Henry VIII: January 1531, 1-15

Pages 10-22

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 5, 1531-1532. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1880.

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January 1531, 1-15

1 Jan.
R. O.
23. Harry [Parker] Lord Morley to Cromwell.
Writes in favor of the bearer, a poor canon, who, when his priory was suppressed, was commanded by the Cardinal to abide at Christchurch, the prior and convent of which granted him for life the farm of Bromefelde. He has been wrongfully vexed by one John Smythe, who laboured for the same farm, as Lord Morley perceives from the examination which he has held by the King's order. Will tell him more when he comes up to Parliament. Markehall. 1 Jan. Signed.
P. 1. Add : To my singular good friend and old acquaintance, Master Cromwell. Endd.
1 Jan.
Vienna Archives.
24. Chapuys to Charles V.
I wrote yesterday. Today I received yours of the 5th and 12th ult., of which I informed the Queen, who will write to your Majesty. I could not have better intelligence with the Nuncio than I have had hitherto, and your Majesty's letter will incite him to persevere. The death of Madame (Margaret) is regretted by those who have intercourse with Flanders. I am told the king of England said it was no great loss for the world. He delights in everything that is to the disadvantage of your Majesty; but these are not things to take notice of, for the blindness of his miserable amour makes him talk indiscreetly. One reason why he is glad of Madame's death is because she took great interest in the Queen's matter, and also because she was the real means of concluding the amity with France. One of the things which made the King and his Council enquire of me most particularly was, when any one came from France to the said Lady, to know what was doing. By order of the Council of Malines, I sent a messenger to the duke of Norfolk to inform the King of her death, to which I only received a reply that the King knew it already. The Duke inquired of my messenger if it was true your Majesty was coming in post to Flanders, and if the Turks had raised the siege of Buda, and, thirdly, in what place you had received the French ransom. The messenger replied, that as to the first he did not know; that the second was not true, and it was said Buda had been taken, and that the Vayvode had retreated to a castle which was already offering to treat. (At this Norfolk seemed surprised and not well pleased.) As to the third, that the ransom was paid at Medina del Campo. The Duke would affirm that the Spaniards would not let it go out of the country : to which my messenger replied that Spain had already lent the Emperor a large sum of money, and had offered to keep it for him safely with the ransom where the Emperor pleased. At this the Duke remained pensive and silent.
Some time ago the Queen told me that what displeases them most here is when they see I don't trouble myself much to make court to them; and she has sent to me today desiring that unless there be something urgent to speak to the King about, I should not visit him; for which reason I have abstained during these holidays. London, 1 Jan. 1531.
P.S.—I have just heard from a well-informed man that this marriage will undoubtedly be accomplished in this Parliament, and that they expect easily to pacify your Majesty. I cannot tell upon what they rest this expectation, as I have always told them distinctly the opposite, and shall do still before the game is concluded.
The lady feels assured of it. She is braver than a lion. She said to one of the Queen's ladies that she wished all the Spaniards in the world were in the sea; and on the other replying, that, for the honor of the Queen, she should not say so, she said that she did not care anything for the Queen, and would rather see her hanged than acknowledge her as her mistress.
The King is to be at the Tower on the day after Epiphany to examine the ordnance (munition), in order to inspire fear both in Englishmen and strangers. People are somewhat glad here of your Majesty's coming to Flanders, hoping that the King may have an interview with you, and that he might be able to obtain from you what his ambassador could not obtain at Bologna; but their satisfaction is not so great as their fear of the injury that you may do them, being so near; and, as I wrote to your Majesty, if you would examine the fortifications in Flanders and on the frontiers, it would encourage good men, and make bad men fear.
Hol., Fr., pp. 4. From a modern copy.
2 Jan.
Simancas MS.
25. P. Bishop of Badajos, President of the Chancery of Valladolid, to Charles V.
Has received his letter of 30 Sept. concerning the opinions in the case of the queen of England. He and the auditors, after much trouble, send the Empress their opinion in writing, with arguments to support it from Divine and human law. The Empress had already had them 20 days when the Emperor's schedule was delivered. No title or preface was put at the beginning of the said opinions, because it was declared that they were given by the Emperor's order. Valladolid, 2 Jan. 1531.
Sp., pp. 2, modern copy.
3 Jan.
R. O.
26. S. Vaughan to Cromwell.
The Emperor intends to be at Brussels on the 18th inst. Great provision is made for his coming. In my letters to you of the 8th day before Christmas I sent a packet to Mr. Treasurer. I wish for an answer. Less cloths by one half have been shipped to this mart. Barrughe, 3 Jan. 1530.
Remember my obligation with Clarencieux.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : beside the Friars Augustines.
5 Jan.
Pocock, II. 104. Le Grand, III. 446.
27. Clement VII. to Henry VIII.
At the request of the Queen, forbids Henry to remarry until the decision of the case, and declares that if he does all issue will be illegitimate. Forbids any one in England, of ecclesiastical or secular dignity, universities, parliaments, courts of law, &c., to make any decision in an affair the judgment of which is reserved for the Holy See. The whole under pain of excommunication. As Henry would not receive a former citation, this is to be affixed to the church gates of Bruges, Tournay, and other towns in the Low Countries, which will be sufficient promulgation. Rome, 5 Jan. 1531.
Lat. An endorsement of the above, dated 10 Jan. 1531, certifying publication at Rome, is printed in Pocock, II. 377.
6 Jan.
28. Henry VIII. to Clement VII.
Has heard from Benet that the cardinalate for the bishop of Worcester has been put off. Urges it strongly. Thinks the objection that he is an Italian, not an Englishman, merely frivolous. Greenwich, 6 Jan. 1530.
P.S. in the King's hand, to the same effect.
6 Jan.
Harl. MS. 2,067, f. 212. B. M.
29. Robert Myddylton.
Will of Robert Myddylton, dated 6 Jan. 1530. Proved 21 Jan. 1530.
P. 1. On the back a list of his debts.
Theiner,p.605. Pocock, II. 209.
30. Clement VII. and Henry VIII.
[Points for an answer by the Pope to the King's letters.]
That the Pope interprets the angry letters of the King, written at the suggestion of others, in meliorem partem. 2. That he did not despise the requests of the kings of France and England, or of the nobles and subjects of the latter, but made such a reply, in which, if they had read it, they ought to have acquiesced. 3. That he is not so much guided by the dictates of the Emperor as the King unjustly accuses him, as is clear from the complaints against him made by the Emperor and the King. That when the King had procured by his agents, prece et pretio, subscriptions of doctors and schoolmen, to the great injury of the See Apostolic, he did not punish the authors of them as he might have done, and was urged to do by the Imperial ambassadors, but granted a brief to the English ambassadors, allowing such doctors and masters to express their opinions. 4. That after the Queen's appeal, and inhibition to the legates to proceed any further, when the Emperor at Bologna and the Queen's orators urged the cause to be proceeded with at Rome, and no one appeared in the King's name, when the Pope might have proceeded against him as contumax, he delayed the sentence, not at all moved that the King, without any regard to the Pope, had made such preparations that if the cause were committed to England it should be decided by these frivolous and unauthentic subscriptions. 5. As to the King's complaint that the Pope had recalled the Legates before the cause was decided, he admits that this is so, because it is the peculiar privilege of the Holy See to refer to himself all causes which in any province cannot be effectively determined. And so he instructed Campeggio.
6. The law laid down by the King, that every controversy ought to be terminated where it arose, is liable to many limitations and exceptions, of which that urged by the Queen's advocate is sufficient; nor ought the King to consider it any wrong to himself that the Apostolic See allowed her allegation to be considered sufficient, that England was a suspected place, as the King was her opponent; and as to the privileges of the kingdom, the Pope has no wish to violate them, provided they can be preserved without scandal to the Catholic Church, which is to be preferred to all law. This is the reason which the King wishes so much to know, why the Pope advoked the cause to himself. And in all this he calls God to witness that he has never swerved from the path of justice, and has always kept God before his eyes, without regard to the complaints of any party. 7. He, therefore, requests his Majesty, setting aside the advice of those whose consciences are seared, to consult his better nature alone, and, remembering his title of Defender of the Faith, peaceably arrange this cause, or acquiesce in the judgment of the Holy See; for if scandals and calamities arise, they must be laid to the charge of those who have been the authors of this evil.
7 Jan.
Raynald. XIII.230. Pocock, II. 111.
31. Clement VII. to Henry VIII.
However bitter the King's letter may be, will never forget their ancient amity. Writes mildly in reply to his angry letters of 6 Dec., written at the suggestion of other people. Sent a legate to England at the King's own request, to judge the cause in conjunction with the English legate, and did not revoke him till the Queen had complained frequently that she, as a stranger, was obliged to submit to judicial proceedings at the will of the King, whose word was law. She appealed to us, put in an oath of fear; and we, in a matter of so great scandal, which could not otherwise be removed, undertook the cognizance of the cause ourselves, as by our office we were bound to do. By the unanimous decision of the Cardinals we committed the cause to the Rota, abiding by their decision. What otherwise would your Highness have done, if you had been in our place ? How could we refuse to admit the appeal? You say there was no ground for suspicion. We think so too; but the other party think and swear otherwise. Therefore we could not refuse them. You say the controversy is to be decided where it has arisen. True, but not where a suspicion exists on either side, whether it be just and reasonable or not. If you think that we lean more to one side than the other, how much greater must be the fear which the Queen has in regard to yourself in your own kingdom, especially as the archbishop of Canterbury, to whom you would have the affair committed, has already written in your behalf against the Queen. We say not this out of any suspicion of the integrity of your judgment, but in justification of our conduct with regard to the Queen's appeal. We will speak with you as a friend, and beg of you to put away the false suspicion you have conceived of us. There are many things in your letters in which we miss your usual wisdom, and even your modesty, especially in that reiterated taunt that we are governed by the Emperor. As we would grant nothing that was unjust for him, you must not require us to do what is unjust for you, especially as the Emperor has always said that if the Queen failed in her cause he would acquiesce. We are surprised that you should complain of your letters being intercepted, and that your agents at Bologna were prevented from collecting the opinions of the learned : both statements are untrue. As to your complaint that no regard is paid to the request of the French king and of your subjects, remember that we have prolonged the cause at his request one month, and afterwards 40 days, and we have written word to your subjects why we could not acquiesce in their request. We say nothing of the principal business, as we have not yet heard both sides. When we have, we shall act impartially; but we must request of you not to demand in this more than duty allows us to grant. If you persist, we shall be sorry; but even if we do not give you satisfaction in the matter of law, we shall diminish nothing of our affection to you. Begs credence for the baron de Burgo. Rome, 7 Jan. 1531.
7 Jan. 32. Sculpture.
A receipt, signed by Benedict di Bartolomeo da Rovezzano, Florentine sculptor, for 20 marks in crowns of the sun = 13l. 6s. 8d., paid to him by Master Cremuel (Cromwell) on the King's account. Dated 7 Jan. 1531.
Ital., p. 1.
8 Jan.
R. O. St. P. VII. 273.
33. Henry VIII. to Benet.
Has received their letters of 18 Dec. Finds the Pope makes some difficulty in deferring his cause, and intends to proceed. Francis is writing to the duke of Albany to procure the prorogation of the process. If the Pope will not consent, Benet is to do as directed by Alexander, the courier, who will send the overtures made by the cardinal Grammont. Sends him the substance of his letters to his ambassador in the French court. Gives directions how Benet and his colleagues shall proceed. Is not satisfied that his recommendation of Worcester to the cardinalate has been fruitless. Thanks them and Karne for their services. Greenwich, 8 Jan. Signed at the top.
Sealed. Add. Below the date is written, in Benet's hand : Recevyd the vij. day of Februari 1531.
8 Jan.
R. O.
34. John Legh to Cromwell.
The bearer, Anthony Heghmore, my kinsman, heir male to Lanslott Heghmore his brother, will be lost through the bearing of the heirs general and their husbands without your favor. Karlell, 8 Jan.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : To his special good master, Master Cromwell.
9 Jan.
S. B.
35. Pirates.
Appointment of Arthur viscount Lisle, Vice-Admiral of England, Ric. Lister, chief baron of the Exchequer, Sir Wm. Paulet, John Fewter, LL.D., John Bettys, Ric. Palshide, and John Cooke, as justices to make inquisitions concerning pirates and piracies, and to hear and determine all such cases. Westm., 9 Jan. 22 Hen. VIII.
ii. Similar commission to viscount Lisle, Sir Wm. Kyngston, Wm. Sulyerd, John Tregonwell, and John Fewter, LL.D. —, 28 Jan., same year.
9 Jan.
R. O.
36. John Gage to Cromwell.
My long absence from my wife caused me to make such haste at my coming away that I had no leisure to speak with you, I sent James Gage to ask you, if you had received the money, to give him 50 marks for business of mine. I left purple and crimson satin at your house, and I wish you to have a vestment made of the former, omitting the cross in the midst, for which my wife has stuff. This bearer will bring it to me. Will be at London before Candlemas. Fyrlle, 9 Jan.
Hol., p. 1. Add. : To, &c. Mr. Thos. Cromwell, at London, beside the Fryre Awstens.
9 Jan.
R. O.
37. Sir Edw. Chamberleyn.
Warrant under the Privy Seal to the treasurer and barons of the Exchequer to pass the accounts of Sir Edw. Chamberleyn, to whom the custody for 30 years of the manors of Wodestok, Hambrugh, Wotton, and Stonefeld, Oxon., and of the hundred of Wotton, had been granted by patent 11 Feb. 12 Hen. VIII. Greenwich, 9 Jan. 22 Hen. VIII.
Large paper, pp. 5.
10 Jan.
R. O.
38. Sir John Barkar, Priest, to Cromwell.
Begs his favor in the matter of his debt. "For my lord Cardinal's grace, Sir, except only help of your mastership in this behalf, I am utterly undone and beggared for ever; and but for good masters and friends, the creditors would not have suffered me till this time." Unless Cromwell help him, he is like to be in durance all his life. Would be glad to reserve 10l. as the price of a gelding for his mastership. York, 10 Jan.
P. 1. Add. : To the right worshipful and his most especial good master, Mr. Cromwell, one of the King's most gracious Council. Endd.
10 Jan.
Add. MS. 28,582, f.286. B. M.
39. Mai to Charles V.
Wrote that the English ambassadors had urged the promotion of the auditor of the Chamber and Casale to the cardinalate, and that it was not made public in Rome that they had asked leave to depart; but this is not true.
Wrote also that Casale had gone towards England with the signatures of theologians, casuists, and jurists in the King's favor. Letters from Venice stated that the duke of Mantua had taken them all away; but this is probably not true, and only refers to the opinions in the King's favor. Has obtained a new opinion made by Philip Deeio in Sienna; and Rodrigo Niño has sent him another, made at Padua against the Queen. The Pope wished to introduce to the Consistory the new inhibition which is asked for, that the King should not marry during the cause, and that neither the Parliament, nor the primate of England, nor any other judge, shall interfere. The commissary of the cause related the whole state of the cause in the Consistory, and there was much trouble, notwithstanding that it had been promised to Mai before. The brief was obtained, and has been published in the audience "de las contradittas." (fn. 1) The Emperor must order it to be intimated according to the enclosed form. As to the separation, there is much more than doing justice, because it is not granted easily to private persons, much more between sovereigns. The Consistory would not determine this article unless the "relator" proposed it in the Rota, by whose judgment they will act. Has not much hope of it.
The Pope has promised to write to his Nuncio, that if the King wishes to marry, or any judge or the Parliament decide the cause, he may intimate to them the brief which is despatched, (fn. 2) or take other order in secret. The Nuncio is a man of honor, and the Emperor's servant. Advises the Emperor to let him know that he considers himself obliged by the good work he has done for the Queen.
Has already written that the Pope received a discourteous letter from the king of England, which he read in the Consistory the day that this brief was granted. Sends a copy.
It is said here that among the interviews which are proclaimed in Italy of your Majesties, there will be one between you and the king of England to treat of this matter.
Begs that if it can be settled without prejudice to the Queen it may be done, on account of the inconveniences and dangers of law.
The Pope has replied to the letter of the king of England by a short and severe brief, which he showed to Mai. Will try to get a copy to send to the Emperor.
On account of the delays in the cause, the lawyers have again cited the King, and the citation is published as well as the brief in the audience "de contradittas." Asks the Emperor to cause it to be intimated in Bruges or Dunkirk.
Hoped for more light in the cause from Spain than has been sent, but does not now expect any more, as the end of making articles has come. Has caused the articles to be made, in which all the Emperor's good servants here have been fleeced. Will send them to Spain with the compulsorias. Some of the acts and depositions are sent there, and some to England. Does not think they will be of much use. Before all things it is necessary to have the process which was made in England, because the cause here is principally an appeal, interposed by the Queen, and it cannot be judged without the first acts. Gives two methods of obtaining them.
Has heard that the marquis of Mantua has taken away the subscriptions from Casale as he was passing through his territory, and has written to ask him for them.
Don Sancho de la Cavalleria tells him that his father, who was a great lawyer, wrote in a similar case for the King Catholic. Has written to the governor of Arragon to send the writings. The Imperial ambassador in England wrote this summer that in the library of St. Dominic in Paris, there is a book of Peter de Palude, which is alleged on the other side, but which is really in the Queen's favor. Got the Pope to write about it to his nuncio in France, and he has sent another book, which does not refer to the case.
His Holiness has now ordered an authentic extract to be made. This must be done directly, as many leaves are missing from the book. Rome, 10 Jan. 1531.
Sp., pp. 7. Modern copy from Simancas.
10 Jan.
Vienna. Archives.
40. Chapuys to Charles V.
On Sunday, the 8th, I received letters from the Council of the Low Countries, desiring me to present to the King those which they had written, notifying the time of the exequies of Madame, and that I should ascertain if the King intended to commission any one to be present. After dinner, I went to the Court at Greenwich, where I found the Duke at table with the French ambassadors, the earl of Wiltshire, and some others. On my entry the Duke and Earl rose and talked with me, and immediately afterwards the treasurer and the chief secretary came. The French, either from being left alone or having got a hint, retired to their chamber. The Duke and the others expressed great pleasure at my coming, and asked why I had not passed the holidays there, saying many agreeable things about the amity.
Meanwhile the King, having dined with the Queen, returned into his chamber, whither the Duke conducted me, and he gave me a very good reception. On declaring my charge, he asked, before reading his letters, who was the governor of Flanders. I said I could not tell for certain, but he might imagine that your Majesty would take great pains to provide for it, as your subjects there were so loyal that in the last war of Gueldres they had furnished 1,800,000 florins.
On hearing this, the King remained awhile thoughtful, and said that at that rate the country must be left very poor; and, to break off this conversation, which he did not like, though I had said it on purpose, he began to read his letters. Seeing that the term of the said exequies was brief, he said it would be impossible to send a man express; and after communicating with his Council, he would write to Master John Acquet how to conduct himself on the occasion. This he has done, and has since sent me the letter at midnight. The King then said, as he had not yet heard of the election of the king of Hungary as king of the Romans, it ought not to be done; and, considering the difficulties in this case, he had always thought it would not take place as proposed, and he knew how troubled the affairs of Germany are at such a time; saying that formerly he would have been preferred to your Majesty, if he had chosen, but that he had yielded his votes to you, and that the late emperor Maximilian was anxious to obtain the Imperial dignity for him;—on which he praised greatly the virtues of the said late Emperor, especially the gratitude he showed to his friends. He was very near saying that your Majesty was not so grateful; but, on remembering our late conversation, he moderated his language, although I remarked that your Majesty was the true heir of the said late Emperor, provided that reasonable things were asked of you. To this he made no other reply than that as to what was reasonable your Majesty must refer to those who understood the business. I replied that you were less self-willed, and more governed by good counsel than any prince in the world : to which observation he made no answer. The King afterwards told me that William des Barres had gone to you about some dispute which you had with Francis touching the goods that were consigned in Flanders; and on my reply, he confessed that there could be no dispute about goods which should dissolve the amity. The King then asked me for news of Hungary, and said it was in vain to provide for resistance to the Turk, for, even if he were captured, there would be tomorrow another Turk; and the only effectual thing would be a good union to attack him in his own country, and go on to the Holy Land. I said, as to the last, he knew well that you desired nothing better, which was one of the causes why your Majesty had left Spain, and that you had already got Germany to agree to the said enterprise. He said that the principal part would belong to your Majesty, for several reasons, especially because you had the money of the King his brother (so he calls Francis), and have not left him a penny (ung blanc). And on my saying that I had no doubt that he would like to take part in such a glory, he applauded me, without saying Yes or No. As to the first, he was persuaded that when one battle was gained against the Turk, the whole country would be conquered. The King asked me about German news, and I gave him the substance, except the conditions, that he might not have an opening for discussion, and concluding that all went well enough, except the matter of Luther. He said to me, en passant, and half between his teeth, that the Council would remedy that. He said he had not had news for a long time from Germany, although I told him the Duke had shown me a letter from his ambassador, tolerably recent;—of which he pretended to be ignorant; and for once that he denied having letters from that quarter, he has told me six times that he had despatches from Rome. As I saw he only said so that I might ask his news, and I found the more I discussed the matter of the divorce, the more it encouraged him, I determined not to begin, but to dissemble the affair of the Council if he should speak about it, for by so doing he is thrown into suspicion. After some other conversation, they gave me leave to speak to the Queen, who was very glad that I did not enter upon her case, for the reason above mentioned. I declared to her particularly the order and progress it was necessary to take to prevent this affair of the Parliament; with which she expressed herself satisfied, and said she would write to the queen of France, as I have lately informed your Majesty. I left her very much consoled, and resolved more than ever to comply with all acts which may be expedient in her interest.
It is long since they have held such lengthy communications with the ambassadors of France; for since the second day of Christmas, all but one or two they have always been at court, and almost always in conference, so that there was scarcely one of the Council of whom one could get a word, until after the despatch of the said ambassadors. I have written to your Majesty of this before. I have since heard from the Queen and others that the King was going to give John Joquin a bishopric, or rather one of the bishoprics held by the Cardinal, and that he was not only going to muddle the affairs of the court of France, but was also going to Rome. I have been told he had proposed "de reprendre les viellies [promesses ?] brisees du marchief (mariage ?) dont jadis fus porparle," of a son of the French king with the Pope's niece.
I should suspect also that he has made some overture for a marriage between the duke Alexander and the princess of England, to amuse the Pope; but I have not been able to hear anything of it. There is more danger lest he should intrigue in France or at Rome about the Council, for previously he was well disposed to it; but three or four days ago he said to the ambassador of Milan that nothing but mischief could arise from it as from other Councils.
I have just received your letter of the 3rd inst. As to the protestations and appellations necessary for the Queen, they are already far advanced. As to your opinion that the King cannot be so blind as to intend proceeding de facto, there are certainly greater reasons than ever to make him refrain from his intention, and I can hardly believe that he dares proceed. The Queen, however, has often wondered at my incredulity. I think the discussion (la dispute) can be prevented, but under any circumstances order will be taken, even if it take place, that no prejudice result from it to the Queen.
The English have no wish that the Queen should defend herself, for yesterday the duke of Norfolk wrote a letter to the Queen's proctor that he should immediately retire to a castle at a distance from this, and wait the King's pleasure.
The proctor, who is a good man, is much surprised, and thinks it can only be to keep him at a distance during the Parliament. London, 10 Jan.
Hol., Fr., pp. 7, from a modern copy.
11 Jan.
Add. MS. 28,532, f. 291. B. M.
41. John Antony Muxetula to Charles V.
The duke of Albany says that it seems well to his king (Francis) that before the Council is held he should go to the Emperor in Flanders, or some place in Italy, where the Pope might meet them, and discuss what is to be done at the Council. The king of France has ordered him to say this to the Pope. His Holiness has assured Muxetula that he will do what the Emperor thinks best, and not care for France or any one else.
Every day and hour suspicions and doubts about the Council are put before the Pope, who is naturally suspicious, but he is daily more determined to follow the Emperor's judgment. Rome, 11 Jan. 1531.
Sp., pp. 2, modern copy.
12 Jan.
Simancas MS.
42. The Empress to Charles V.
In the case of the queen of England all diligence is being used. The opinions of the audiences and other persons who have written on the matter since the departure of Ortiz will be sent to Rome by the first courier. He took many other opinions with him.
Sp., p. 1, modern copy. Headed : Copia de un parrafo descifrado de carta original de la Emperatriz al Emperador, fecha en Ocaña a 12 de Enero, de 1531.
12 Jan.
Add. MS. 28,582, f. 292. B. M. Ib., f. 320.
43. Muxetula to Charles V.
Conversation with the Pope about the marriage of his niece with the son of the French king, which the duke of Albany is urging, and about the Council.
The briefs necessary for the English matter are despatched. The Pope has replied to the letter of the king of England in such a manner that he will know he did not write as he ought. Has procured that the Pope will send one of the briefs to his Nuncio, for him to present, if necessary, that nothing may be done in England to prejudice the case before the Pope, and that the Pope may seem to interfere somewhat unwillingly (y porque el papa venia en esto algo renitente) in order not to increase the King's suspicions.
He has not omitted to let the King know that he ought and can do this without giving just suspicion, because he must see that nothing is done to prejudice the cause now before his Holiness. Rome, 12 Jan. 1531.
Sp., pp. 7, modern copy.
12 Jan.
Add. MS. 28,582, f. 299. B. M.
44. Mai to Francis De Los Covos, Comendador Mayor of Leon, and First Secretary of State.
"Has retained the courier one day, because the Pope, the cardinal of Osma, and Pedro de la Cueva had not yet concluded their letters. Of the brief of the Pope a duplicate has been made last night. Encloses it, together with a letter of his Holiness for the Nuncio in England. The affair is now assured. But as it may be that orders and counter orders have been given, begs him to take the precautions of which he writes in his other letter in order that the intimation be made without delay; otherwise the Nuncio might delay it longer than even the Pope has permitted him to delay it.
"Written on the margin : No.
"Rome, 12 Jan. 1531."
English abstract from the original letter in cipher, with contemporary decipher.
13 Jan.
Vienna Archives.
45. Chapuys to Charles V.
On the 11th the King received letters from Rome of 20 Dec., which did not please him much, nor the Lady either. Last night the duke of Norfolk sent to me to come this morning and speak with him at the church of the Jacobins, where I found him, and the Treasurer, and Dr. Stephen, chief secretary. Retiring to a private chapel, the Duke said he wished to inform me, both as your ambassador and as a friend of peace, of a constitution made by the States of the realm, and heretofore published, against bringing bulls or provisions from Rome; and said that two days ago he was informed that the Pope had, at the solicitation of the Queen's friends, sent them some very injurious mandates, which, if the Pope himself came to execute in person, nothing could save him from the fury of the people. He therefore begged me, if they came to my hands, to do nothing to execute them. He then said that the Popes in former times had tried to usurp authority, and that the people would not suffer it,—still less would they do so now; that the King had a right of empire in his kingdom, and recognised no superior; that there had been an Englishman who had conquered Rome, to wit, Brennus; that Constantine reigned here, and the mother of Constantine was English, &c. I thanked the Duke for his good will in telling me this, and said my curiosity had not led me to inquire into their affairs or constitutions, which I consider did not bind the minister of your Majesty. As to the rights claimed by the Pope here, although I had learned something about them in their own chronicles, I did not wish to enter into the subject; but the authority which the Pope could exercise against disobedient kings and realms was notorious, and had been exercised in our times,—on which subject they might address themselves to the Nuncio; and I thought they would do better to eradicate the cause which moved the Pope to issue those injunctions. I also said they might be sure your Majesty would not allow anything unreasonable to be done against the King, whose realm you would protect like your own, but that if I received your commands I would certainly do my best to execute them, come what might. The Church was not so reduced in power that it had no followers to protect truth and justice. They replied that they did not mean to speak about your Majesty; but as to the Pope, they did not hope for justice from him, for, if he had been so minded, he might have allowed the King to take another wife, as he had done to other princes. They did not name them; but, as I supposed they meant king Charles [VIII.] and Louis [XII.] of France, and the last Ladislaus king of Hungary, I pointed out the differences of the cases; and when they said that the judgment properly belonged to the archbishop of Canterbury, I showed them the contrary. Nevertheless, it seemed that God had blinded them in this matter, when, hoping to advance the cause, they made the said Archbishop and other prelates sign letters addressed to the Pope, which alone incapacitate them from being judges in the case. Finding they were disposed to listen, I took the opportunity of telling them part of my opinion upon the divorce, which I had hitherto withheld. I said they might be assured that if your Majesty, who, from the number and separation of your kingdoms, has more need of a plurality of children, had been not only in the King's position, but even in full liberty to marry, and had a daughter like the Princess, and if the King had prayed your Majesty as earnestly as you had prayed him (la, query for le?) in order to avoid the scandal and inconveniences, of which the Duke himself had spoken to me, you would have refrained from marrying again. I remarked, besides, that by marrying the Princess, he would be able to choose a successor more surely than nature would give him one, with good hope of having shortly male issue; and if it was true, as the Duke had told me, that the lawful title that the King has in this realm proceeded from a woman, namely, his mother, this course was all the more reasonable. To this the Duke was unable to reply, except very coldly, that still the King would marry if he could.
I said also that your Majesty and the Queen had more occasion to be dissatisfied with the Pope in this affair than the King had, whom he had gratified as much as he could. The Duke, referring to the Council, said the Pope might not get much benefit from it. I said they themselves, though they did not know it, had been partly the cause why the Pope had not so readily consented to the Council, that he might justify himself from various calumnies they had published about him, and show that he had given no occasion to the King to do anything against him or the Church, and that his Holiness acted like a good pastor, who, instead of being judge of all the world, wished to submit to all the world's judgment. The Duke answered that the Pope had no jurisdiction, except in matters of heresy. Notwithstanding the friendship between your Majesty and the Pope, I would not have gone so far in defending his Holiness, but that the conversation led me to it. My words were taken in good part, and the Duke said he had lately shown the ambassadors of France the seal or the tomb (le sceau ou la sepulture) of King Arthur, (I did not know of whom he spoke,) in which there was a writing, which I would see in a bill of parchment, which he took out of his purse, saying that he had had it copied out for me. This bill contained only the words "Patricius Arcturus, Britanniæ, Galliæ, Germaniæ, Daciæ Imperator." I said I was sorry he was not also called Emperor of Asia, and that he had not left this King as his successor; for, as there was a vicissitude in all things, it was probable enough that a king of England subjugated part of the provinces there named, since from them had come men who had long ruled over this kingdom, and the line of William of Normandy still endured; and if from this he argued that they might still make conquests like the said Arthur, let him consider what had become of the Assyrians, Macedonians, Persians, &c. In the end I told him I thought the King would do well to allow execution of Papal mandates to be intimated to him and two or three persons whom the matter concerned, after the example of Philip father of Alexander the Great, who would not expel from his house one who continually reviled him, because he preferred that he should continue to revile him, and state his case, rather than that he should go publishing it throughout the world : for if the King hindered the execution here, the mandates would probably be printed and published everywhere. To this they made no reply. Advises that if the King persist, the mandates should be printed. Today the duke of Norfolk has notified the Nuncio of the penalties attending execution being made here against the King, and said that he was very much surprised, considering the good words his Holiness had held to card. Grammont, that he ordered the cause to be proceeded with, and further that he wished to make certain provisions and mandates injurious to the prerogative of the King and kingdom, seeing that he had long ago warned the Nuncio that the King would not proceed de facto in this affair, and there was less appearance of his proceeding in it now than ever, whatever they might say. The Nuncio had no leisure to make much reply, except that he knew nothing about the mandates; but if the Pope sent them to him to execute, he would face death in the service of his master. The Nuncio went today, at my request, to the archbishop of Canterbury, to exhort him to have regard to God, his conscience, and the Pope's authority. While they were together, there arrived the King's confessor, (fn. 3) one of the promoters of this affair; and the Archbishop could only say that the King had come in person to his house to induce him to comply with his wishes, but he would on no account disobey the Pope's prohibition, as he would declare more fully on Tuesday next. The Nuncio has not yet been able to obtain any answer to the brief (au brefz) which he has presented to the King touching the calling of a Council, and doubts if he will have any till they know the will of the French king.
The messenger who carried it to the king of Scotland has not yet returned, but is expected hourly. I hear the King was never in greater perplexity than since the last news from Rome, and that neither he nor the Lady sleeps at nights.
Yesterday the prelates were assembled to consider what was to be treated in Parliament; but no mention was made of the Queen's affair, which, taken with what the duke of Norfolk said to the Nuncio, shows that they will not put this matter forward.
It is thought that Parliament will last a very short time, and be prorogued. I am told that when John Joquin was on the point of departure, and his despatches were delivered to him, he demanded a memorandum which he had delivered to the King, and the secretary told him they would send it after him, for the King had it, and was then in bed. At which being very angry, he said there was no excuse for it, and that he would not go without it. They were obliged to wake the King to give it him, and when he got it back he threw it in the fire. I am also told that on the English ambassador desiring Francis to make a strict alliance with them, he answered that all pleasures and courtesies would be done to them, but they must not expect him to enter into war (mais que nestoit question dentendre en partir de guerre). The 4,000 or 5,000 crowns which were delivered a year ago to a German, as I wrote to you, have been employed in trying to procure opinions in Germany in the King's favor; but Luther and his followers have declared against him, which has increased the King's headache and restlessness. London, 13 Jan.
Hol., Fr., pp. 8, from a modern copy.
13 Jan.
Viv. Opera, VII. 134.
46. Vives to Henry VIII.
Has not heard from him for three years, nor from the Queen for a long time, but heartily desires to see them both. Sends the books which he wrote about his marriage when in England at the desire of the cardinal of York. Begs him to consider the danger of his present course, and of incurring the enmity of the Emperor now that the Turk is victorious. If the King's object is to have a son as heir to the Crown, he might choose a suitable person to marry his daughter.
If he were to marry another wife, there is no certainty that he would have a son, or that a son would live. A new marriage would leave the succession doubtful, and afford grounds for civil war. Is moved to write by his duty to the King, love to England, where he was so kindly received, and anxiety for the quiet of Christendom.—Bruges, 13 Jan. 1531.
15 Jan.
R. O. Rym.XIV.409.
47. Cardinal's College, Oxford.
Grant by John Higdon, S.T.P., dean of Wolsey's College, Oxford, to the King, of the manors of Sampford or Saundforde, Horsepath, Lytlemore, Temple Cowley, &c., in cos. Oxon. and Berks, and the advowson of the prebend of Blewbery in Salisbury cathedral; a messuage in Chaunceler Lane, in the suburbs of London, lying between the messuage in the tenure of the Six Clerks on the north, and Ballard's Lane on the south, and abutting on the highway called Chanceller Lane on the east, and the field called Thicketfield on the west, as held by the dean and canons of the gift of Sir William Weston, prior of St. John's. Dated in the College Chapel, 15 Jan. 1530.
Corrected draft, written on a roll of paper.
R. O. 2. "The yearly value of all the monasteries suppressed." Total, 1,826l. 13s. 4d. Total of fines, 1,210l.
P. 1.
R. O. 3. "The value of the lands, spiritual and temporal, assigned unto the King's College in Oxford, as it appeareth by the King's letters patents, viz., the suppressed monasteries of St. Frideswide's, Litlemore, Daventre, and Tykford, the parsonage of Rudby, and the prebend of Wetwange. Total, 797l. 18s. 5½d.
P. 1. Endd.
R. O. 4. Lands assigned to the school at Ipswich, in the King's hands, belonging to the possessions of St. Peter's, Ipswich, Snape, and Tonbridge, and lands acquired from Sir George Throgmerton at Raunston.
Pp. 2. Endd.
R. O. 5. Lands in the King's hands assigned to the college at Oxford, Windsor, and Ipswich, to Sir Will. Fitzwilliam, Rob. Downes, Sir Thos. Clyfford, Sir — Huddelston, Adrian Fortescue, Sir Ric. Page, [Sir Francis Bryan (fn. 4),] Sir Anthony Ughtred, John Pen, the prior of Shene, the abbot of Waltham, the prior of St. John's, Christ's College, Cambridge, the monasteries of St. Alban's and St. Peter's, Gloucester, and Sir John Gage.
Pp. 25. Endd. : Londes assigned unto divers persons for exchange of other lands.
R. O. 6. Memoranda by Cromwell. Overwynchyndon, in the county of Bucks, a manor place somewhat in ruins. A goodly pasture, containing by estimation 400 acres. Arable land, meadow, common. The parsonages of Bryll, Woornall, Okley, and Borstall.
P. 1. In Cromwell's hand.


  • 1. i.e. in the absence of one of the parties.
  • 2. que es harto.
  • 3. John Longland, bishop of Lincoln.
  • 4. The lands assigned to him are crossed out.