages shall always be paid in advance. Madame offers the King as many gunners as he may require, and will do her best to procure men, both horse and foot, above the number stated. Agreed to, 2 May 1525. Signed by Margaret.
	Fr., pp. 5.
2 May. R. O.	1302. HÉDIN to WOLSEY.
	Has not written to him for a long time, expecting to have gone to him, though he has been always counselled to the contrary. His enemies, "depuis ma fortune," try every means to put him out of favor with the King and Wolsey, but he trusts Wolsey will not listen to anything to his prejudice without hearing his defence. "... chacun set et man fet la plus grande trayson dugne letre qui net a panser, de la quele jen tens que votre sinorie a veuu, mais quant jeray parle a votre grace, vous seres bien content." Four or five years ago they took a letter which he wrote to the King, two to Wolsey, one to Norfolk, one to "mi lort tresou" (lord treasurer, Surrey), and one to Brientucq (Brian Tuke), "et s ... ma fet le bon sieur de Hausetrate e ... bien cincq ans qui lont sersiet (qu'ils ont cherche) [me fe]re la venue qui mon fet." Reminds Wolsey that he had asked him formerly if he had not received certain letters from him, and was answered No; "et jay le tout seu de pieca dome (d'homme) qui les a toutes veuues. Le dit bon seigneur trouvoit moien de les avoir de la poste, come mecant qui let; mais il ny a voit que tout honeur, et de coi je seroie bien respondre si elle metoit mige en avant."
	Trusts the King and Wolsey will not desert him. All his misfortunes arise from his desire to do them honor. Wolsey is under no obligation to those who have been trying to break the alliance of the King and Emperor for their own interests. "Pluseurs fois leur ai mande depuis ma fortune et que seres quelque jour le t[o]ut a a la verite, car jai espoir detre [en] brief vers votre sinorie aveucq[ues] la grace de Dieu.
	"Monsieur, lon m ... pieca d'Espaine que l'Empereur vol ... re a votre sinorie pregent de le ... t de Bourges, et osy jay veuu la cop[ie] dugne letre que Brientucq a escrit a monsieur de Prat, qui est tout bon sine damite."
	Recommends the bearer, an homme de bien, in whose favor De Bure also writes. The Cardinal here has done him the greatest possible honor. Liege, 2 May.
	"Monsieur, je cris si mal que ne sai si votre sinorie sera lire ma letre." (fn. 6)
	Hol., Fr., pp. 3. Add.: Monsieur le legat d'Angleterre. Endd.
2 May. R. O. St. P. VI. 437.	1303. SAMPSON to WOLSEY.
	As I wrote by Basing, the Emperor greatly desires the coming of ambassadors from England. De Rieux has been sent through France to Italy. From Leons he sent an answer from the French king's mother, utterly refusing the Emperor's proposals, and declining to deliver a single foot of land. He has therefore despatched a message to the King. They are doubtful whether to invade Italy in common with the King, or whether the Emperor shall maintain the army there, and the King another. The Chancellor has told him that a personal invasion is impossible, as the Emperor has sustained too great charges. Toledo, 2 May 1525.
	Hol. Add.
3 May. R. O. St. P. VI. 438.	1304. CHARLES V. to HENRY VIII.
	Credence for Penalosa to act in conjunction with De Praet. Toledo, 3 May 1525. Signed.
	Fr. Add.
3 May. Vesp. F. XIII. 133 b. B. M.	1305. The ARCHBP. OF CANTERBURY, LORD COBHAM, SIR THOS. BOLEYN and HENRY GULDEFORD to [HENRY VIII.]
	Those of his subjects who have been before them seem well minded to accomplish his demands, and would make no demur if their goods were sufficient; but there is great poverty, especially of money, here in Kent. At several fairs, men having wares and cattle to sell have departed without selling anything, unless they would have sold them at less than half their values. Landed men can get nothing or little of their farmers, who say they can get no money for their corn and cattle. Write this apart from the people's overtures, as they think it not expedient to insert it therein. Canterbury, 3 May, 9 p.m. Signed.
	P. 1.
3 May. R. O.	1306. THE SAME to WOLSEY.
	Ask whether they are to assemble those whose goods and lands are worth less than 20l. They have never been assembled before, and are likely to cause much trouble for very little profit. Many of them will sorely grudge the cost of going to Canterbury or other places where the Commissioners have appointed to sit. If they are to assemble, it had better be done in divers places. But little good has been done here by the report that the King has remitted the sums due from the Londoners. Sends a copy of their letters to the King. Canterbury, 3 May. Signed.
	Pp. 2. Add.: To, &c., the cardinal of York and legate de Latere.
3 May. Galba, B. VIII. 153. B. M.	1307. FITZWILLIAM, SIR ROBT. WINGFIELD and KNIGHT to WOLSEY.
	Fitzwilliam and Wingfield arrived at Mechlin on the 26th April, and were honorably received outside the town by Mons. de Lalaing, Mons. de Grenebergh, and another of the Council, with all my Lady's gentlemen and guard, and so conducted to their lodging. Knight came immediately to them, with a letter written by Tuke at Wolsey's command, dated 21 April, which contained an answer from my Lady to a portion of their charge, delivered by her ambassadors to Wolsey, stating that she could not accomplish his desires without express command from the Emperor. Had audience next day, delivered the King's and Wolsey's letters, congratulated her on the Emperor's victory, and thanked her for sending news of it, persuading her that it was necessary to follow it up, and then declared their charge. She answered that there were two ways to follow up the victory,—either by taking a good peace, or by prosecuting the war; the latter would be both expensive and dangerous, but if the King and the Emperor thought it the best way, she would conform to their pleasure. She desired the ambassadors to put their demands in writing, and discuss them with certain of the Council the next day, when they found De Buren, Hochstrate, Palermo, Berghes, the Audiencer, and De la Shaw appointed for the purpose. After some discussion they said they would report to my Lady, as she wished the answer to be made in her presence.
	Were sent for on the last of April, and answer was made by Hochstrate, but this not being satisfactory, retired to deliberate. On our return, we said that in the 1st article we desired 3,000 horse and 1,000 foot to join the King's vanguard near Calais, for this month, and march with them through Picardy towards Paris; and that afterwards, if it seemed good, the whole army should turn off into Normandy. To this they answered, that if the King would name a day when his army should be on this side the sea, the horse and foot should not fail to meet them, provided she had no contrary order from the Emperor. They expressly refused the conditional clause about invading Normandy, and the increase of the foot to 3,000, if the Emperor consented to the demand for 1,000 hoys for one month, at the Emperor's expence, for transporting the King's army, in recompence of like service done to the Emperor at his going into Spain, according to an article they showed them. They said they never heard of such an article, and could not sustain so many charges. At all the meetings they alleged their poverty and many expences, as though they wished to persuade the King from mere compassion to ease them of their duty, and take their burden on himself. The ambassadors showed what quietness the King forsook for the Emperor's pleasure, incurring war with Scotland and France, and intolerable charges for defending the seas and assisting the Emperor, and that the hoys had been promised, and they were bound to grant them.
	At this point my Lady said she had received letters from Mons. de Ruys, who has passed through France to visit the French king on the Emperor's behalf, stating that at his departure the Emperor had sent a special courier to her, and she was retaining De la Shaw till his arrival, when she would send him to the King with the Emperor's charge. Persisted in the demand for hoys, and they at last granted a small number, as Wolsey will see by their answer. As to limoners and carriages, she will do her best that the King may be served at the Emperor's price. Consulted with Buren, Hochstrate, and the officers of artillery, and have determined that it is necessary to fix a day for their arrival at Calais, with a month's previous warning to obtain them. On these conditions Buren promises the King the whole number. They complain of the King's not naming a precise day for the two armies to join, as they intend to call out the men in garrisons who are best experienced in war; and this requires time, as their frontier against France is more than 300 English miles.
	The Council recommend the King to raise his 1,000 horse and 1,000 foot before the rumor of the coming over of the English gets abroad, as it will save expence. They might be engaged at the same time as the Emperor's men, by gentlemen experienced in musters who would expect to be captains of the men they raise. Buren advises the King to retain more horse and fewer foot, as the strength of the enemy is in horse, and many will be required for the conveyance of victuals. After many meetings, all that they have been able to obtain is the answer which they send, capitulate and subscribed by my Lady. Are told my Lady said, in advising peace, that both princes should consider that France could not be conquered in one or two years; and if they were resolved to continue the war three years and more, they must consider how money was to be had. Wolsey may divine what they mean by constantly alluding to their poverty.
	After writing the above, received word from my Lady, by Marnix, that she had a letter from the Emperor, stating that on the coming of the English ambassadors he would resolve with them how to proceed in the common affairs, but no part of his letter touched any of our charges. Have not been able to write sooner, being so frequently put off for an answer. Today Knight will take leave of my Lady and return tomorrow. Fitzwilliam will repair to Guisnes when he has an answer from Wolsey. There is nothing for him to do here but to ask or lay out money for extraordinary charges, and what must be paid beforehand for carriages and limoners, according to their agreement with my Lady. He will reckon what the advance of 14 days' wages for limoners and waggons may amount to, in order that the expenditure may not exceed what is mentioned in their instructions, and deliver the money to Sir Robt. Wingfield. If Wolsey require the limoners levied by a certain day, he will deliver a sufficient portion of the money appointed for that use to Wingfield and Tate, and if it be not enough will inform Wolsey; but if he do not require them immediately, will keep it till further orders. Mechlin, 3 May 1525. Signed.
	Pp. 13. In Knight's hand. Add.
3 May. Galb. B. V. 204. B. M.	1308. SIR W. FITZWILLIAM to WOLSEY.
	Wingfield, Knight, and he have written of the state of the King's affairs. Had spoken to my Lady of the secret charge given him by Wolsey. She states that some persons are very anxious to break the perfect amity between the Emperor and the King's highness; but so long as Wolsey has influence with the King, and she with the Emperor, she trusts they will never succeed. She will do all that she can to advance the King's affairs, but she and the country have no money, and if the 3,000 horse and 1,000 foot were not "of" their ... ordinary, knows not how they could be paid. All the noblemen in those parts sell their property to furnish troops; they constantly insist on the large sums expended by the Emperor on the wars; the improverishment of his countries; the rebellion in Almayn. The cardinal of Liege said plainly that if the King and the Emperor were not furnished with money for the war for two years, the result would be doubtful. The realm of France was strong, &c. As he is appointed to set forth with the vanguard, and must put his house in Guisnes in order, wishes he may have licence to return. Sir Rob. Wingfield and Bartholomew Tate can do all that is required in his absence. The 2,000 Italians and 100 "Albanors" lately come from Italy to Boulogne have attacked the garrison of Guisnes. Hears from Hostrait and De Bure that the French have assembled Normans on the frontiers. Mechlin, 3 May.
	Hol., pp. 3, mutilated. Add.: My lord Cardinal's grace.
3 May. R. O.	1309. RICHARD EARL OF KENT.
	List of 49 deeds relating to lands and tenements belonging to Ric. earl of Kent, and lady Elizabeth his wife, of various dates from the reign of Edw. III. to 3 May 17 Hen. VIII. The deeds relate to the following persons: Chas. Somerset lord Herbert, Sir Henry Wyat, Sir John Huse, Thos. earl of Surrey, Harry lord Daubeney, Sir Wm. Compton, Sir Ric. Wingfield, Sir Ric. Weston, Sir Hen. Gray, Sir Tho. More, Sir John Daunce, Tho. lord Darcy, Cuthbert bishop of London, John bishop of Lincoln, Sir Miles Busshe, Edw. Busshe, Sir Robt. Brutenell, Edm. Knyvet, Ric. Empson, Wm. Buttry, Geffrey Paynell, Ric. Decons, John and Will. Mordaunt, Nic. Harding, Robt. Drury, Wm. Paston, Wm. Dale of Bedford, Nic. Hurleton of Evere, and John Lytelbury.
	Also to the following places: Towcester, and Asheby Yerdley, Northt., Gret Brychill, Stokehamond, Bragnam, Blechley, Snelston, Launden, and Brayfeld, Bucks; Dane Elynsbery, Brokeborow, Chophill, Caynho, Gravenhurst, Brobury, Wrastflyt, Camelton, Shefford, Henlow, Podyngton, Campton, Harold, Ampthill, Milbroke, Graunge, Houghton, Tyngreth, Fletwyke, Pelyng, and Harwood, Beds; Badmounfeld and Reydon, Suff.; Wynferthing, Ashull, Goderston, Foxley, and Haywood, Norf.; Hemyngford Grey and Brampton, Hunts; and Rusheton, Ayton, and Torpurley, Cheshire.
	Pp. 18.
3 May. R. O.	1310. THOMAS LORD DACRE to WOLSEY.
	Lord Grey of Wilton, and Dacre's son, are general heirs to the late earl of Kent. (fn. 7) Is serving the King here, and his son has charge of the West Marches, so that neither of them can come up to obtain his rights. Asks Wolsey to solicit the King in his son's behalf. Calls his attention to the petition of Eliz. Sandforth, mother of Thos. Sandforth, of Ascom, Westmoreland, a kinsman and household servant of Dacre's. Hugh Cliburn entered Thos. Sandforth's house on the Friday before the Purification of Our Lady last past, and carried away his wife, Grace Crakanthorpe. Signed.
	P. 1. Add.: To my lord Legate's grace.
May. R. O.	1311. _ to HENRY VIII.
	They and the other commissioners, to the number of 80, assembled at Canterbury on the 2nd and 3rd of this month of May. The inhabitants of divers hundreds appeared before them, and offered their lives, bodies, and goods to serve his Highness. They were grieved that the King was displeased with them; they made a difficulty about giving an express promise, for fear they should not be able to perform it, and that the King would be more angry at that than at their refusal; they know that the King considers Kent as his native county, and they are therefore the more bound to serve him; they wish they had as much good as every they had in their lives, and the King should perceive how liberally they would contribute; they think that no men have a more loving, kind, or valiant prince, and they beg him to continue so. These words proceeded only from themselves. Told them they had no instructions to admit their overtures, but would inform the King of their words. They say they are content to be ordered by the King's charitable conscience and wisdom. Allowed them to depart till the King's further pleasure is known. Showed them the draft of this letter, with which they were contented. There is a report here that the King has remitted the payment of the grant demanded from London, which has done no good here.
	Draft, pp. 2.
5 May. Galba, B. VIII. 36. B. M.	1312. FITZWILLIAM and SIR ROBT. WINGFIELD to WOLSEY.
	Wrote on the 3rd. Yesterday Knight left. In the evening Mons. de Lovyrgan and the esquire Button, otherwise called Mons. de Courtbaron, supped with us; from whom we learned that 30,000 Lutherans intended passing through the duchy of Luxembourg into Lorraine, protesting they had good grounds to make war upon the duke of Lorraine. The Duke has retained the Almains who lately passed through the county of Namur to France, and my Lady has ordered Button to assemble 400 horse for the protection of Luxembourg. Lovyrgan, who had come from Hainault that day, said that the garrison of Guise had mustered 150 horse and 300 or 400 foot, invaded Hainault, and plundered an abbey. Emery assembled 400 horse and 800 foot, and intercepted them on their retreat, so that they were all taken, slain or drowned.
	Have considered what money is required for the pay of the wagons and limoners for 14 days, which we reckon at 1,653l. 17s. 4d. for the vanguard and rearguard, and 1,407l. 9s. 4d. for the battle, as appears by a bill enclosed. Thus the 1,000l. received by Fitzwilliam will not suffice, as 80l. is to be abated for 30 days' diets for him, Wingfield and Bartholomew Tate. As there are not more than 1,000 men at Guisnes, including both horse and foot, the garrison having formerly been 1,700 at least, Fitzwilliam wishes to have 200 foot of the King's army, of his own bringing, to serve under him, and to be allowed to levy 100 gunners for the trenches. Mechlin, 5 May. Signed.
	Pp. 3, mutilated. Add.: To my lord Cardinal's grace. Endd.
Ib. 35*.	ii. Account of the wages of limoners and expences of wagons. The limoners for the vanguard and rearguard amount to 776, with wages at 8d. a day; the wagons at 2s. 8d. a day. The limoners for the King's battle are in number 864; wagons, 838. Total expences for 14 days, 3,061l. 8s. 8d., over and besides the extraordinary charges, wherein we must follow the advice of them of the artillery here, whereby we are uncertain thereof.
	P. 1.
6 May. Calig. B. I. 99. B. M.	1313. [ROBERT COCKBURN] BISHOP OF DUNKELD to MAGNUS.
	Thanks him for his "good and hearty writings." Would have thanked him in person, "war not sum gud stopyn at I have gottyn, at is not ewill." Thinks it more than expedient that Magnus send promptly Patrick Synclar or Sir Jehan Gesum, "for I wald do sum a gret plaser." St. Johnston, 6 May. "Be the man at is al zouris, the byschop off Dunkeld."
	P.1. Add.: "To my hertly gud frend and broder, Master Thomas Magnus, ambassador to the Kynges hieness off Ingland."
	ii. Copy of the preceding by Magnus's clerk.
	P. 1.
6 May. R. O.	1314. JOHN SMYTH to HENRY GOLD.
	Thanks him for the pains he is taking with his child. Hopes he will "cause him to keep his gear cleanly, and that he may use himself lowly and gently to every man." Wishes Gold to make him write after his hand, which he likes better than the Roman. Other things he remits to Gold's discretion. Sends 20s. for his commons and other expences. Wishes him occasionally to practise singing "his plain song, which afore he went to grammar school he could sing perfectly, and had some insight in his pricksong." London, 6 May.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: To Master Golde, of Seynt Johns in Cantebridge, be thys lettre delyvered with spede.
	P.S. (on the back of the letter).—Has sent him 1½ yd. of tawny chamlett and 1½ yd. of fustian to make Edmund a jerkin.
R. O.	1315. JOHN SMYTH to HENRY GOLD.
	Thanks him for the care he is taking of his child's learning and bringing up. Advises him to desire Master Bruer "to apply him in his learning of sophistry and stories," and see that he be not idle, and that he learn to write "according to your hand, for he can somewhat write after the Roman hand, but I had liever he would learn to write after your hand." Has sent Master Bruer 20s. for his son's commons, supposing that Gold will commit him to his tuition while he remains at Elyngton. From London.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.
7 May. R. O.	1316. JOHN JENOUR to HENRY GOLD.
	Wrote, as Gold advised, to Mr. Metcalf "that my son your pupil might be at the same commons as ye be;" but Metcalf objects that at Gold's commons men talk of divinity, wherein he is not read, whereas at the second commons they discuss "souestre (sophistry) and logic, which must be his study." Hopes Gold will advise him well to apply his mind to learning, "for if he do not, he shall deceive himself, and not me." Has sent his jerkin of damask to "my daughter Frevyle," with a new pair of sheets for Gold. Is willing to allow him 3d. a week for his breakfasts. London, Sunday, 7 May.
	Hol., p. 1. Add.: To master Henry Gold at Cambridge.
7 May. R. O. St. P. VI. 439.	1317. CLEMENT VII. to HENRY VIII.
	Exhorts him to aid in defending the Church, assailed on one side by the invasion of Hungary by the Turks, and on the other by heretics. Requests credence for Melchior Langus. Rome, 7 May 1525.
	Copy, Lat.
8 May. Masters' MS. f. 317.	1318. HENRY VIII. to the COMMISSIONERS FOR "THE AMICABLE GRANT."
	"Anno regni 17, 1525.—King Henry, pretending an expedition into France, to which the Emperor invited him, desired of his subjects an aid, (which he called an amicable grant), and to that purpose sent Commissioners (which were the chief noblemen) into the shires, to assemble and move the people. But the commons plead their poverty, and that they have no money, so that they will not grant anything by letters missives, but only by Act of Parliament; which king Henry, in a letter to the Commissioners (May 8), takes unkindly, yet wills them to proceed doulcely, rather than by violence, to reform them, if it be possible. In some places the people arose up in arms against the Commissioners; and in others, those who condescended to the grant were threatened by their neighbours; and some recalled their grant.
	"The dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk write to the Cardinal that the commons lay all the blame on him, and that, if any insurrection follow, the quarrel shall be only against him, &c. The Cardinal writes to them again that it is the custom of the people, when anything miscontenteth them, to blame those that be near about the King; and when they dare not use their tongues against their Sovereign, they, for colouring their malice, will not fail to give evil language against, &c. Howbeit, I am not sole and alone herein, &c.
	"It seems this amicable grant was the moderation of a greater grant, which the commons first condescended to, and after got it in part released."
	P. 1.
8 May. R. O.	1319. DUKES OF NORFOLK and SUFFOLK to HENRY VIII.
	Have several times written to Wolsey of the rebellious behavior of the inhabitants of Lavenham, Sudbury, and other towns, which letters they doubt not the King has seen. Have small leisure to write, for they are seven miles apart, and must meet every day to debate what is to be done. If those of Suffolk and Essex, who are spoken of, join together, "yet they shall find us but evil neighbours," as shall be seen by Thursday noon at furthest, unless other orders come from the King. Beg him, if the insurrection begins in other shires, which they fear more than this, that he will try to temper their madness and untruth by some dulce means; for, in that case, the number that could be trusted would be small, and hasty punishment might cause danger, which, though forborne for a season, "quod deffertur non aufertur." If this business spread, lords Burgayne and Stafford should be looked to. Do not know but what they might do well, but God knows what ill spirits might put in their minds. 8 May at midnight. Signed.
	Pp. 2. The latter part in Norfolk's hand. Add.
8 May. Galba, B. VIII. 160. B. M.	1320. FITZWILLIAM and SIR ROBT. WINGFIELD to [WOLSEY].
	Wrote last on the 5th the news they heard from Mons. de Courtbaron concerning the assembly of Luteryns who intended to pass through Lucembourg to Lorraine, and his orders to go thither with 400 horse. Spoke this afternoon with Buren, who has heard from France that the French king's mother is collecting money, and has levied 50,000 men,—some at Atenye in Champagne, and some at Abbeville; and though the report is she intends to revictual Terouenne, the assembly in Champagne is so near Luxembourg that it seemed necessary to send Courtbaron thither to resist them, as well as the Lutherans. Being at Antwerp yesterday, he was told they had assembled 300,000 men, and taken a town between Ulm and Augsburg, where an earl, Loys de Helfenstayn, and 50 gentlemen, were assembled at a marriage. Helfenstayn was in England four or five years ago, and "played before his Grace in a phiphir." The Lutherans caused them all to "pass the pikes." He heard also that 2,000 or 3,000 of the 9,000 foot whom the League of Swabe assembled against the Lutherans went over to them. They had defeated the force sent against them by the Count Palatine, the archbishop of Trevyrs, and the landgrave of Hessyn; "and how they handled bishops, abbots, monks, friars, nuns, and priests is not to be spoken of."
	Today a brother of the governor of Fryse dined with them, and told them that when the late Sir Ric. Jerningham was last here he had asked him to tell the King of his great desire to serve him, offering to bring him 3,000 or 4,000 horse or foot, and to make a bond sealed by his brother. He wished to know if his offer had been presented to the King, and, as they knew nothing of it, desired them to communicate it. Soon after their arrival, spoke with the cardinal of Liege, De Bure, and Berghes separately, inquiring about Hesdin, and what was best to be done for his relief. They all said they never could suspect him of any offence against the Emperor. They thought all his trouble came of writing letters into England, and that, even if he have spoken of the evil government of this country, or said anything against Hochstrate, he may avow it boldly, for he will be well supported by his friends.
	Asked the Cardinal if they should intercede for him with my Lady, when he said he had done so himself, and she had allowed him to go to his own house two leagues from Malines, or to a house he has within the town in her absence. He expected that Hesdin would be at his house next night, and would soon recover favor. Though the Cardinal wrote to Hesdin of this, Hesdin wrote to the ambassadors to have their advice, and they recommended him to do as the Cardinal advised him; on which he went to his house in the country, but not till three or four days after the time appointed by the Cardinal. Yesterday morning Wingfield rode thither, and encouraged him to be guided by the Council of the Lords; yet De Bure this afternoon told them he had warned him not to trust in his house, but to go to Liege, where he was before, for yesterday my Lady said she would not let him remain in Brabant, but would ordain commissaries to hear what he would say. Buren advised that the King should write to my Lady that if Hesdin's offence was only in writing to him, or Wolsey, or his Council, he could not take it well that he should be in trouble for such a cause, considering the strict alliance between him and the Emperor. The cardinal of Liege rode to Antwerp two days ago, and has not yet returned. Think that Hesdin has been with him at a house near Antwerp, from which he will return to Liege.
	When about to have dispatched this letter, received word from my Lady that the squire Byrgill was coming out of Italy, and that she would inform us of the news he brought. The bishop of Worcester arrived the same evening, and told us what troubles he had had on his way by the Lutherans. He departed early this morning for England. Have just received from the Postmaster two packets for Tuke from Rome, which they dispatch at once, as they do not know how long it may be before my Lady communicates Byrgill's news to them. Malines, 8 May 1525. Signed.
	P.S.—Byrgill has just sent us a packet of letters for Tuke, which we also send.
	Pp. 5.
9 May. R. O.	1321. HENRY EARL OF ESSEX and R. LORD FYTZWAUTER to WOLSEY.
	Mustered the Commissioners for Essex on May-day at Chelmsford, with a great part of the lay people of the shire. Delivered the King's letters of thanks to the Commissioners and to the lay people. The former made grants according to the King's pleasure. Could not "practise" conveniently with the lay people for an aid for the King's voyage, as there was a great fair that day. Arranged to sit in divers parts of the shire. Made out precepts for the appearance of certain hundreds, and "practised" with them, as instructed. On Sunday last, 7 May, had certain townships before them at Stansted,—200 or 300 persons whom they could not induce to grant any money, as they said they had not enough even to pay the subsidy. This is owing to a late unlawful assembly of 1,000 persons in the borders of Suffolk adjoining the hundred of Hynkford, where we now sit. Some fear to be hewn in pieces if they make any grant, and there is great danger of more insurrections. Suspend further proceedings till they hear the King's pleasure. Stansted, 9 May. Signed.
	Pp. 2. Add.: To my lord Legate's good grace.
9 May. Galba, B. VIII. 163. B. M.	1322. FITZWILLIAM and SIR ROBT. WINGFIELD to [WOLSEY].
	Wrote l[ast] yesterday. The same day, at 5 o'clock, were summoned to my Lady by De la Shawte. Found Buren, Hochstrate and Courtbaron with her. She took them apart, and said she wished to tell them the news Byrgyll had brought from France and Italy. She had sent him to the Viceroy, with orders to ask for an interview with the French king, and to mark his countenance and words, and he had told Francis my Lady had commanded him to make her recommendations to him. She then read two letters written to her with the French king's own hand, for Byrgyll had been with him on two occasions, both on his arrival and at his departure, eight days apart; and on the last, Francis had said his first letter was so old that he would write again. Their effect was to desire her to intercede with the Emperor for his deliverance; and though they were both much of a sort, he concluded the first as written by her good son, and the second by her good cousin and friend.
	Told her, jesting, that he had remembered better in his second letter than in the first, considering that the son might not well marry his mother. At this she laughed heartily, after her accustomed manner, and told a merry tale "how a young prince would needs marry his mistress, which was old, against his friends' mind, because he would be avenged on her for killing of his master with her cursedness;" and said, Francis might wish to be avenged upon her for the good will she had always borne to France. She then showed us a copy of a letter from Francis to the Emperor, excusing himself for his long silence on the ground of his imprisonment. In suing for his own liberty, he desires that the great victory obtained by the Emperor may lead him to the vanquishing of his own heart by pity, adding that there is a great difference between having a King in prison and a king of France at large to be his slave, and desiring credence for Brion. This letter was signed by the hand of his humble brother. My Lady also showed us a letter from the King's mother, much to the same effect as that of Francis, ending by the hand of her good sister.
	She said by Byrgyll's report there were high words between the King's mother and Beaurain, about the articles of peace sent by the Emperor to the French king, which he remitted to her and her Council. She was particularly displeased with those about Bourbon, which Beaurain said he was surprised at, as there were other articles more important. Byrgyll also spoke with Madame d'Alençon, who wondered at the favor shown by the Emperor to "the méchant duke of Bourbon" in giving him his sister, and thought that she should be married to the King her brother, and her own daughter to one of the King's sons. Brion has gone to Spain, in Beaurain's company; and the archbishop of Dambrune is sent by the King's mother, who has desired my Lady for a safe-conduct to a gentleman whom she will name, that she may inform her of her mind. On this my Lady asked the advice of the ambassadors, and thought it would be desirable for her also to get a safe-conduct to pass through France in order to gain time, and communicate sooner than could be done by the Emperor. Agreed to this, and said that, considering the perfect amity between the Emperor and the King, of which my Lady was a chief promoter, Louise's messenger could not do any harm, and my Lady's might do much good.
	She then showed us a copy of a letter written with the Emperor's own hand to the Viceroy, thanking him for his services, desiring him to take good care of the French king, especially of his mouth, and to collect as much money as he can in Italy, as the Emperor would do in Spain, for now was the time to bring affairs to perfection. With regard to the injunction to take care of the French king's mouth, my Lady says the Emperor is informed the French will be glad to get rid of their King; in which case they could easily put things in better order, either by peace or war. The Viceroy and Bourbon think they will attempt to recover themselves, either by separating the Emperor and the French king, or by putting off time. Told my Lady she need have no fear for the alliance, for the King was determined to unite with the Emperor either in war or peace. She said she would send John De la Sawte in a day or two to England, who made good report at his last coming thence.
	In passing by Paris, Byrgyll spoke with a gentleman, who said that, though he had long dwelt there, there was one vein of a Burgundian's heart in his breast, and that he believed France was likely to be utterly destroyed; for until the Emperor and the King invade it with a great power, the King's mother would so abuse the people that they would hope to wade out of their misery by defending themselves. My Lady speaks more firmly than she has done for a long time. Suppose she finds the Emperor determined on war, although she said, in talking about the safe-conduct for her messenger to France, that it was the more needful because the Emperor was very ill counselled. Cannot tell what she meant, for she said on a former occasion she had a letter from the Emperor's Chancellor, stating that he had drawn up articles of peace to be proposed to Francis, which, if accepted, would leave the cock so bare of feathers that he could fly no more.
	Today, being at dinner with De Bure, Hochstrate said my Lady had forgotten to tell us that the premier president of Paris has also gone to Spain with Beaurain, and that she had information that the Lutherans have besieged Nuremberg and Hagenau, and taken into their hands the whole duchy of Wurtemberg. The princes of Germany are assembling all the horse they can get, and the duke of Lorraine both horse and foot, to resist them. Enclose a letter from Beaurain to the King. Have this morning received a packet for Tuke from Master Secretary, which they send with this. Malines, 9 May 1525. Signed.
	Pp. 6, mutilated.