Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 4, 1524-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1875.
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|1611. THO. MARQUIS OF DORSET to WOLSEY.|
|When with Wolsey at the More, requested that he might be one of the pensioners of France as before; for if another were put in his stead it would seem strange both to his kinsmen in France and to his friends in England. Has been always ready to serve the King to the best of his power, and often to his great cost. Trusts Wolsey will keep him in remembrance according to promise. Tyltey, 1 Sept. Signed.|
|P. 1. Add.: To my lord Legate's good grace. Endd.|
|1612. FITZWILLIAM and SANDYS to WOLSEY.|
|We have discharged the garrisons on this side the sea; sc., at Guisnes 200 foot, 30 horse, and 20 laborers, and at Newnham Bridge 20 foot. Acting under the King's commission to us and baron Hales, &c., concerning the land at Guisnes, we find the most substantial persons very loth to depart from their ancient customs. Have sent a letter received from Sir Rob. Wingfield, touching a Spaniard who has taken the privilege of the lordship of Mark. We have also inquired respecting certain Imperial subjects, said to be prisoners in Guisnes, and can find none such, "save only a certain which Sir Rob. Jerningham hath," according to agreement between you and lord Bevers, at his late being in England. We have advertised Sir Rob. Wingfield to show the same to my Lady or lord Bevers. Calais, 1 Sept. Signed.|
|P.S.—We have just had the men of the country before us, who are willing to submit to the King.|
|Pp. 3. Add. Endd.|
Calig. E. II. (132.) B. M.
|1613. SANDYS to WOLSEY.|
|Mr. Treasurer arrived on the 27 Aug. The registers have been searched for precedents. A French vessel that had taken, in the Palmeson (Palm Sunday) week, a ship in the jurisdiction of Marke and Oye, and then made for Scotland, was driven by stress of weather into the liberties of Marke in Sandys's jurisdiction. Discussions as to his claim to the same. As peace has now been proclaimed, begs liberty to return to England. Calais, 1 Sept. Signed.|
|Pp. 3, mutilated. Add.: "To my lord [leg]ate is good grace."|
Epist. Lutheri. De Wette, III. 24.
|1614. LUTHER to HENRY VIII.|
|Apologizes for his attack on the King, which had been prompted, not by his own inclination, but by the incitement of those who were unfriendly to his Majesty. Has great hopes in the King's magnanimity. Was led to believe that the King's book was not the work of his Majesty, but of some crafty sophist, who had abused the King's name—præsertim illud monstrum et publicum odium Dei et hominum, cardinalis Eboracensis, pestis illa regni tui. Hears that the King begins to favor the gospel, and is weary of its wretched opposers. Will make a public recantation if Henry will only signify in what way he wishes it to be done. Will rejoice to find the King a professor of Christ and his gospel. Wittemberg, 1 Sept. 1525. (fn. 1)|
|1615. DUKE OF SUFFOLK to WOLSEY.|
|Thanks him for what he has done for the French queen and himself. As to the ambassador's wish to farm the dowry for six years, and to take the first year as a proof,—one year is no trial, but, if they will take it for six years, is content that Wolsey should diminish the sums advanced as he thinks reasonable, when they send him word that they can make no profit of it. Leaves the matter in his hands. Desires credence for the bearer, Fras. Hall. Ewelme, 2 Sept. Signed.|
|P. 1. Add.: To my lord Cardinal's grace.|
|1616. JAMES V. to WOLSEY.|
|Sent Patrick Sinclere to the King, in July last, on divers matters, and, amongst others, that of Melrose. Understands that the abp. of St. Andrew's has urged the King and Wolsey to write contrary to his recommendation and his mother's advice, which has all along been in favor of John Maxwell, abbot of Dundranen. Edinburgh, 3 Sept. Signed.|
|P. 1. Add.: Cardinale of Zork, legate and Chancellare of Ingland.|
R. T. 137. R. O.
|1617. BRINON and JOHN JOACHIM to LOUISE OF SAVOY.|
|On Tuesday, 29 August, the treaties which had been written out were read in the presence of the Cardinal, the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of Hayle (Ely), the duke of Norfolk, the marquis of Exeter, my lord Chamberlain, and others, and agreed to in all points. Next day, the 30th, was appointed for the signature; when they were signed, sealed, and delivered, with the powers on either side. As the power of the king of England was more ample than ours, Wolsey requested that ours might be made to correspond, with a clause about requiring and receiving the oath of the king of England. Considering the importance of the publication of the peace, we have got it fixed to be within eight days of the date of the treaty, provided that it be published by us in France within the same time, and that we remain hostages both for the reformation of the said power, and the ratifications of you, and of the princes, lords, and towns, &c. Have submitted to this with great regret, but trust Louise will ratify, and give orders to the courts of Parliament accordingly. Urge her, for God's sake, not to fail in the first payment, else all will have been done in vain. Their negotiations with merchants for this first payment have been broken off by the King's declaration that he would by no means suffer the first payment to be made to him with his own money (?) ("de ses deniers,") which, he said, would be a mockery. Have been obliged to add a term for the first payment of the arrears of queen Mary's dower, viz., 5,000 crs. to be paid with the first pay- ment of the advance to be made to the King, 40 days after the treaty, viz., 8 Oct. following. Have also agreed with the Cardinal about his interest, both in the 100,000 crs., and in the arrears of compensation for Tournay, which amounted in all to 130,000 crs. In regard to the ordinary pension, amounting, as we find, to 2,800l., we told him that the arrears of such pensions were never paid in France. At last he let us off, and what was agreed to be paid in five years we got lengthened to seven. At this rate, adding the pension of Tournay to his said pension, there ought to be paid seven [years] hence at the rate of 25,000 crs. of the sun per annum. Joachim has drawn up a list, which he sends to Robertet. The first term of the first year of this compensation is payable in November next. Wolsey expects surety to be made to him of the 100,000 crs. and arrears, which, as you are willing to pay, you can give without much loss. Of all the other pensions, of which the Cardinal has made a roll, we have declared that we will pay nothing till May next, and this has been agreed upon.|
|The ambassadors chosen to receive your oath are Master Willem (Fitzwilliam), captain of Guisnes, and Master Taillor, a great doctor, a good and gentle personage, zealous for peace. They will leave not later than the end of this month. Have written to the lieutenants and governors of Normandy and Picardy for the publication of the peace, according to her promise. Considering the stay they are obliged to make here on account of the peace, they send her the original of the treaty of peace, signed and sealed, with the treaty of depredations, which depends upon it. The treaty of obligation is with the Cardinal. Are sorry they cannot carry her these important documents in person, but have pledged themselves, for her service, to Wolsey and the Council, to remain till they have procured the ratifications. More, 3 Sept.|
|Fr., pp. 4.|
|1618. SIR THO. LUCY.|
|Answer to certain complaints made against the executors of Sir Thos. Lucy touching probate, funeral expences, wood-sales, and other matters relating to particular manors, his charges as sheriff of Warwick and Leicestershire in the year of his death. (fn. 2) Ric. Verney and dame Elizabeth appear to be among the executors.|
|Pp. 2, large paper.|
|2. Answer to other objections about the administration of Lucy's will, raising questions as to his title to the manors of Hickford, Midelton and Byshampton, and touching the payment of his creditors, and sums paid to the escheators for inquisitions on his lands, &c. The executors maintain that 10l. a year is not more than sufficient for the finding of each of his children; for the gentlewomen, three daughters, it can be no less; and the two sons must have their learning, meat and drink. The executors have no doubt that my lord Chancellor, or else Sir Anthony Fitzherbert and his companions mentioned in the will, will see the exhibition of three daughters ordered according to reason, although the will is not definite on this point.|
|Pp. 2, large paper.|
Eras. Ep. p. 888.
|1619. ERASMUS to POLYDORE VERGIL.|
|Your works have been most elegantly printed. I think nothing of what you write about More. If he has taken offence for some unimportant reason, it is but temporary, for he does not remember even great injuries. I have written, however, to him, to be reconciled to you. Here a cruel strife is waging:—the peasantry are rushing on destruction; bitter conflicts take place daily between them and the nobles. Cardinal Campeggio has left Hungary. The evil is increasing in Brabant. I am afraid that the nobles will, by their mismanagement, augment the mischief. Basle, 5 Sept. 1525.|
|1620. LAURENCE GYLES, Chandler, of CALAIS, to CROMWELL.|
|Thanks him for the trouble he has taken in his matter. Since coming over, has met with Sir Will. Pieterson, commissary of my lord Cardinal and my lord of Canterbury, who, on being told that "our matter" had been compromised to Dr. Allen and Dr. Cocks, said, "If ye would put it to me, I have authority and special commission from my lord of Canterbury to make an end between James Thomas and you." Does not trust the commissary. Sends him six dozen of quails, with other six dozen in the same cage for Dr. Allen. Calais, 5 Sept.|
|Hol., pp. 2. Add.: To the right worshipful Mr. Thomas Crumwell, dwelling besides the Freres Augustins at London.|
|5 Sept.||1621. For ST. SAVIOUR'S, BERMONDSEY.|
|Assent to the election of Rob. Warton as abbot vice Rob. Shuldham, resigned. The More, 5 Sept.|
|Pat. 17 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 7.|
|P. S. b.||2. Petition for assent to the election by Robert Shuldham, late abbot, (to whom the convent granted the choice of his successor,) of Robert Wartton as abbot, whom they present by Wm. Churche and Tho. Gaynsborow, monks. Chapter-house, 1 Sept. 1525.|
Harl. 442, f. 57. B. M.
|1622. THE PEACE.|
|Proclamation for observance of the peace between England and France. More, 6 Sept. 17 Hen. VIII.|
|Abstract of instructions to the bailiff of Dijon, touching the King's letters patent, dated 6 Sept. 1525, St. Germain en Laye. 1. The advocats, proctors, and receivers in the bailiwick of Dijon are to meet and read the commission and instructions. 2. Proclamation to be made by sound of trumpet that all men of the Church and communities of mortmain must make a declaration of their possessions in three months' time, under heavy penalties. 3. The declarations to be authentic, signed, and in detail. 4. The taxes and compositions made by the commissioners of francs fiefs and "nouveaulx acquests," and all seisins, &c. made on possessions of the Church without licence of mortmain, to be procured; as also, 5, the rolls or copies of the payment of the clerical disme. 6. All barons, lords, &c. to declare their heritages, and exhibit their registers. 7. The clergy and corporations in mortmain to show the accounts for their rents and of their fiefs. 8. The bailiffs to declare what other corporations in mortmain there are besides those which have agreed with the commissioners of francs fiefs, and discover all omissions and concealments; also, 9, the penalties for those who refuse or delay. 10. Commissioners to sit in the Chambre des Comptes at Paris ... (fn. 3) during which time the clergy and corporations in mortmain can apply for licences for their properties, on payment of a fine. 11. No further molestation, except the ordinary charges.|
|Method in which the above fine is to be paid. For the clergy, from two years' to seven years' revenues of their possessions. From ignoble persons, from four to six years' rents, and in some cases confiscation. Corporations to pay eight years' rent. Noble persons to pay according to their power. Other regulations for the assessment.|
|Fr., pp. 14.|
Vit. B. VII. 190. B. M.
|1624. CLERK to [WOLSEY].|
|In reply to the answer which Master Gregory has made by his brother the prothonotary to the Pope in Wolsey's name, concerning the charge which he had at his departing hence to go to Wolsey, the Pope (fn. 4) has declared to the prothonotary and Clerk as follows:—As to any league to be commenced here between his Holiness, the Venetians, and other powers of Italy, it is already concluded amongst them, but the publication is deferred; for it would be to no purpose without the concurrence of France and England, otherwise the Emperor might devour and destroy them in an hour, and the protection of England might come too late. Of this new league, he said that the Regent and council of France did not come forward, but gave words without effect; that Louise had used the rumor of this league to facilitate matters with the Emperor, for the benefit of France only, thinking that the restoration of her son by this way would be too long delayed to satisfy the French commons, to whom she has promised his speedy restitution. His Holiness said also that matters were driven off too long,—that he and the Venetians were in extremity, and could not conveniently defer it longer, but must declare either pro or contra; to which they were pressed very sore by the Emperor, who has shown his ambassador in Spain that he has heard of this intended league against him, and blamed the Venetians for it, who did not mind setting the whole world on fire again for their particular affections; but he said he knew the Emperor would not give ear to such new reckonings against him; he knew how he was bent upon a universal peace, and how he had forsaken some of his commodities to attain it; that, to the intent the world should know that he would have nothing more in Italy than he has, he had delivered the investiture to the duke of Milan, and had sent to the Venetians to accept the appointment they themselves demanded; that as to the French king, matters are in very good train to take shortly some good end, if they are not prevented by these new practices in Italy, which, he says, might turn him to some damage in making his [peace] with the French king; for if they were [quiet] he would not doubt to obtain the duchy of Burgundy, but if he saw these practices in Italy continue, he would give up his demand of Burgundy, and accept the French king's offers of troops for the enterprise of Italy, whereby he would expect to gain thrice as much.|
|As to the invasion of Naples, at Sir Gregory's departing the Pope* was clearly at this point, that, the league concluded as it was determined, his Holiness would help to the said invasion for the delivery of the French king, and made the success thereof very light, as the people are now sore incensed against the Spaniards, and destitute of all succor; which Clerk thought was a marvellous allective to cause the French to consent to any conditions of peace with the King's highness, it being especially clear to them that the Pope* and the other powers of Italy will never meddle with them till they have first agreed with the King's highness; for they know that while France is entangled with the matters of England, it can never help them in Italy, and that a capitulation between France and the powers of Italy in that case would little relieve the powers of Italy against the Emperor. The Pope (fn. 5) says that this matter of Naples is to be done when time shall be, and not spoken of specially by capitulations.|
|Doubtless if the powers of Italy had seen the matters between France and England frame well against the Emperor, in time Wolsey would have brought them to what capitulation he would; but now they see things are protracted, and that perchance no perfect amity will be as it was thought; they see also an inclination in the King to the Emperor, and that there is no effectual towardness in the French to this new league. For these causes, they fear and draw back; and the Pope* told him plainly that he thought this new league had no chance of success, for the Venetians were pressed by the Emperor to conclude with him, and he saw no ground on which they could defer it. He said also that the Emperor had told his ambassador that he would conclude the marriage with Portingale, and that the King's ambassadors there had commission to consent thereto on certain conditions concerning the King's interest; and finally that his ambassador writes that all things tend towards peace, but that nothing is or will be done without consent of the king of England. The galleys have come to Genoa, and it is thought Bourbon has departed. Rome, 7 Sept. Signed.|
|Pp. 6, mutilated. Cipher, with an interlined decipher in a hand of 17th century.|
|Ibid. f. 187.||2. Decipher by Wolsey's clerk.|
|Pp. 5, mutilated.|
|Vit. B. VII. 193.
|1625. _ to _.|
|"... Romæ datis."|
|It is reported that the Pope, on hearing of the King's private plans about peace, approved of them, and especially the sending of the Almoner into Spain for that purpose, and to treat of the liberation of the French king. He will charge his Nuncio to treat of the same matters, but, it is thought, only generally, and in a friendly manner, for he is unwilling to provoke the Emperor. The Pope was doubtful about the French, for besides ... he had no answer about concluding the treaty. Before the terms were altered he understood that some one had gone to France from Spain, "qui ... debat in tali re omnino supersedendum esse, nam ... adfuturus erat alius majoribus suffultus mand[atis]." The French agents say, "rem sortitu[ram] effectum." The duke of Milan is ill, and will be, it is thought, for some time. The Venetians were still in doubt, and delay matters on account of the illness of the prothonotary Caracciolo. In the county of Saluzzo (Seleuci), there have been lately disturbances between the Spaniards and some disbanded foot. Almost all the Spaniards have been killed. It is perceived from the Venetian ambassador that they are in great doubt, for they fear that if they agree with the Emperor they will be in danger, though some think that by the said concord they will strengthen themselves, and free themselves from the expence of keeping an army, and that if they refuse the Emperor will immediately declare war, which they could not resist without the heaviest expence, as the strength of Italy is already greatly exhausted. The French wish to urge the Pope and Venice to the treaty, and to keep themselves free, that, if danger threatens, they may escape, although D. Albertus de Carpi seems to judge otherwise. The Spaniards, on the day before the publication, attacked some places in France, took several towns, and nearly stormed Narbonne.|
|Lat., pp. 2, mutilated.|
Bradford, p. 162. Captivité de Fr. I., 322.
|1626. CHARLES V. to FRANCIS I.|
|I have been informed by your letter that Madame d'Alençon has set sail. I send Don John de Cuniga to inquire about your health.|
Bradford, p. 168.
|1627. The ARCHBISHOP OF EMBRUN (FR. DE TOURNON) to the GRAND MASTER.|
|When the Grand Master, Montmorcncy, and I were sent by the King to the Emperor at Toledo, they despatched a courier hence to acquaint Madame the Regent and the Duchess with our departure, who has since been arrested, and his papers sent to the Emperor, contrary to his repeated declarations. This is not the way to smooth difficulties, as his Majesty has wished, and I therefore beg you will remonstrate. I believe this is the work of some underlings, who would be sorry if peace were established. Madrid, 7 Sept.|
|P.S.—The King has had a relapse of his fever.|
R. O. St. P. VI. 476.
|1628. HENRY VIII. to TUNSTAL, SIR RIC. WINGFIELD, and SAMPSON.|
|Sent last by a post of the Emperor's. Trusts they have notified him of the King's acceptance of a peace with France, the specialties of which were sent by Curzon. It had been rumored that the Emperor had long since made an arrangement with France; and perceiving the inroads of the Turks, the dangers of Lutheranism, the peasant war in Germany, the general distress, the desire of the Emperor to marry with Portugal, and the urgency of the Pope, we have consented to the peace. But we marvel much that we have heard nothing from you of the Emperor's mind for so long a time. After divers consultations with our Council, peace was signed on 30 August. In it we have provided for the Emperor's interests; and in accepting the peace, we have complied with the general wishes, finding that a safe-conduct had been given by the French king to Bourbon, that a dispensation had been demanded for his marriage by the Emperor from the Pope, that the Emperor's interests had been so secured that he has obtained more than he could rightly have challenged, and that we intend to keep our good understanding with him inviolable.|
|They are to exhort the Emperor to make peace with France, if he has not done it already; and the King now urges it, as he has promised to be a mediator for the liberty of the French king. Arguments to be used in that behalf, chiefly drawn from the present calamities. In this request they will be joined by the Venetians, the Pope's ambassadors, and Madame d'Alençon. If they find the Emperor very precise in his demands, they are to urge the claims of England to Normandy and other parts of France, as just as any the Emperor has to Burgundy, the disinterestedness of the King, the advantages secured by the Emperor, and the claim that the King has by virtue of their common league on the French king's person. But they are not to urge these reasons if the former be sufficient.|
|If the Emperor is discontented, they are to draw up a paper, of which a schedule in Latin is enclosed, showing that the Emperor has failed in his promises, and that lady Margaret, without the King's consent, had arranged a truce with France, expressly stipulating that the Emperor should give no aid to England. Insists on the injuries to which England is thus exposed, and the unfairness that the Emperor should be permitted to treat as he pleases, and England only with his consent. Considers that the marriage with Portugal has entirely cut away the main ground of their former alliance, and therefore protests against it being supposed that in taking this peace the King has violated any of his conventions.|
|Are to do all that they can to dissuade the marriage between the French king and lady Eleanor:—to the Imperialists, that such a marriage may induce the French to conspire for the Empire; to the French, that it will be detrimental to their interests in Italy, whilst to the lady Regent such a marriage will impair her authority. Stony Stratford, 8 Sept.|
|Signed at the top. Add.|
|2. Copies of the above in Harl. MSS. 297 (f. 211), and 6260 (f. 97b), Vespasian, C. III. 201, and Lamb. MS. 245 (f. 131).|
|R. O.||3. Fragment of a modern copy of the same.|
St. P. VI. 484.
|1629. CHARLES V.|
|Articles of treaties broken by the Emperor.|
|1. The Emperor was bound, 20 June 1522, to pay England 150,000 cr. of the sun. Two years have elapsed, and nothing has been paid. 2. He was bound to pay yearly for the indemnity 133,305 cr. Three years have elapsed, and nothing has been paid. 3. Each prince was bound, both by the treaty of Windsor, and by the prorogation of the same, made in Spain, to invade the common enemy this year, viz. in May 1525. The King has done his part, but the Emperor says he cannot afford to make an expedition either this year or hereafter. 4. By the treaty of Windsor neither prince was to recall or diminish his fleet. The Emperor never sent such a fleet as he ought, and recalled the fleet he did send for want of victuals. 5. Neither prince was to treat with the enemy but by common consent. Lady Margaret has concluded a truce, by the Emperor's authority, without consulting England. 6. The enemies or rebels of either prince were not to be received. The Scots are allowed free intercourse in Flanders, and have safe-conducts from lady Margaret. 7. The whole treaty of Windsor having been made with a view to a marriage, comes to an end with it. 8. The Emperor has not observed in any way the treaty for an invasion to be made by Norfolk. 9. Auxiliaries were not furnished to the duke of Suffolk. 10. The treaty for the war in Provence was not observed. 11. The French king ought to be considered the prisoner of both princes, and the King may claim half his ransom. 12. The Emperor broke the treaty of Windsor by liberating the French nobles whom he took prisoner. 13. In short, he has observed none of his promises.|
|Lat., pp. 3. Endd.: Articuli tractatuum a Cæsare non observati.|
1044. Nos. 13–19.
|1630. CHARLES V. and HENRY VIII. (fn. 6)|
|On ff. 164, 165, are stated the terms of the obligations by which the Emperor was held to the king of England, "tam ex tractatu Windesore quam ex tractatu prorogationis ejusdem in Hispania facto;" and on the wide margins have been noted the points wherein the terms have not been observed.|
|The whole is in Latin, and in the same handwriting as the following.|
|f. 166:—"A memoriall of suche debtis as bee due by themper to the Kings highnes of England."|
|On f. 167 is a rough draft of a statement referring to the same subject.|
|"Placeat sue mati inducere ad suam memoriam peticionem quam feci apud suam matem ex parte sermi Regis dñi mei pro debitis in presenti pecunia soluendis ..."|
|On ff. 170–1, in an Italian secretary's hand, are articles for a peace between the Emperor and the kings of England and France.|
|The first proposition begins:—|
|"Primo Cæsar dabit obsides regi sermo Angliæ de restituendo filios solutis sibi ..."|
|The seventh and last:—|
|"Vel si premissa non placeant Cæsari: poterit Cæsar ponere in manus serml regis Angliæ obsides ..."|
|f. 173. A communication of the Emperor's wishes in answer to Henry VIII.'s letter respecting a general peace.|
|"Sacra Cesa majetas que semper Christianorum pacis ..."|
|"In his scriptis ... Cæsaris mentem vt de his omnibus fieri publicum instrumentum per notarium hic astantem."|
|f. 177. Notes on the obligations of the treaty of Windsor.|
|f. 179. Agreement respecting the Emperor's journey to Italy (1526). This, in an Italian handwriting, begins:—|
|"Contentatur Cesar venire in Italiam, nisi cum quinque millibus personis ad accipiendam coronam, promittens quod statim illa accepta transibit in Germaniam, ubi dabit omnem operam pro componendis rebus Lutheranis, et non patietur fieri verbum de concilio ..."|
|On f. 180 is the endorsement:—"Negocia Hispanica."|
XLVIII. 30. B. M.
|1631. WOLSEY to TUNSTAL and others.|
|"Ther also be serteyn other privy thyngs as well consernyng themperors promyses made unto the Kynges hyghnes in dyvers famyler conferens at their enterveys, as also overtures tendyng ... ne love confidens ne trust on hys behalf towards hys grace, made to other princes, wherein the Kyng mygth merytorysley taxe the seyd Emperor ... hys trowth, sincere procedyng and dellyng, yet les the Kyngs mageste mygth by rehersal thereof be in ... to be incircumspect, voyd of knowleg, reason, good cownsell, and princely behavior, and for thexching of the ill preses ... and the sequel wych mygth aryse therby to other princes, hath ... hys nobyll herte and courage, more inclynyd to the ... princes honors than to scoleyng contryng of ontreue tallys, babellyng, an[d] sophysycall mentions, hath in thys answer omyttyd ... and ... to contynue, excepte hys Grace be by the malyg[nant] condy[ct] of the other party provokyd and compellyd to the contrary; howbeit _"|
|Corrected draft. Hol., p. 1.|
Galba, B. VIII. 199. B. M.
|1632. SIR ROB. WINGFIELD to WOLSEY.|
|Wrote last on the 2nd. Wm. de la Barre has arrived from Spain. Richard, the courier, came in his company to Malines, from which he went to England. Has delayed to notify De Barre's arrival, in order to see if he could find out, either by the market-men or any of the Council, how the world goes in Spain. Can only learn from the market-men that the Emperor is not satisfied with my Lady and the Council for concluding so hastily an abstinence of war, and that he will not conclude anything with France without the consent of the King's ambassadors. Cannot tell if this be true, but Wolsey will be able to judge from the ambassadors themselves; of whom, though one is dead, to the distress of his wife and children, Wingfield is glad it hath pleased God to call him to his rest in a strange country, "being right diligent in executing of such charge as he received." Hopes Wolsey will remember his poor wife and children. Though he is a great loser, hopes to meet him again with other friends, who will be glad of his company, and be most sure guides in that strange country,—though indeed it ought not to be so called, as it is our ordinary port of rest and quiet.|
|Begs to be recalled. Is not more sure of his life here than his brother was in Spain, though he was five years younger; "for though, peraventure, he was sufficiently purveyed to bury him honorably," it would not be so with himself if the like chance happened to him here. Since his last, has been informed by master Treasurer that he has delivered to his constable at Calais 50l. for his diets, and has no more money, but wishes Wingfield to ask Wolsey to whom he shall apply for more. Has borrowed 100l. for his charges here, and as much again for those at Calais. Believes the cardinal of Salzburg (Gurck) is still besieged, though the Archduke has sent to him a captain, named Sir George de Fraunsberg, with 5,000 men at the Cardinal's cost. Duke Henry of Brunswick has taken, beheaded, and quartered two of the learned men who translated Luther's works into Latin. There are many Lutherans here, both men and women, wedded priests and schoolmasters; and commissaries sit upon them every day, but none are executed as yet, though it is supposed that within these 13 [days] before my Lady leaves, they will be rid one way or other. If my Lady had not come, the contagion would have been too great. Haage, 8 Sept. 1525.|
|Hol., mutilated, pp. 3. Add. Endd.|
Calig D. IX. 108. B. M.
|1633. FRANCE and ENGLAND.|
|"[A memorial of such things as are to be] done at the ratification of the tre[aty] ... between the King's highness and the French king."|
|1. All the noblemen, both spiritual and temporal, now at Greenwich, London and the neighbourhood, to be warned by the Vice-chamberlain to be at Greenwich on Saturday by 1 p.m., and on Sunday by 9 a.m., to continue attending the court till all ceremonies are completed, and the ambassadors have left. 2. The judges and learned counsel to give like attendance, the former in their best array, "with ther colors abou[t] ther nekkes:" to be warned by my lord Chancellor's serjeant-at-arms. 3. The French ambassadors are to be conveyed to court in a barge provided by the bishop of Bath and viscount Rochford. They are to enter the court by two on Saturday, when the King will receive them in his dining chamber, under his "cloth of astate," accompanied by the Lords. 4. At 1 [o'clock], before the [French] ambassadors arrive, all the other ambassadors shall be conveyed to the court as follows:—the Pope's ambassador to be conveyed by the bishop of Lincoln, the Emperor's by the viscount Rochford, the Venetian by the lord of St. John's, the duke of Milan's by Sir John Husey. 5. The arrangement of the Lords in the presence chamber to be according to a "platte" devised. 6. The lord steward shall see the hall well furnished with officers [of] the house and other honest personages. 7. The captain of the guard to see the guard ordered with their coats, &c. 8. "After the proposition be m[ade], and some pause and communication had with the King's highness and the nobles, and the King's highness withdrawn to his p[rivy] chamber, the drink shall be honno[rably] brought up to the King's chamber, and there offr[ed to] the said ambassadors and nobles; which done, t[he] said ambassadors shall be conveyed to their lodgings [by] the same personages that accompanied them to the King's court, at the which their lodgings it [is] ordered they shall sup; for the which their supper [and] drink for all nights provision must be made by [my] lord Steward." 9. The Vice-chamberlain shall appoint gentlemen ushers, yeomen and gro[oms] to every lodging of the said ambassadors. 10. The lodgings to be as follows:—the ambassadors of the Pope, Venice and Milan, in the King's house, where they shall have separate chambers, but sup together; the Emperor's ambassador in Carie's house; the French ambassadors in Sir Chr. Garnish's house:—the Vice-chamberlain to see to the hangings and furniture of all the lodgings. 11. On Sunday the ambassadors to be conducted to the King's dining chamber at 9 o'clock, to accompany the King to chapel.|
|ii. The ordering of the chapel.|
|1. The King's travers of cloth of gold to be set on the right of the quire. 2. The Legate and prelates in pontificabilus to do the obsequies, and sing mass. 3. The Pope's ambassador and the French king's ambassador (fn. 7) shall be placed in the lower end of the stalls, on the right side of the chapel; and on the left side "enempst them" the Emperor's ambassador, and those of Venice and Milan. 4. The oaths of the King and the ambassadors with the delivery of the ratification &c., "to [be] done by the lord Chancellor; the which oath [made, Te D]eum to be solemnly sung, and after the same trium[phs] ... s and other the King's minstrels to s ..." 5. After the ceremonies the King will go to dinner; "and after his Grace hath washed, the ambassadors are to be conveyed by such as be appointed to accompany them to the place where the dinner shall be prepared." After dinner they shall be again brought to the King's dining chamber, and after communication with the King shall depart to London with those appointed to accompany them.|
|Mutilated, pp. 6. In Wriothesley's hand.|
Calig. D. IX. 114. B. M.
|1634. TREATY with FRANCE.|
|[C]opie of [a s]ermonde [made] afore the [Regen]t of France [the] day she [took her othe (fn. 8);" on the text, "Quis est homo qui vult vitam, diligit dies vid[ere] bonos, &c. Inquire pacem et persequere eam." (fn. 9)|
|Lat, mutilated, pp. 4.|
|Cal. D. IX. 82.
|1635. NEWS FROM FRANCE.|
|* * ... "du conseil en parlement fut publie la paix faicte [entre le Roy] d'Angleterre et Madame la Regente," by which the King is to have 150,000 g. cr., for which certain towns are to stand sureties. At this many great persons murmur. Paris and the other chief towns have not yet spoken. The Regent is urging them to consent to this arrangement. which they will not do. The "said" court of Parliament, and the other Parliaments of the kingdom, have been a month discussing it, and will not comply. The great persons are much astonished what has moved the king of England to conclude so hastily, considering the state of France and the capture of the King; and they say he has done it "pour parvenir a quelque grosse finesse," seeing that he has been the chief cause of Francis being taken. The said parliaments and towns expected the three Estates of the realm to have assembled, which the Regent has hindered as much as she could; for if they had met she would have been deposed; for all wise men think that as a woman cannot inherit the crown, neither ought she to rule. Were it not that they fear the deliverance and return of Francis they would have deposed her already; for those of Normandy would not accept the increase of taxes demanded by her.|
|The Regent, Vendôme, and others have told the parliaments and great towns that they must yield to the demands of the enemies of France for the present, till the kingdom has recovered from its bad fortunes, "et en bref on re ... le tout à la couronne, mais plusieurs en cela ne ce accord[ent], disent que se font encoires multiplications de guerre ... tres-tous bien empeschez et tiennent souvent conseil a ... veoir par ou ilz concluront ilz feront force de qu ... et grand personnaiges apposans ausdits appointe[ments et] conclusi[ons de] la Regente et aultres fa ... (fn. 10) faire processions par les bonnes villes du Royau[me] ... prescher que le Roy son filz a este forte malade mais ... guary, et que de brief il sera delivré et aura bon appo[intement] à l'Empereur;" which wise men cannot believe, but say it is only to frighten the towns and maintain the Regent's authority. She has imposed 1,200,000 livres additional taxes.|
|Eight or ten days ago three men, each clothed in a black robe, and with a green chaperon over his shoulders, and a cornet hung from his neck "en fasson de poste," came through the streets of Paris by different routes, and met in the court of the palace, where they sounded their horns, and cried out three times, "Le Roy des folz est mort; mere sotte en faict le deul: les saiges ne losent dire; il[n'est] que les folz le publient." They immediately returned by different streets, scattering papers among the crowd with the same words in writing.|
|"Les villes et parlemens du royaulme veullent sca[voir] que sont devenus les deniers puis dix ans qui sont ... an de cinq a six millions s[ur] les exactions ... faict sur leglise ... gentilz hommes ... des gendarmes ne ont este paies ne les off[iciers leurs] gaiges, qui sont dix mille officiers en nombre ... veullent que les cappitaines et ceulx qui ont e ... de gendarmes respondent des oultrages et pilleries [et des] larcins que ont faict leurs gens par tout le royaul[me] denotant parce qu'ilz ne veullent plus obeyr en ladven[ir] à la dite Regente en maniere que ce soit."|
|Fr., mutilated, pp. 4.|
|R. O.||1636. HENRY VIII. to JAMES V.|
|For the observance of the late comprehension, sent Magnus and Carlisle herald to accompany Dacre's warden of the Marches in the arrangement of days of truce; but after the "disappointing" of several days, Dacre could obtain no redress at last meeting for the slaughters of Englishmen, the parties being convicted and there present. Henry might now insist that the comprehension is at his own option; but if anything further arises between them, let not James and his Council pretend ignorance.|
|Pp. 2. Endd.: A minute of a letter of the King's sent to the (fn. 11) young king of Scots.|
Calig. B. II. 73. B. M. St. P. IV. 394.
|1637. MAGNUS to WOLSEY.|
|The letters sent by the King and Wolsey to the young King, the three Estates, abp. of St. Andrew's, Angus and others, have been very well received. They all acknowledge it might have been better if they had sought perpetual peace, but that Henry is content to authorise commis- sioners with a view of establishing it within three years. Of the further contents of Wolsey's letters has disclosed part, and taken good note of the rest as instructed. On Saturday the president of Toulouse (de Saignes) arrived at Leith as ambassador from France, and sent to the young King by a Scotch priest a letter from Albany with a little dagger for a token, which James immediately gave away to one that was near. Next day he showed the letter to Magnus, who sends a copy, both in French and Scotch. This ambassador, unlike others, remained three or four days at Leith without being visited by anyone, and has now come here, with scarcely any lodging provided for him. Thinks the King would not grant him an audience of his own mind. Patrick Wemes returned along with him; but he landed in Fife, and went to the Chancellor before seeing the King. Understands he had letters from divers lords, saying that the Scots were compelled, for want of aid from France, to make terms for themselves with England; but the French council replied that John Cantelay had a contrary commission under the great seal of Scotland, signed by the King, his mother, and several of the Lords.|
|Has heard nothing of the coming of Dacre or the other commissioners to these parts. There has been trouble lately between Angus and the Homes. The Homes of Wederbourne have slain the lord of Tullyalen. Thinks the commissioners will have to meet at Edinburgh, or else at Berwick. Thinks England should not make too great difficulties in concluding with the Scots now, as it will make them abandon France. Will endeavor to get copies of the articles brought by the ambassador, and of those sent into France by the Queen, which was done when the earl of Cassillis returned home. The ambassador called at Dunbar on his way, and left money for wages. Some think Albany will be here shortly. Does not believe it; for the King, young as he is, could form a party against him. The abp. of St. Andrew's will not come here till "our matters" be concluded. The Queen remains in the North; the Lords think if she came in she would lose no part of her authority. Sends copy of a letter lately written to her by Magnus.|
|Although the abp. of Glasgow favors Albany, James favors him more than the Chancellor. Magnus thinks his presence here, among other evils, makes the Scots haughty, considering England more dependent on them than they on England. The realm is much divided, and the Council go not all one way. Has arranged with Patrick Sinclair for information. Edinburgh, 9 Sept. Signed.|
|1638. FRANCE and SCOTLAND.|
|1. Magnus to [Tuke ?]|
|Requests him to show my Lord that news arrived here from France, before my Lord's last letters, of truce having been made for three months between France and England, and that France has comprehended Scotland. If it be not so, thinks "Scotland would give France an herring of the same barrel." Desires him, however, to note the second of the two matters that he has written to my Lord, showing how France shall disdain Scotland, and Scotland France. The young King loves his uncle "as naturally as a young thing may do," and does not like to hear of Frenchmen, as the ambassador here knows, who will not soon have audience. Sends a packet of letters from the Scotch king's secretary to a servant of his at London. Edinburgh, 9 Sept.|
|A peace taken at this time of year for three years is as good as one for four. Signed.|
|P. 1. Endd.|
St. P. IV. 395.
|2. Albany to James V.|
|Has received his letters by the bearer, and understood his credence. Was (fn. 12) absent from court at his arrival, being ill with colic, but sent him to Madame the Regent, who despatched him graciously. "De Gondolle, ce &c."|
|Hopes he will remember the things pointed out to him by Albany at his departure for the honor of the realm. Excuses himself for not writing with his own hand, which he can do worse than ever. Sends him a poniard (fn. 13) by the bearer.|
|Calig. B. III.
100. B. M.
|3. Translation of the preceding in the hand of Magnus.|
|Endd. by Wriothesley (?)|
|1639. The BP. OF DUNKELD to MAGNUS.|
|I. Has conferred at great length with the Chancellor, whom he finds steadfast to England, "and myche inclyned for this barne that is his godsonne." Has assured him in Henry's name that good may follow to himself in this particular as well as to the common weal. If Henry make good this promise it will get him many well-willers. Dunfermline, 9 Sept.|
|II. "France stands at a poor point. The wit is gone, and the good chieftains of war"; the other men of war are two years' pay in arrear, and live upon the common people. No government but by Madame "and her lipper Chancellor." England had never such an opportunity for "business into France." Invokes "the malediction of God of Heaven [on any one] that makes any impediment to that noble King to seek his just title and right"; for he will get many well-willers in this country, as will be seen in the next Parliament.|
|P. 1. Headed: "Copy of two letters lately sent from the bp. of Dunkell to T. Magnus."|
|1640. For the PRIOR and CONVENT OF WELHOWE, Linc. dioc.|
|Congé d'élire, on the death of Ric. Kingson. Stony Stratford, 3 Sept. 17 Hen. VIII. (No date of delivery.)|
|Pat. 17 Hen. VIII. p. 2, m. 7; dated at the More, 9 Sept.|
|II. Petition for the above. Chapter-house, 31 Aug. 152.|
|1641. MARY QUEEN OF FRANCE to WOLSEY.|
|As the King and Wolsey advise her to send some one to France about her dowry, has chosen Dr. Denton, her chancellor, and Fras. Hall, who will explain to Wolsey their commission. Asks Wolsey to advise him, and to give him letters to Madame and the admiral of France to advance her affairs. Will do anything for the Admiral out of her dowry that Wolsey thinks reasonable. Leyston Abbey, 10 Sept. Signed.|
|P. 1. Add.: To my lord Cardinal.|
|1642. The DUKE OF SUFFOLK to WOLSEY.|
|To the same effect. Leyston Abbey, 10 Sept. Signed.|
|P. 1. Add.: To my lord Cardinal's grace.|
|Vit. B. VII. 195.
|1643. FRENCH AFFAIRS.|
|Extract from letters of Gregory Casale.|
|"* * * [Lu]gdunum datis."|
|He writes that since his arrival he could [not see] the lady Mother (Louise) before, on account of her grief for [her son's] illness, and the frequent and varying news of his recovery. When at last he obtained audience, he declared the King's desire for her son's liberation, which he had already made known to the Emperor, and showed the various means of doing this, with the greatest dexterity. He learns from those about the Queen that her affection for her son is such that she cannot be induced to provoke the Emperor, and it prevents her from following what she thinks the best way, the reasons for which he showed her in the Cardinal's name. She thanked him, and said she could not think of any better way, and she seemed willing to apply her mind thereto.|
|He told her that the Emperor, seeing that Henry was inclined to favor the French, had begun to make him large offers; but the Cardinal, for the sake of the common good and the security of France, would not be moved. He told her also that she must consider that the Emperor, when he hears of these practices, will not change his mind to France, but accommodate himself to the time; and, if he is trusted before the King is set free, he will strengthen himself. He said much about this, because he heard from Robertet that the French would do much less than they offered to the Italians, which with the embassy of Madame d'Alençon, will make the Italians suspicious; and care must be taken that so good an opportunity of freeing the King and strengthening France be not lost by any negligence. She and Robertet asked what was Wolsey's opinion about the renunciation of Italy, and how it would profit the French. He answered that the Italians would then take up arms to help them, and they would be freed from the expence of 100,000 cr. to the rebels, and the same sum to the Swiss, that Burgundy would be retained, and the Emperor would be forced to liberate the King. To which she assented, and said how much she and her son were bound to the Legate. At length she answered that she would discuss the matter with Lautrec and the Chancellor, to whom Casale should repeat his declaration. This was done on the 8th day. He found Lautrec well experienced in Italian affairs. Everything being well discussed, "hinc in[de et] adductis rationibus et præsertim pontificis peti[tionibus] inventa sunt multa digna quæ moderentur ... adduxit rationes de modo gerendi belli et e ... egit apud Cancellarium, qui summopere prudentia[m Ser.] Regiæ Mtis et R. D. Legati extulit in hujusmodi ... dentissimis et optimis modis excogitandis et de ... responsum ad petitiones pontificis quod minus est ... antea obtulerant, super quo D. Gregorius [dixit] quæ expedire judicavit, nec hac rationes p[otuit] Cancellarius refellere, dixitque dominum de Carpis ... in commissionibus exponendis; loco enim quinq[ua]ginta millibus ducatorum esse debuit numerus qua[dra]ginta millium, et de equitibus gravioribus nihil ... agere vellent, dixeruntque quod cras illum expedie[nt]." It cannot be expressed how much France feels obliged to the King and Wolsey for their advice.|
|ii. Articles drawn up by the Chancellor about Italy, to be sent to the Pope.|
|1. They promise they will not disturb Italy. 2. Instead of the 40,000 ducats offered, they will give 500 horse. 3. They will give and pay for 6,000 foot until the Spaniards and the Viceroy are driven out of the duchy of Milan and Naples, and then they ought to have the said troops with 1,000 horse and 12,000 Italian foot, to recover the King. 4. They will give 14 galleys on condition that if the Emperor sends a fleet to Marseilles they may be sent thither as a protection. 5. They will treat with the Swiss for the defence of Milan, if the same pension is paid to them as they received from France. 6. The French ask for a pension from Milan and Naples. 7. If the Pope and Venetians do not approve of these terms, they will refer to the decision of Henry. They say that they have never offered more, although their agents have, perhaps, done otherwise.|
|The Chancellor and Lautrec asked for Casale's advice, and he answered that the 14 galleys would be sufficient for Italy if the war were carried on in the way he had talked of with Lautrec; for the Venetians would give twelve, and the Pope four, so that the French could have their own for the defence of Marseilles, if necessary. The Italians would not deny this, for Genoa being taken, they would have galleys enough. He did not think that Italy could supply all the money necessary, on account of the heavy burdens they have already borne, and because the whole country will not contribute. He thought it most expedient that the duke Maximilian should be restored, as many contentions would thereby be settled; and he has shown that the whole duchy would be on his side, except Pavia and Lodi, which are governed by the Spaniards. My Lady deferred despatching him, because Robertet was ill, and she did not wish the despatch to be written by any other. She will go from Lyons to Bayonne. Letters have come from Spain of the King's recovery, and many write that a concord has been made, but nothing is certain.|
|It is said that the duke of Bourbon has sailed to Spain, and, disregarding the Pope's protestations, has taken his galleys. It is said that De Prat will go as ambassador to France, Gregory thinks to cause trouble between England and the French, which he would do gladly. Gregory intended, on the following day, to inform the Council of his craftiness, tell them of his whole life, and the reasons of his mission. My Lady, and all the others, show themselves [anxious] to settle the matters of Italy "sed non ni [mis] ... dum est, nam Galli sunt suapte natura ... ingenio. Domina omnia faceret ob amorem e[jus] filii. Hispani astutissimi sunt omnium et re ... sciunt necessitati adhibere."|
|The duke of Ferrara will be here tomorrow on his way to Spain. Gregory will prevent his journey, if possible, as it will injure the settlement of Italian affairs.|
|Lat., pp. 7. Endd.: Nova ex Gallia ex literis domini Gregorii.|
Vat. Trans. B. M. St. P. IV. 402.
|1644. JAMES V. to CLEMENT VII.|
|Complains that the Pope has granted pensions out of the fruits of the see of Dunkeld, one being to Jas. Creichtoun, a professus of the order of Preachers, after the bishopric was granted by bull to Rob. now bishop of Ross when on embassy to England. Edinburgh, 15 Sept. 1525.|