Henry VIII: August 1534, 26-31

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 7, 1534. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1883.

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'Henry VIII: August 1534, 26-31', Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 7, 1534, (London, 1883), pp. 421-433. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol7/pp421-433 [accessed 19 June 2024].

. "Henry VIII: August 1534, 26-31", in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 7, 1534, (London, 1883) 421-433. British History Online, accessed June 19, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol7/pp421-433.

. "Henry VIII: August 1534, 26-31", Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 7, 1534, (London, 1883). 421-433. British History Online. Web. 19 June 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol7/pp421-433.


August 1534, 26–31

26 Aug. 1087. William Brabazon, Under-Treasurer of Ireland.
See Grants in August, No. 12.
26 Aug. 1088. [Richard Pate] to Lord Lisle.
R. O. I shall never forget your undeserved kindness. The news we have here is that Barbarossa, captain general for the Turk at sea, is departed from Constantinople with a great power and much riches to do such hurt to Christendom as he may. The Turk bears all his charges, and gives him all that he can get. He roves about Naples, where he was seen with eight score galleys, intending, it was supposed, to come to Tunis, which is a kingdom in Barbary straight against Sicily ; which if he obtain, he may easily attack Sicily, Spain, Naples, Calabria and [Ap]ulia, and return when he will. The Emperor has strengthened the sea coasts of Spain, Italy and Sicily, and has sent out Andrea Doria with three score galleys. God be his good fortune. The Turk himself has gone to Persia against the Sophy. The Pope has been very ill, and lay three days speechless, but now news is brought that he is in the way of recovery. He has sent to the Emperor 10 galleys to help him in this dangerous time. Sends commendations, as unacquainted, to lady Lisle. Paredes, 26 Aug.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Deputy of Calais. Endd.: Mr. Pattys, 26 Aug. 1534.
26 Aug. 1089. Thomas Bedyll to Cromwell.
R. O. Has written to him twice or thrice since he left London. Would have been glad to have had two or three lines in reply but for his great occupation. Writes on the subject of Ralph Leche, for whom Cromwell had obtained the farm of the parsonage of Chesterfield from the executors of Edw. Basford, ordering that his brother-in-law John Lekke should not interfere, but permit that John Brabazon should inn the tithes till next term. Leke on some encouragement from Hyndes Hertington has disobeyed your order. Sends a letter addressed to Ralph Leche. Otford, 26 Aug.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd.
28 Aug. 1090. Thomas Bedyll to Cromwell.
R. O. St. P. I. 422. Laments the obstinacy of divers religious men addict to the bishop of Rome. But for the opinion men have of their holiness, wishes they were dead. Refers not only to some of the Charterhouse, but to some of the friars of Sion, who are willing to sacrifice themselves for the great idol of Rome. Yesterday Mr. Mores, surveyor of the lands of Sion, came to me at Otford to report what he had learned from the confessor of that house as to the preaching of the King's title. The confessor himself preached twice since my lord of London and I were at Sion, and did his duty; so also did master David Curson twice, except that once he brought in the words mea culpa out of frame—perhaps by inadvertence. On Sunday last one Whitford preached,—one of the most wilful,—and said nothing of the King's title; on St. Bartholomew's day, one Ricot, who did as he was commanded, but added that he who so commanded him should discharge his conscience. Supposes he meant the bishop of London or the confessor. Nine of the brethren immediately left, viz., Coppinger, Lache (a very wilful and seditious person in this cause), Letell, Bisshop, Parker, Browne, Turlington, Androw and Bowell. Suggests whether it would not be better till Cromwell's return to London to command them to surcease all preaching, or to see that those who do preach do their duty, and that others do not flee from the sermon. Advises that friar Whitford and Lache should be attached as heads of their faction. Has forborne hitherto to punish their lewd behaviour at Sion in the hope of a reformation, but must now certify their malice. It would be well that some of the King's servants thereabouts were ordered to be present at their sermons and report them. The confessor and some of the wisest brethren at Sion, the abbess and all her sisters are satisfied with the King's title; but it is feared some of the friars will attempt to escape.
The brethren of the Charterhouse of London have got a friend to write to me wishing my lord of London to come thither again before you come to London and me to come with him, as they think it likely they will be brought to good conformity. Will do so if commanded; otherwise will not meddle, as he has already labored so much in vain. Otford, 28 Aug.
Hol. Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd.
1091. John Pyzaunt to Sir John Alayn, Alderman of London.
R. O. I have written to you in our present trouble. You know in what trouble our religion is, and like, through some of us, to be utterly destroyed. Considering the familiarity between you and Mr. Secretary, I think you may help us, not that I would desire you to speak except we were inclined to the Prince's mind. Many of us will gladly obey the King on this point, as it is not against the Scripture. The others I think will rather die from a little scrupulosity of conscience, and would not give way, for sorrow and despair of salvation, losing, peradventure, both body and soul, which were greatly to be lamented. It is an opinion inveterate in their hearts, which is impossible to be plucked out suddenly; but many things come to pass in time. For these men I would desire you in Christ to speak some good word, that they might be suffered and borne with. They will not do or say anything that shall sound contrary to the King's prerogative. For the love of God accomplish this needful request. I have written this letter to you rashly, and should rather have used deliberation; but need knows no law, and our case is urgent. Shene, this present Tuesday.
P.S.—If you please to walk over our house, you shall be heartily welcome to our father prior, and have such poor cheer as he can make you.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.
1092. Robert Rygote to [Henry VIII.]
R. O. God loves the people of England by having ordained you to reign over them. I was sometime scholar to your grandmother. After that I was a priest a Syon, and before I had been there a year I was upbraided that I had entered not lawfully; “for the which I had conscience for to tarry there, for if a man have a benefice unlawfully, he may and ought lawfully leave it. So I have many times desired that I might leave my room and honestly depart. I could not obtain my purpose, for the bishop of Rome hath granted the privilege to keep men professed whether they will or no.” I beg you will charge the father of Syon to let me depart lovingly. I have prayed for your majesty as supreme head of the Church of England, next under Christ, and for so doing have been called wretch and heretic.
Hol., pp. 2.
1093. William Broke and B. Burgoyn to the Father Confessor of Syon.
Cleop. E. IV. 38*. B. M. We have heard from our father prior of the pains which you take with our two brethren now with you, for which we thank you, and think St. Paul's words verified in you: Charitas non quærit quæ sua sunt, &c. Have not forgotten your pains, patience and longanimity when we were with you, and how hard it was to follow your counsel, but in process of time we did so. We suppose it to be the same with our two brethren, and we desire you to continue your patience to them. Glad would we be to hear that they would surrender their wits and consciences to you, that they might come home, and as bright lanterns show the light of religious conversation among us. If it chance otherwise, we would they had never come to you. We cannot be fully merry till we hear some good tidings of them. Salute in our names your sons of Syon and our brethren of the Charter-house. From the Charterhouse at London, Tuesday, early in the morning. Signed.
P. 1. Add. Endd.
28 Aug. 1094. G. Earl of Shrewsbury to Cromwell
R. O. The monastery of Hulton is now destitute of a head, the late abbot being elected abbot of Vale Royal, and I am informed all or most of the brethren would give their voices to dan Wm. Chalner of their own house, for his good living and wisdom. I beg you therefore to be his good master. Sheffield Castle, 28 Aug. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
29 Aug. 1095. Chapuys to Charles V.
Vienna Archives. I suppose your majesty has been fully informed of the success of the revolt of young Kildare; nevertheless I may mention a few particulars. According to the rumor in Court, he has now at his devotion all or nearly all the lords that the King used to have in Ireland, unless it be the earl of Ossory (Dansrey), whom for some reason he will not yet press, and the grand prior of St. John's. He has given order, on pain of death, that all the English shall leave the country in a certain time. Those of the towns where he has entered have sworn fealty to the Pope, to your majesty and to him: the rest of the towns, where he had not yet been, were summoned to do the like, and it is expected they will without further pressure. All the English fishermen that he can lay hands on he puts to death, to frighten the others from coming there, knowing the great importance to the English of the fishery of that coast, which is of such importance that those of Cornwall, as I am told, would rather lose their tin mines than the right of the said fishery. The report is also common that there is an ambassador of your majesty in Ireland, about which I have been much questioned, and have said I did not know, and that if it were so, it might be to remedy some new attempt of the Irish against the Spaniards there. From the presumption above mentioned that your majesty has better information, I have not inquired of these news very minutely, but I will keep the subject in view. The King has been trying to dissemble matters, both, as I suspect, for fear this people should take example from the others, and also in the hope of setting things right by gentleness, promising Kildare the deliverance of his father and himself, pardon both for the archbishop's murder and for all the rest; but he refuses all amity. The King, therefore, within the last five or six days has ordered his Council and some other persons to come to him at 40 miles from here to consider of a remedy, and I am told this morning that he has ordered six vessels to be got ready, and was going to send 12,000 men thither under the charge of Suffolk or of my lord Felix(?), governor of Wales, although some think, whatever those here pretend, they will scarcely send thither this winter, for it is already late in the season, and it will require a long time to gather the said number of men, who will not readily go where there is nothing to be got but blows; and, moreover, if Kildare held as much as they say he does, they will require to send three times the number, and lay in an enormous store of victuals, which cannot be done all at once. It is inconceivable how people are delighted at the success of these affairs in Ireland, thinking it a very good beginning to remedy matters here. Still less can you imagine their anxiety lest your majesty should lose so good an opportunity. Every day I am importuned to write to you about it from innumerable quarters, and am assured that on the least rising got up by your majesty the whole realm would declare in your favor. This was again declared to me yesterday by a good and virtuous lord, who though he was very ill, sent to me to beg that I would meet him in the fields as if by accident, which I did; and he told me that eight days since Cromwell, among other matters, said to him it was folly to fear that your majesty would attempt war, for neither Flanders nor Spain would ever consent to it, for fear of their trade, or, if that did not serve, the death of the Queen and Princess would put an end to all disputes. You will thus see that their aim is to get rid of these ladies. I therefore answered, in order that he might show it to Cromwell, what I had once told the King himself, that if the said ladies were to die, your majesty would have a still more righteous quarrel than now, which reasons the said lord was very glad to hear, that he might use them to Cromwell and others. The same language that Cromwell used about the death of the said ladies, the earl of Wiltshire also used lately to one who told him that your majesty might be angry at their illtreatment. Some fear that in the coming parliament, which will reassemble in November, the King will get them to declare the Queen and Princess to have incurred the penalty in the statute made against them, so as to have grounds for treating them still worse.
The Princess, understanding of late that the King intended she should remove and accompany the Bastard, sent to me three times in less than 24 hours to know what to do. I wrote back to her each time resolving her seruples that even if she did obey the King without opposition or protestation, all that the King desired in the respect could do no prejudice to the protestations already made. Nevertheless I thought that, to prevent her father and his lady imagining she was worn-out and conquered by illtreatment, she should speak boldly and with her accustomed modesty, but not go to the extremity of allowing herself to be taken by force, as on the former occasion. I wrote to her at full length what she ought to say; not that it was necessary, considering her good sense, but because she desired me. She played her part so well, that the Comptroller promised her she should not go after the other. Nevertheless, on her coming to the first door of the lodging there was the litter of the Bastard, and the Princess was compelled to go out after her, the Comptroller allowing her, as soon as she mounted, to go before or after, as she pleased; on which account she suddenly pushed forward, and arrived at Greenwich about an hour before the Bastard. When she came to enter the barge, she took care to secure the most honorable place. I had intimated to her that I would go to Greenwich to see her pass; and she sent to beg me to do so as earnestly as she could. I was there accordingly in disguise; and it was a great pleasure to see such excellent beauty accompanied by heroic bearing, which all the more increased the pity to see her so treated.
The ambassadors of Lubeck, I understand, are very weary at being kept here so long, and say plainly that if they had known it they would not have come on any account. They expected to have obtained a loan of money from the King for their war with Denmark, which the King offered to give provided the Easterlings would make it their own debt. But this has not been agreed to; and I expect they will get no money. The courier who, as I lately wrote, had left for Rome, finding in the French Court that the Pope was not dead, went no further. Gregory de Casal stayed at the said Court for the same reason, and I think will go straight to Venice, to reside there as the King's ambassador, and his brother, who was there, will go to the Waywode, by whose means some think this king will intrigue with the Turk if he can, to your prejudice.
All the Observants of this kingdom have been driven out of their monasteries for refusing the oath against the Holy See, and have been distributed in several monasteries, where they are locked up in chains and worse treated than they could be in prison. London, 29 Aug. 1534.
Fr. From a modern copy, pp. 6.
29 Aug. 1096. Sir Philip Draycot to Cromwell.
R. O. Is informed that one Clalner (Chalner), a monk of Hulton, Staffordshire, “where I am steward,” will make suit to Cromwell to be master of the same, and is supported by the abbot of Crokesden, his brother, my lord Steward (fn. 1) and the bishop of Chester. Instead of being a good man, as he will be reported, he is very vicious and exceedingly drunken. The wisest priests in the house, as Johnson and Cradok, will in nowise consent thereto, and desired me to write to you that if any convent seal comes in favour of Chalner, it is against their wills. There is none in the house fit to hold that room but is too old or too young. It is so poor and ruinous that, seeing the variance amongst them, it would be better to put over them some good monk of another house that will bring them into good rule; and because I tender its welfare more than its money or the favor of any, I am bold to write the truth. Peynsley, 29 Aug.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
29 Aug. 1097. Peace with Scotland.
Harl. MS. 442, f. 123. B. M. Soc. Ant. 71. Proclamation of the peace with Scotland. With writ to the mayor and sheriffs of London. Dated Westm., 29 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII.
Later copy, pp. 2.
1bid. f. 124. Soc. Ant. 71*. Account of the publishing of the said proclamation by Windsor Herald in the presence of Mr. Forman and Sir Thos. Kitson, sheriffs, at St. Magnus, London Bridge, at Leadenhall, at the Standard in Cheape, and at the Conduite in Fleet Street.
Later copy, pp.?
29 Aug. 1098. Melanchthon to Joachim Camerarius.
Corp. Ref. II. 783. Wrote lately what Pontanas had answered about the Prince's opinion of that profitable matter. Does not altogether approve such a use of money.
Has much news of English and French affairs. Will discuss them with him if anything happens, as he suspects. Is called thither by important matters. Wonderful things have been seen in the sky in Belgium, a besieged city, Cæsar, and a lion on the back of a camel (leonis jacentis in tergo cameli). 1 cal. Sept.
30 Aug. 1099. Henry VIII. to the City of Waterford.
Lamb. 632. f. 262. Thanks them for their resistance to Thomas FitzGerrott. Promises to send succour shortly. Woodstock, 30 Aug.
Copy, p. 1.
[30 Aug.] 1100. [Sir Clement West to Cromwell]
Otho, C. IX. (172). B. M. “[It] may please you this for advise the xxj. [August] departed this present life the great master (fn. 2) [who] wrongfully persecuted me and Sir Oswold Maray[ngberd], who at his departure would not pardon be . . . . . . words or like in substance, Je pardone totes[les fre]rys, except Lynglese, Oswold and the other . . . . . . . . that made the rebellion and slew six men . . . . . and none with him but one page and ma . . . . . . . . of the eight nations nother dyspropyrment (fn. 3) . . . . . . . . . it was thought he had there c. ml. d . . . . . . . . . xv. ml. A chapel in Pares cost a c. m. [and men] sey lx. ml. will not finish it. O w. . . . . . . . . . . . hath he brought into misery.
“The xxvj. hereof by election (fn. 4) was m[ade great] master an Italian, bayly of St. [Euphemia] in Calabre, a wise man and esteemed . . . . . . . . substance, in age 75, in time p[a]st . . . . . my friend, and yet trust. Where, Sir, and y[t is] your pleasure that I may presume off . . . . . . . . . ought desert to move his Highn[ess to be so] good and gracious to direct his m . . . . . . . . . . . . letters for the restoring of Sir Osw[old] . . . . . . . as we were all way bounden y . . . . . . . . . . . . . . it may please you to command . . . . . . . . . . . . [where]as by other I yn (sic) advised you the Soffe h[ath b]etyn a bateyll of the Torkes, it affirmed s . . . . . . . . hath done twain (fn. 5) and sent forth Braba Rouse [with] 82 sail to fortify Coron and Modon, and d . . . . . . . Crystenmen for descending behind him a . . . . . . to revenge the ill Andryw Doryo did in Mo[rea]; and all hath he done. For in the beginning of . . . . . . . . . . he lay before Regyo, in the fare of Myssyna, [and] nine galleys of Andryw Doryus went and shot [against] him artillery at large, and there lay behyn[d him] three ships of Spain without men, lo[aded] with merchandise, and burned them , and wen[t a]longe the coast of Calabyr and put three pla[ces t]o fire and sword, and now layeth siege to Gayet[ta i]n Naples.
“[A] lord of Almayn said to me three dukes (fn. 6) ha[ve p]ut don Fernando king of Hongre to dyscomfy[t i]n battle.
“[T]hys night here was set to land a man that [sa]ys two galyons [of Andrew Doria] and six galyottes hath taken [t]he Rodys, as more follows shall presume to send you part.” Malta . . . . . . . . 1534. (fn. 7)
Hol., mutilated.
30 Aug. 1101. Sir Clement West to Henry VIII.
Otho, C. IX. (178) B. M. To the same effect. Malta, 30 Aug. a. m1. . . . . . .
Hol., pp. 3, mutilated. Add.
30 Aug. 1102. Sir Wm. Skeffington to Cromwell.
R. O. I have sent Leonard Skeffington with instructions, divers of them concerning myself. I beg you to remember the abbot's and prior's lands in Skeffyngton, which two of them knit themselves to keep from me. Let Ouxley be sent to me, or “else I am utterly unpurveyed in trust of him.” Chester, 30 Aug. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Mr. Secretary.
31 Aug. 1103. Henry [Marquis of] Dorset to Cromwell.
Vesp. F. XIII. 102 b. B. M. There is a case before the lord Chancellor and Cromwell, between the prioress of Nuneaton and the tenants of the lord of St. John at Coton, Warwickshire, who claim as common a ground which the prioress has sowed this year. On Lammas day the tenants broke down the enclosure and destroyed the corn. Being steward of the house, has called in counsel, and find that the prioress has been wronged. Sends copies of the bills put in by the inhabitants. Asks him to provide some remedy or stay till the matter is determined. Asteley, 31 Aug. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Master Cromwell, chief secretary to the King.
31 Aug. 1104. Archbishop Lee to Cromwell.
R. O. I have received your letters of 23 Aug. expressing disbelief in what I heard, as I did not name my author. Sometimes honesty will not suffer us to disclose by whom we have heard things that touch us, and sometimes it might be taken that disclosing the names should proceed of no good mind, which partly prevented me from writing “who made that report upon your head.” To show you that I do not feign, nor intend to make a quarrel, I was first told by a servant of my own that Sir Arthur Darey bade one Anthony Hamond, my officer, tell me what I wrote to you in my former letter. Afterwards I heard from another whose name honesty will not allow me to disclose, that Sir Arthur spoke these words openly in company. My informant is a right honest gentleman who owes you his hearty service, and told me this in answer to a question. Hamond says that Darey required him to tell me these words as my friend.
I did not write that you had communication of me in presence of Mr. Breerton, but that you having communication of Mr. Breerton, by occasion brought me in. This is to tell you that I have not feigned it, and as for quarrel, I trow you think I would make none to you, for my intent is and shall be to have you my friend.
Requests Cromwell to make no quarrel to Sir Arthur Darey thereof, for though afterward he made open report, he spoke to Hamond as a friend. Complains of being in debt, and is compelled to live as he does, till he is out of debt. Cannot pay the 100l. which he owes to Dr. Powell at Michaelmas, as the King wishes, for it will be almost Christmas before his money comes in, and he has had nothing since Whitsuntide. Desires Cromwell to allow him to pay half next Hilary term, and the rest in Hilary term 1536. Thorpe, last of August, 1534.
Has delivered to Barton the provost of Beverley's servant, 11l. 10s. for Peterpence. Asks Cromwell to send an acquittance. Signed.
Pp. 3. Add. Endd.
31 Aug. 1105. Henry Man and John Michel, Visitors of the Carthusian Order, to— Copynger, General Confessor at Syon.
Cleop. E. IV. 247. B. M. We send to you our brethren Foxe and Chauncye, to whom we beseech you to show charity, as you have done to others. They are very scrupulous in the matter concerning the bishop of Rome, but not obstinate, and desire to have your counsel. Each of them has a book containing the authorities on which he leans. Hear what they will propose, and make such answer as your learning and wisdom will move you to. We would have reasoned with them, but they desired to speak with you and be removed from the house where they were. Recommend us to good mother lady Abbess. The charter-house of Bewvall, 31 Aug.
Hol., p. 1. Add. Endd.
31 Aug. 1106. Thomas Fermer to Cromwell.
R. O. As I am in forwardness to marry a gentlewoman called Frances Hastings, kinswoman to Sir Robert Le, if I can obtain the goodwill of her friends, I desire you to be so good to me, your poor servant, as to write to Sir Robert in my behalf. My heart is so set upon having her that otherwise it will be my utter destruction. I cannot eat, nor drink, nor sleep, as Mr. Williams and all my fellows can testify. Rychott, 31 Aug.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
31 Aug. 1107. Charles V. to his Ambassador in France.
Granvelle Papers, II. 174. * * * * * * As to the interview between the French and English kings, as the time is so remote we can watch meanwhile how matters go. * * * As to Mons. Jehan Brennel, Scotchman, and the information he has given you on behalf, as he says, of Thomas de Crildrach (Kildare?), you may try and get out of him all you can without committing yourself, but awaiting an answer from us until we learn what shall be the charge of our cousin de Nassan and you know our intention thereupon. Meanwhile you will agree to the rest if the bruit continues about making the bastard of England king of Ireland, and about marrying the princess Mary in Scotland. * * * * * *
Palencia, 31 August 1534.
1108. Henry VIII. to James V.
The letter printed in the State Papers, V. 6, as of August 1534, appears to belong to 1536.
1109. Thos. Alen to Cromwell.
R. O. Hears that his brother the archbishop of Dublin is killed. Is bound for him in 200 marks to the King, and to other men also, and was owed a great sum of money by him. Thinks he ought to have his goods, but cannot without Cromwell's means. Asks his assistance. Would have come himself, but is sore bruised by falling from a horse. Desires credence for his kinsman the bearer. Asks him to help him with the 100l. which the alderman has to pay his debts. Signed.
Pp. 2. Add.: My singular good master.
Aug. 1110. Fitzwilliam to Lord Lisle.
R. O. Sends him venison of red and fallow deer by his fellow Newman, the bearer. Wishes two pieces of the best French wine, and will remit the money. My wife recommends her unto you and my lady. Signed.
P.S.—Has kept the bearer Newman so long that if Lisle detain him more than a fortnight he will be unable to look after his harvest folks.
Pp. 2. Add.: Deputy of Calais. Endd.: Sir William Fitzwilliam, Treasurer, in August 1534.
[Aug.] 1111. [Sir John Bonde] to Lady Lisle.
R. O. I trust my good lord is in good health. I received your letter dated 12 Aug. I heartily thank your ladyship for the living that I have. Your commandment about your timber at Idysleh shall be done, and I wish to know your pleasure further. As to your weir, I have had workmen to stay the timber. If it had been made up, all the cost would have been lost. There have been divers commissions to the contrary. Your fishing has been very little. There never came so little into the river in the days of any man now alive. I perceive by your letter that you have received your altar cloths. I wot not what to say of Mrs. Jayn Bassett. She has been away since Candlemas, but has kept a woman servant, I know not to what intent, who troubles me much. I have great charge in keeping such things as be in your place, and especially evidence, for which I have slept unquietly many nights and been in great fear. I do not know what the pannage will make. It is put in the book at 18s. If it come to more you shall have a true account. The bearer can show you what plenty there was. Mother Whytfylde showed me it was 3l. and more. I trust Mr. Aclande will be fully paid at Easter next. I have paid Cawey his whole wages. He would not be content otherwise. The “advosynage” of Ascherayny shall be at all times at your pleasure. I will part with it to none but such as you please. Mrs. Jane's servant put up the back door that lies into the park by some subtle means, which put me in great fear to what intent it was done. As to Bremelcum's wages your ladyship shall do as pleases you. “As for horses, thowhe (two) byth in the park, how I shall discharge them. Item, to membre the lamppe of Womberlegh.”
Hol., pp. 2. Add.
1112. John Perpowntte, Curate of Subberton, to Lady Lisle.
R. O. Has received her letter by Ric. Goodale. As to the wheat, Wm. Seller meant hers, not lord Lisle's. Will see every bushel winnowed. The 10s. paid by Robert Bryd was bestowed upon two kerseys and a “ pleyne.” The orders about Mr. John Bassett, in her letter to Seller, are fulfilled.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: At Calais.
[Aug.] 1113. Alice Alington to Margaret Roper.
More's Eng. Works, 1,433. Note by Editor prefixed: In August 1534, 26 Hen. VIII. the lady Alice Alington, wife to Sir Gyles Alington, knt., and daughter to Sir Thos. More's second and last wife, wrote a letter to Mrs. Margaret Roper, the copy whereof here followeth:—
Within two hours after her coming home the lord Chancellor came to take a course at a buck in their park, to her husband's great comfort, and after killing his deer he went to Sir Thos. Barneston's to bed, where she went to him next day at his own desire, both because he seemed to bid her heartily and especially because she would speak to him for her father. Desired him as humbly, as she could to continue to be good lord to him. He answered he would be glad to do for him as for his own father, and that appeared very well when the matter of the Nun was laid to his charge. In this other matter, he marvelled that More was so obstinate in his own conceit, in what everybody went forth withal, except the blind bishop and he. “ And in good faith,” said my lord, “ I am very glad that I have no learning, but in a few of Aesop's fables, of the which I shall tell you one.” He then told her a fable about a country where a certain rain should fall which should make all whom it wetted fools. Some persons concealed themselves in caves till the rain was past, thinking afterwards to rule the fools, but the fools would have none of that, but would have the rule themselves. When the wise men saw this, they wished they had been in the rain too. After telling the story, he laughed very merrily. Said that for all his merry fable, she doubted not he would be good lord to her father when he saw his time. He said he would not have More so scrupulous about his conscience, and told her another fable of the lion, the ass and the wolf, and their confession. The wolf, being enjoined by his confessor not to pass 6d. at a meal, ate a cow and a calf, saying that in his conscience they seemed to him not worth more. “Now, my good sister, hath not my lord told me two pretty fables? In good faith they pleased me nothing, nor I wist not what to say, for I was abashed of this answer, and I see no better suit than to Almighty God.” Monday after St. Lawrence.
[Aug.] 1114. Margaret Roper to Alice Alington.
More's Eng. Works, 1434. Note by the Editor prefixed.—When Mrs. Roper had received this letter (lady Alington's), she at her next repair to her father in the Tower, showed him this letter. And what communication was thereupon between her father and her, ye shall perceive by an answer here following (as written to the lady Alington). But whether this answer were written by Sir Thos. More in his daughter Roper's name, or by herself, it is not certainly known.
When she next went to her father, showed him lady Alington's letter, that he might see her loving labor for him and might perceive that if he stands still in the scruple of conscience, as it is called by many who are his friends and wise, his friends will either finally forsake him or not be able to do him any good. Talked first of his diseases in his breast of old and in his veins now, from gravel and stone, and the cramp that gripes him at night in his legs, and found they were not much increased, and that he was then out of pain, and minded, after saying the eight Psalms and the Litany, to sit and talk and be merry. After speaking of her mother and brothers and sisters, who were disposed more and more to set little by the world and draw more to God, and that his household and friends diligently prayed for him, she said she hoped their prayers would purchase of God the grace, that in this great matter he might take such a way, as standing with the pleasure of God, might content the King, for he has always been singularly gracious to him, so that to stiffly refuse to do his pleasure, which God not displeased he might do, as many wise and learned men say he may. would be a great blot upon his worship and peril to his soul, as she has heard some say, whom her father has always taken for well learned and good. On this point she did not mean to dispute, but she wished to show him, as appeared by a letter she had received from her sister Alington, that if he did not change his mind, he was likely to lose all the friends who are likely to do him any good, or at any rate, they will not be able to do him any. At this More smiled upon her, and said, “What, Mistress Eve (as I called you when you came first) hath my daughter Alington played the serpent, with you, and with a letter set you awork to come tempt your father again, and for the favor that you bear him, labor to make him swear against his conscience and send him to the Devil?” After this he looked sadly, and said that they had talked of this oftener than twice or thrice, and she had twice told him the same tale and expressed the same fear. He had twice answered her that if it were possible for him to do what might content the King, and God not offended, no one would take the oath more gladly than he would, as being more deeply bound to the King than any of them all. But since, according to his conscience he cannot do it, and has studied the matter for many years to instruct his conscience, he has no remedy, but God has put him in the strait, that either he must deadly displease Him or abide any worldly harm that He shall for his other sins allow to fall upon him. Before coming here, he had not left unthought of the worst that could befall him, and though he knows his own frailty and the faintness of his own heart, if he had not trusted God would give him strength rather to endure all things, than offend Him by swearing ungodly against his own conscience, she might be very sure he would not have come there. As he looks only to God in this matter, he does not care what men say about it, and whether they call it a foolish scruple and no conscience. Taking this opportunity she said that she did not mistrust his good mind or his learning, but that he would see by her sister's letter that one of the greatest estates of the realm, learned, and More's tender friend, accounted his conscience for a right simple scruple, saying that all the nobles and almost all other men stick not thereat, but only More and one other man, and though he was right good and very well learned, yet few would advise More to lean to his mind against all other men. Showed him lady Alington's letter, which he read over twice leisurely “and pointed every word.” He then said that lady Alington had acted as if she were his own daughter, and in the end of her letter gave as good counsel as any man with wit could wish. He thought that the lord Chancellor was his singular good lord, and both he and Cromwell had acted as his friends in the business concerning the silly Nun. He said that the fable of the rain had often been told at the Council by Wolsey, when the Emperor and French king were at war, and some thought it wisdom to sit still and let them alone, and this fable had helped the King and the realm to spend many a fair penny. As the lord Chancellor told it, he thinks that the rain must have come through the caves and wet the wise men as well, and he cannot very well guess whom he takes to be wise men and whom fools. “Non sum Oedipus sed Morus, which name of mine what it signifieth in Greek I need not tell you.” He trusts that the Chancellor reckons him among the fools, for no one can truly reckon him among those who wish to rule, for having been one of the greatest rulers of the realm, he was discharged at his own great labor. He does not think the second fable to be Aesop's, for confession was not used in Greece before Christ's days, and supposes that the Chancellor means him by the ass who stole a straw, implying that by oversight and folly his over-scrupulous conscience takes the oath for a great perilous thing, when it is indeed but a trifle, and many think this, whom he esteems for their learning and virtue. He does not believe, however, that every one who says so thinks so. But whether they do or not, does not make much difference to him, even if he saw the bishop of Rochester himself swear the oath. Although he reckons that no one in this realm is meet to be compared with the bishop in wisdom, learning and long approved virtue, it is clear that More was not led by him, for he refused the oath before it was offered to him, and also the bishop was content to have sworn in a different manner to what More ever was minded to do. He never means to pin his soul at another man's back, for he knows not where he may hap to carry it. There is no man living of whom he can be sure while he is alive. Some may do for favor and some for fear, and so carry his soul a wrong way. Some may think while they did it for fear, God would forgive it. Some may think they will repent and be shriven, and so God shall remit it them. Some may be of the mind that if they say one thing and think the contrary, God more regards their heart than their tongue, and therefore, their oath goes upon what they think, and not upon what they say, “as a woman reasoned once. I trow, daughter, you were by.” He, however, cannot use such ways in so great a matter, but must have regard to his own soul. Here More told a story about a man named Cumpany, who being a juror at a court of piepowder, (fn. 8) at Bartholomew Fair, was pressed by the rest of the jury to agree to their verdict against his opinion “for good company,” and asked if any of them would go to hell with him for good company when he was condemned for acting against his conscience, saying that he dare not in such a matter pass for good company, “for the passage of my poor soul passeth all good company.” More thinks the friendship of this world so fickle that no lords or bishops would go to the devil with him in return for his swearing because they sware. Replied that they did not mean he should swear for fellowship, but that the credence he might give to their qualities might move him to think the oath such as every man may swear without peril of his soul, if their private conscience is not the let; and that he had good cause to change his conscience, in conformity with the conscience of others, and was even bound to do so, as Parliament has commanded it. To this More replied that though every man is bound to keep the laws under some temporal pain, and in many cases under pain of God's displeasure, no man is bound to swear that every law is well made, nor to perform under pain of God's displeasure any point of the law which is in deed unlawful. He supposes no one doubts that such may be made in any part of Christendom, the General Council of the whole body of Christendom excepted, which the Spirit of God that governs the Church never has nor will suffer to institute anything that might not lawfully be performed. If it happened that in any particular part of Christendom a law was made which some think the law of God cannot bear and others think differently, those who think against the law may not swear that it was lawfully made, nor are bound on pain of God's displeasure to change their conscience for any particular law made anywhere except by a General Council, or a general faith growing by the working of God universally through all Christian nations. As an instance, he referred to the question whether Our Lady were conceived in original sin or no, about which he did not remember that any decision had been given by a General Council, but he remembers that St. Bernard was against it and St. Anselm for it, and neither party was bound to change their opinion for the other, nor for any provincial council, but every man would be bound to give credence to the determination of a well assembled General Council. Also if a man holds an opinion against much the greater number of learned and good men, that is a very good occasion to move him, but not to compel him to conform his mind and conscience to theirs. He said he would never show her or anyone else his reasons for refusing the oath unless the King commanded him, but he has more causes than one. It is well known that some of the best learned of those who have taken the oath had plainly affirmed the contrary previously. Suggested that that might be so, and since, they had seen more. He replied that he would not misjudge any man's conscience, but he never heard any cause of their change by any new further thing found of authority, but he is glad for their sakes that the same things they saw before seem otherwise to them now ; but to him they seem as they did, so that though they may do otherwise than they might, he may not. He will not conceive, however, that they have changed from worldly motives, having better hope of their goodness. If such things had turned them, they might have turned him too, for few were so fainthearted as he. He therefore trusts that, as his conscience causes him to refuse the oath, they have sworn according to their conscience. He thinks that in Christendom, among learned and virtuous men, they are not the fewer who are of his mind, and is sure that most of the dead think as he does. He does not take upon himself to dispute in these matters, and does not impugn any other man's deed. He never wrote or spoke any word of reproach of anything the Parliament had passed, nor meddled with any other man's conscience, but his own conscience is such as may well stand with his own salvation. He trusts that God will give him strength to bear the loss of goods, lands and life, rather than put his soul in peril. Seeing her sit very sad, he said, “How now, daughter Marget? What how, mother Eve? Where is your mind now? Sit not musing with some serpent in your breust, upon some new persuasion to offer father Adam the apple yet once again?” “In good faith, father,” quoth I, “I can no further go, but am (as I trow Cresede saith in Chaucer), comen to Dulcarnon, even at my wittes end. For sith the example of so many wise men cannot in this matter move you, I see not what to say more, but if I should look to persuade you with the reason that master Henry Patenson (fn. 9) made. For he met one day one of our men, and when he had asked where you were and heard that you were in the Tower still, he waxed even angry with you, and said, 'Why, what aileth him that he will not swear? Wherefore should he stick to swear ? I have sworn the oath myself.' And so I can in good faith go now no further neither after so many wise men whom ye take for no sample, but if I should say, like master Harry, Why should you refuse to swear, father, for I have sworn myself? At this he laughed, and said, that word was like Eve too, for she offered Adam no worse fruit than she had eaten herself.” (fn. 10) Told him she feared the matter would bring him into marvellous heavy trouble, and reminded him that Mr. Secretary sent him word that the Parliament lasted yet. He said he thanked him for it, but had not left this gear unthought on. If they make a law to do him harm it could never be lawful, but he trusts that God will keep him in that grace, that as to his duty to his prince, no one will do him hurt unless he does him wrong; “and then, as I told you, this is like a riddle, a case in which a man may lose his head and have no harm.” Notwithstanding he has good hope that God will never suffer so good and wise a prince so to requite the long service of his true faithful servant; yet since there is nothing impossible to fall, he has not forgotten the counsel of Christ, that before he began to build this castle for the safeguard of his soul, he should sit and reckon what the charge should be. He counted the possible peril on full many a restless night with a heavy heart, but never thought to change. Suggested that he might change when it was too late, but he said he hoped if ever he made such a change it might be too late indeed, for no change that grows by fear can be good for his soul, and therefore he prayed that in this world he never might have good of such change; for if he takes harm here he will at least have less afterwards when he is hence. If he were to faint and fall, and for fear swear hereafter, he would wish to take harm by refusing first, for then he would have the better hope to rise again. His lewdness has been such that he is well worthy that God should let him slip, yet he trusts His goodness to keep the King still in that gracious mind to do him no hurt (for he has derived great spiritual good from his imprisonment), or if He wills him to suffer for his other sins, that he will give him strength to take it patiently and somewhat gladly too, so that it may serve for release of his pain in Purgatory and for increase of some reward in Heaven. He will not mistrust God though he feels himself faint, and hopes He will treat him as he did St. Peter. He knows that without his fault, God will not let him be lost, and if He suffers him to perish for his faults, he shall then serve for a praise of His justice. He told her not to trouble her mind about anything that could happen to him in this world, and prayed her with her sisters and his sons to be comfortable and serviceable to his wife, desiring to be commended to all his relatives, servants, neighbours and acquaintances. “And I right heartily pray both you and them to serve God and be merry and rejoice in Him. And if anything hap me that you would be loath, pray to God for me, but trouble not yourself, as I shall full heartily pray for us all, that we may meet together once in heaven, where we shall make merry for ever, and never have trouble after.”
1115. Sir Thos. More to Dr. Nic. Wilson.
More's Eng. Works, 1,443. Note by Editor.—A letter written and sent by Sir T. More to Mr. Dr. Nicholas Wylson (then both prisoners in the Tower of London), in the year of our Lord God, 1534, 26 Hen. VIII.
Hears he means to swear the oath, and wishes him good luck thereof. Never gave any man counsel to the contrary, and never put any scruple in other folks' conscience concerning the matter. As Wilson wishes to know what he intends to do, reminds him that he said when they were both abroad, that he did not wish to know any man's mind, and no man should know his. For he would be partaker with no man, but leave every man to his own conscience and follow his own. To swear against his own conscience would be peril of his damnation, and what his conscience will be tomorrow, himself cannot be sure. Whether he shall have finally the grace to do according to his own conscience or not hangs in God's goodness and not in his own. Asks for his prayers. Will pray for him.
1116. Sir Thos. More to Dr. Nicolas Wilson.
More's Eng. Works, 1,443. Note by Editor prefixed.—Another letter written and sent by Sir Thos. More to master Doctor Wilson (then both prisoners in the Tower), in the year of our Lord 1534, 26 Hen. VIII.
Is sorry to see that besides the loss of liberty, goods, &c. from this imprisonment, Dr. Wilson is fallen into agony and vexation of mind from doubts troubling his conscience. Cannot give him the comfort he appears to look for. Reminds him that they studied the matter together and read together the laws and councils, the passages in the Fathers and in the Holy Scriptures, so that he could not tell him anything new.
Afterwards, when he told the King his opinion, and saw further progress in the matter, wherein he could not do his Grace service, discharged his mind of the whole matter, sent away the books, and could not now reason those points again if he were minded. All that ever he looked for was concerning two or three questions, to be pondered and weighed by the study of Scripture and its interpreters, save for somewhat touched by the canon laws. But then other things were found, faults in the bull, &c., with which he never meddled, for he does not understand the doctors of the law, nor well can turn their books. Many other things have grown in this great matter, in which he is neither sufficiently learned in the law nor informed of the facts. Therefore he does not murmur, grudge or hold opinion in the matter, but prays for the preservation of the King, the Queen, their issue and all the realm without harm doing or intending to any man living. No man knows the causes why he has refused the oath; they are secret in his own conscience, and perhaps different to what others would think. Told Wilson when they met in London before the oath was offered, that he would be no partaker in the matter, but follow his own conscience, for which he must answer to God and leave every other man to his own. Every learned man knows there are many things in which every man is at liberty without peril of damnation to think which way he list, till one part is determined for necessary to be believed by a General Council. Will not take upon him to define or determine of what kind everything is that the oath contains, nor so presumptuous as to blame other men's conscience, truth or learning. Finds enough matters in his own life to think of. “I have lived, metbinketh, a long life, and now neither I look nor I long to live much longer.” Thought once or twice to have given up the ghost since he came to the Tower, and his heart waxed lighter with hope thereof, though he does not forget that he has a long and great reckoning to give account of. Prays God to set Dr. Wilson's heart at such quiet that it may be to the eternal weal of his soul, and trusts he may incline the King to be gracious to them both, since they are both of faithful mind to him, whether in this matter they are of one mind or divers. Humbly beseeches God to give him the grace so to conform his mind to His high pleasure, that after the troublous storm of this tempestuous time, His great mercy may conduct him into the sure haven of the blissful joy of heaven, and afterwards all his enemies too, if he has any. “For there shall we love together well enough, and I thank our Lord for my part, so do I here too. Be not angry now, though I pray not like for you. You be sure enough.”
Asks Wilson to pray for him, as he does for Wilson. Thinks all the Council favor Wilson in their hearts. “I cannot judge in my mind any of them so evil as to be of the mind that you should do otherwise than well.” Asks him to return this rude bill, “quia quanquam nihil inest mali, tamen propter ministrum nolim rescire.”
1117. Margaret Roper to Sir Thos. More.
More's Eng. Works, 1,446. Note by Editor.—A letter written and sent by Mrs. Margaret Roper to her father, Sir Thos. More, then shut up in close prison.
Thanks him for the comfort she has received by reading his most loving and godly letter, representing the clear shining brightness of his soul. Though written with a coal, thinks it worthy to be written in letters of gold.
Cannot hear what moved them to shut him up again. Suppose that considering he was of so temperate mind that he was content to abide there all his life with such liberty, they thought it not possible to incline him to their will, except by restraining him from the church and the company of his wife and children. Remembers that he told them in the garden that these things were like enough to chance shortly after. Has often rehearsed, for her own comfort and that of others, his fashion and words when they were last with him, for which she trusts to be better while she lives. Trusts to have occasion to write again shortly. Prays God to assist him not to decline from His will, but to live and die His true obedient servant.
1118. Sir Thos. More to Margaret Roper.
More's Eng. Works, 1,446. Note by Editor.—A letter written and sent by Sir Thos. More to his daughter Mrs. Roper, answering her letter here next before.
If he would declare how much pleasure and comfort her letters were, a peck of coals would not suffice to make him pens, and other pens he has none here. Cannot therefore write a long process, nor dare adventure to write often. The cause of his close keeping again was probably his very negligent and plain true word, which she remembers. His mind gave him that some such thing was likely to happen, as he told her in the garden, and it also gives him that some folk still think he is not so poor as appeared in the search, and so some new sudden searches may be made in his houses. This can only be game to them that know the truth of his poverty, unless they find his wife's gay girdle and her golden beads. Believes, however, that the King will take nothing from her.
Thought, and still thinks, that he was perhaps shut up again upon some new causeless suspicion, grown perhaps from some secret sinister information, which made folks think some greater things might be found against him. But whenever this conjecture has come into his mind, the clearness of his conscience has made his heart hop for joy. Is sure that he will never take great harm for anything toward his prince, unless he takes great wrong, in the sight of God, however it may seem in the sight of men. To the world wrong may sometimes seem right by false conjecturing, and sometimes by false witnesses, as “ that good lord “ said to her no doubt from good will. Before the world, his refusing this oath is counted a heinous offence, and his religious fear of God, obstinacy to his prince. The Council might well perceive by the heaviness of his heart there was no sturdy stubbornness in his mind. They thought his declining to give the cause why he refused the oath was a proof of obstinacy, but he offered to do so, although he would rather endure the peril of the statute than exasperate the King, if the King would give him such licence as would discharge him of the peril of the statute and his displeasure, and that he would be sworn to take the oath if these causes could be answered to his conscience. To this Mr. Secretary answered that such licence could not discharge him against the statutes, if he said anything that was prohibited in them upon heinous pains. It is therefore no obstinacy to leave the causes undeclared. Now it is accounted obstinacy that he refuses the oath whatever his causes are, as of so many wiser and better men, none stick thereat. Mr. Secretary swore before them a great oath, that for the displeasure which he thought the King would bear More, and the suspicion he would conceive that he had devised the Nun's business, he would rather that his son's head should be striken off than More should have refused the oath. This was a marvellous declaration of the Secretary's good mind to him, but it was a heavy hearing to him that the King was likely to conceive such a suspicion of him for a thing which he could not help without the peril of his soul. Has heard since that some say that his obstinate refusing will drive the King to make a further law. Cannot help such a law being made, but is sure that if he died by such a law, he would die for that point innocent before God. Does not think God would suffer so gracious a prince and so many honorable men as are in parliament to make such an unlawful law. Thought of that peril, and all other, before he came here. Found himself very sensual, and his flesh much more shrinking from pain and death than became a Christian man, but the spirit had in the conclusion the mastery, and reason with the help of faith finally concluded that to be put to death wrongfully for doing well, whether without law, or by color of a law, is a case in which a man may lose his head and yet have no harm, but inestimable good at the hand of God. Thanks God that since he has come hither, he sets less by death every day. Though a man lose his years in this world, it is more than recompensed by coming the sooner to heaven. Though it be a pain to die while a man is in health, sees very few who in sickness die with ease. Is very sure that whenever the time comes that he lies sick in his deathbed by nature, he will then think that God would have done much for him if he had allowed him to die before by the color of such a law. It would therefore be great folly to be sorry to come to that death which he would after wish that he had died. Besides a man may die with less thank of God and more adventure of his soul, as violently and painfully, by many other ways. Assures her that thinking of such a death does not grieve him, and yet he knows well his frailty, and that St. Peter, who feared less than he does, fell in such fear soon after, that at the word of a simple girl, he forsook and forsware the Saviour. Is not, therefore, so mad as to warrant himself to stand, but he will pray, and asks her to pray too, that God will give him the grace to keep this mind. Has never prayed God to bring him out or deliver him from death, but referred all things to His pleasure. Has never longed since he came here to set foot in his own house for any pleasure of the house, but would gladly talk with his friends, his wife and family. Is comforted by perceiving that they live together so charitably and quietly. Although if necessity should require, his heart is now in quiet and comfort, and he trusts it will continue, yet he trusts that God will so inspire and govern the King's heart that he shall not suffer his noble heart and courage to requite More's true faithful heart and service with such extreme unlawful and uncharitable dealing, merely because he cannot think as others do. Will live and die his true subject, and truly pray for him both here and in the other world. Desires her to recommend him to his wife, his family, kinsfolk and friends. “Take no thought for me whatever you shall hear, but be merry in God.”
1119. Sir Thos. More to Margaret Roper.
More's Eng. Works, 1,449. Note by Editor.—Another letter written and sent by Sir Thos. More (in the year of our Lord 1534, 26 Hen. VIII.), to his daughter Mrs. Roper, answering to a letter which she wrote and sent unto him.
Her daughterly loving letter was much more comfort than his pen can express, especially that God gives her the grace to consider the incomparable difference between the wretched estate of this present life and the wealthy state of the life to come to those that die in God, and to pray God, to quote her words, “of His tender pity so firmly to rest our love in Him, with little regard of this world, and so to flee sin and embrace virtue, that we may say with St. Paul, 'Mihi vivere Christus est et mori lucrum.' Et illud, 'Cupio dissolvi et esse cum Christo.'” Prays God to give him the grace to remember this wholesome prayer of hers. Asks her to pray it for them both, and he will do the like. Prays that they may enjoy each other's company, and that of their kinsfolks and friends, in heaven. As to what she writes of herself, “And good father, I wretch, am far, far, farthest of all other from such point of perfection. Our Lord send me the grace to amend my life and continually to have an eye to mine end, without grudge of death, which to them that die in God is the gate of a wealthy life, to which God of His infinite mercy bring us all. Amen. Good father, strength my frailty with your devout prayers:“—prays the Father of heaven to strengthen her frailty and his too. She may reckon upon his poor prayers, and he has as little doubt of hers. Prays God to give them both grace to despair of themselves and hang upon his strength.
Remarks upon St. Paul, “Sufficit tibi gratia mea,” and other texts. A fainter heart than her father he cannot have, but he trusts in God, and believes that she does. Both of them, if they call His benefits to mind, may find many tokens to give them good hope that His great mercy will not be withdrawn from them. It is a great comfort to him that although he is by nature so shrinking from pain, that he is almost afraid of a philip, Yet in all the agonies he has had, he never intended, to consent to do what would be in conscience displeasing to God. This is the least point which any man may with his salvation come to, and he is bound to be sure that his conscience is such as may stand with his salvation or else reform it. If the matter is such that both the parties may stand with salvation, then whichever side his conscience fall, he is safe enough before God. Is very sure that his own conscience stands with his own salvation.
1120. Articles Touching a Riot at Hoddesdon.
R. O. On the 16th Aug. [26] (fn. 11) Hen. VIII., Anne Fitzwilliam, Anne Cooke wife to Anth[ony Cooke], with Richard Cooke and six other men in their company, while riding from London to Royston on their way to the funeral of Sir Wm. Fitzwilliam the elder, met in the highroad a man named Michell (Michael). . . . . . . . and a child with him, riding on a horse laden with sheepskins. One of the company asked him “gently and after good manner,” that the laden horse might “go further in the way. . . . nose of the gentlewomen who rode in side saddles; to whom the said Michael answered, and said, I will not, for the way is as meet for me as them. To whom it was answered again, That is truth, but yet of courtesy ye might be contended so to do, seeing they be women; whereunto [he] sharply answered and said, Nay, knave, I will not, for none of you.” He still rode in their way, driving the dust over them, and fuming and reviling them so that they were all troubled and weary of his company, and often asked him to be contended. Richard Cooke said, “Good fellow, I pray thee be content; here is no man will do you displeasure, nor thought no displeasure to you, but be glad of your company, and if you will be a good fellow and leave your brawling and chiding, at the next town we will be glad to give you a quart of wine.” To whom the said Michell answered with high voice and ungentle fashion, “Nay, knave, I will none of thy wine, but I shall make thee and all thy company to drink or ye pass Hoddesdon to your pain;” and so he rode in their company still brawling and swearing, till near Hoddesdon, when he suddenly rode on to stop them in their passage.
When they were within the said town, Michael, with a “kegyll” in his hand, struck Nowell Flode, one of the party, three or four strokes over the face, and then pulled him by the coat, saying, “Come down, whoreson knave;” and then he cried, “A staff for God's blood,” and “Clubs,” and “Down with the knaves,” and still he cried, “Clubs, clubs,” so that a number of men and women assembled, and, crying out, “Down with these knaves courtiers, strike,” attacked them with swords, bills, staves and clubs, wounding and felling from their horses Edw. Wulfe, servant to Sir Ric. Page, Nowell Flode, servant to Thos. Sapcott, and Thos. Manley, servant to Sir Ric. Sapcott, “and took from them their weapons, and in most spiteful fashion the women of the town threw in their faces mire and dirt in the street, and ale and other liquors upon the said persons, in such fashion as they had been Jews”. Then Anne Fitzwilliam, “seeing the people in such woodness and fury,” and fearing she and all her company would be killed, enforced her horse among the people and dismounted, crying out, 'Good fellows, keep the peace, for God's sake, and save my men and slay them not.'” Thereupon Michael struck her in the face with his cudgel and then knocked her down with his fist; before she could recover herself she received about 20 strokes from men and women, and one man struck at “the said Anne Cooke” with a bill, missing her arm but cutting her rein, which was hanging over her arm. If it had not been for a man dwelling three miles from Hoddesdon, whose name is not known, but who helped to appease the people, “which he did like a very man and bare off many great strokes,” the whole company would have been murdered. Michell being the King's constable then put Ric. Cooke, Wulfe, Nowell and Thomas into the cage, “ and there imprisoned them and wondered upon them, as they had been pursecutters.” He afterwards went to the house where Anne Fitzwilliam and Anne Cooke were, and again assaulted them, putting them in peril for their lives.
On the day after, as Wm. Fitzwilliam was accompanying the corpse of his father Sir William, a priest of Hoddesdon whose name is unknown met them at “the Lady at More,” and seized the bridle of Richard Ogle, one of Sir William's executors, saying, “If thou wilt not agree with me for the corpse, I have authority to bury him here in this parish church, and so I will;” to which Ogle answered, “You have none authority so to do; howbeit yonder is the King's servant and herald of arms. I pray you go to him, and I doubt not but he will make to you a reasonable answer;” but the priest would not be contented till Ogle gave him 20d. When Cooke with gentle words desired Michell to release them from the cage that they might continue their journey, he said, “Nay, knave, for if we had known as much as we do now, you should have died, every creature, for belike you think ye are able to compare with this town; nay, not so, for the marquis of Exeter was put to the worse in this town; yea, and if the best man within this realm under the King, being the King's servant or other, do any displeasure to any of this town, he shall be set fast by the feet, whosoever saith nay,” with many other opporbrious, disdainful and shameful words.
After the said Monday, two of the town said to the herald that if any man under the King displeased the people, he should be set fast by the feet or he passed.
Pp. 2. Add. in a different hand.: To Mr. Onley, besides the goldsmith's hall. Endd.
Aug. 1121. The Royal Supremacy.
Acknowledgments of the Royal Supremacy continued. See Nos. 921 and 1024.
R. O. 1. Balliol College [Oxford], Linc. dioc., 1 Aug. 1534. Signed (with protest that they do not mean to do anything against divine law or the orthodox faith) by Will. Whytt, master, and five fellows. Rym. 498.
R. O. 2. Hickling priory, Norwich dioc., 4 Aug. (fn. 12) 1534. Signed by prior Robert and nine others. Rym. 506.
R. O. 3. College of Slapton, Exeter dioc., 4 Aug. 1534. Signed by Nycolas Morton, rector, Wylliam Cowlle, minister, and two others.
R. O. 4. College of Llandewy Brevy, St. David's dioc., 4 Aug. 1534. Signed by three vicars choral. Rym. 519.
R. O. 5. Lincoln cathedral, 5 Aug. 1534. Signed by Geo. Hennage, dean, and 71 others. Rym. 496.
R. O. 6. Bardney abbey, Wednesday, 5 Aug. 1534. Signed by Will. Marton, abbot, Rob. Bennett, prior, and 16 others. Rym. 499.
R. O. 7. Priory of Yngham, Norw. dioc., 5 Aug. 1534. Signed by John Saye, prior, and six others. Rym. 507.
R. O. 8. Priory of Plymton, 5 Aug. 1534. Signed by John How, prior, and 19 others. Rym. 521.
R. O. 9. College of Holy Trinity, Tateshall, 6 Aug. 1534. Signed by Geo.Hennage, warden, and six others. Rym. 506.
R. O. 10. Priory of Wroxton, Oxf., Linc. dioc., 6 Aug. 1534. Signed by prior Thomas and nine others. Rym. 517.
R. O. 11. Abbey of St. Benet, Hulme, Norw. dioc., 6 Aug. 1534. Signed by Will. Reppse, abbot, Thos. Skothowe, prior, and 22 others. Rym. 523.
R. O. 12. Priory of Brecon, 8 Aug.1534. Signedby Rob. Halden, prior, and five others. Rym. 524.
R. O. 13. Abbey of Bruton, Bath and Wells dioc., 10 Aug. 1534. Signed by John Ely, abbot, Ric. Bogye, prior, Ric. Byschoppe, subprior, and 15 others. Rym. 514.
R. O. 14. Abbey of Eynesham, Oxf., Linc. dioc., 10 Aug. 26 Hen.VIII. Signedby abbot Anthony, by Edmund Etun (?), prior, Geo. Adderbyry, subprior, and 13 others. Rym. 526.
R. O. 15. Abbey of St. Mary de Pratis, Leicester, 11 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII. Signed by “Joanues Bourchier alias Bouscer, abbas,” Ric. Thurmeston, prior, Rob. Sapcott, subprior, and 23 others. Rym. 504.
R. O. 16. Burcester priory, Linc. dioc., 11 Aug. 1534. Signed by prior William [Browne], (fn. 13) and eight others. Rym.514.
R. O. 17. Priory of Waburne, Norw. dioc., 11 Aug. 1534. Signed by John Bulman, prior, and John Frost. Rym. 519.
R. O. 18. Priory of St.German's in Cornwall, 11 Aug. 1534. Signed by Rob. Swynner, prior, Nic. Gyft, subprior, and five others. Rym. 521.
R. O. 19. Priory of Bieston, Norw. dioc., 11 Aug. 1534. Signed by Ric. Hoddson, prior, and four others. Rym. 523.
R. O. 20. College of Newark (Nori Operis), Leicester, 12 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII. Signed by Rob. Bone, dean, and 30 others. Rym. 517.
R. O. 21. Priory of Chacombe, Northt., Linc. dioc., 13 Aug. 1534. Signed by Thos. Sawaders, prior, and seven others. Rym. 516.
R. O. 22. Priory of St. Andrew, Trewerdreth, 13 Aug. 1534. Signed by Thomas Cotym, prior, Rob. Mortymer, subprior, and four others. Rym. 520.
R. O. 23. Ashbye Canons, 13 Aug. 1534. Signed by Ric. Randall, prior, Ric. Colles, subprior, and 10 canons. Rym. 525.
R. O. 24. Priory of Markeby, Linc. dioc., 14 Aug. 1534. Signed by John Penketh, prior, Hen. Astorh, subprior, and seven others. Rym. 515.
R. O. 25. Worcester cathedral, 17 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII. Signed by Will. More, prior, John Lawerne, subprior, Will. Bodyngton, almoner, Thos. Sudburi, cellarer, and 37 others. Rym. 497.
R. O. 26. Priory of St.Faith (Horsham), Norw. dioc., 17 Aug. 1534. Signed by John Sarisbury, prior, and six others. Rym. 511.
R. O. 27. College of St. Thomas the Martyr, Glasney, near P[...], 17 Aug. 1534. Signed by Jas. Gentill, provost, John Thynmowe, sacrist, and three canons. Rym. 523.
R. O. 28. Abbey of St. James, Northampton, 17 Aug. 1534. Signed by John Dassett, abbot, and nine others. Rym. 525.
R. O. 29. Abbey of Keynisham, Bath and Wells dioc., 18 Aug. 1534. Signed by John Sturtun, abbot, Will. Hern, prior, John Owen, subprior, and 13 others. Rym. 525.
R. O. 30. Abbey of Humberstone, Linc. dioc., 19 Aug. 1534. Signed by Rob. Conysby, abbot, and five others. Rym. 507.
R. O. 31. Dean and chapter of Warwick, 20 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII. Signed by John Carvanell, dean, John Wetwod, treasurer, two canons, one curate, and 10 vicars choral. Rym. 509.
R. O. 32. Abbey of Parshore, 20 Aug. 1534. Signed by “Johannes Poletensis, abbas,” John Fladbury, prior, Rob. Cheltenam, subprior, Ric. Langley, “firmarius,” John Bradney, sacrist, Thomas Perschor, “tertius prior,” John Ledbury, “custos capellæ et refectorarius,” and 14 others, among whom are the chantour, kitchener, almoner, sacellanus and succentor. Rym. 509.
R. O. 33. Collegiate church of Stratford-upon-Avon, 20 Aug 1534. Signed by John Bell, warden, Will. Crace, subwarden, Rob. Mydyltun, precentor, Humph. Sadler, curate, and two vicars. Rym. 518.
R. O. 34. Hospital of St. John, Northampton, 20 Aug. 1534. Signed by Ric. Byrdsall, master, and four others. Rym. 520.
R. O. 35. Chapter of St. Asaph's, 21 Aug. 1534. Signed by Focas Salusbury, dean, John Brereton, canon, prebendary of Vaynol, Geoff. Ruthyn and David Owayn, prebendaries.
R. O. 36. Priory of Worspryng, Bath and Wells dioc., 21 Aug. 1534. Signed by Roger Tormynton, prior, John Serche, subprior, and six others. Rym. 522. [N.B.—Both the above signatures are misread by Rymer.]
R. O. 37. Priory of Buckeham, Norwich dioc., 21 Aug. 1534. Signed by John Mylogate, prior, and 10 others. Rym. 512.
R. O. 38. Abbey of Welhow by Grymesby, 21 Aug. 1534. Signed by Rob. Qwytchyrst, abbot, John Whaplood, prior, and nine others. Rym. 513.
R. O. 39. Priory of St. Sepulchre's, Warwick, 22 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII. With two signatures. Rym. 496.
R. O. 40. Hospital of St. John Baptist, Warwick, 22 Aug. 1534. Signed by Rob. Bancke, master, and another. Rym. 518.
R. O. 41. Collegiate church of St. Carentor, Exeter dioc., 23 Aug. 1534. Signed by Jas. Gentill, dean, and one other. Rym. 498.
R. O. 42. Abbey of Winchcombe (Wynchelcombu), Worc. dioc., 25 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII. Signed by abbot Richard and 24 others. Rym. 521.
R. O. 43. Priory of Bodmyn, 25 Aug. 1534. Signed by Thos. Wandesworth, prior, Benedict Smyth, subprior, and eight others. Rym. 521.
R. O. 44. Prioress and convent of Wroxhall (Vraxall), Worc. dioc., 25 Aug. 1534. No signatures. Rym. 527.
R. O. 45. College of Attilburgh, Norw. dioc., 25 Aug. 1534. With three signatures. Rym. 500.
R. O. 46. Abbey of Thornton, Linc. dioc., 25 Aug. 1534. Signed by John More, abbot, Will. Hobson, prior, and 23 others. Rym. 503.
R. O. 47. College of Rushworth, Norw. dioc., 25 Aug. 1534. Signed by Geo. Wyndham, master, and five others. Rym. 518.
R. O. 48. Priory of Thetford, 26 Aug. 1534. Signed by John Thetford, prior, and six others. Rym. 514.
R. O. 49. Priory of Fyneshed, Linc. dioc., 26 Aug. 1534. Signed by Chr. Harengworthe, prior, and six others. Rym. 502.
R. O. 50. Priory of Stodeley, Worc. dioc., 26 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII. Signed by John Yerdeley, prior, Will. Dalam, subprior, and seven others. Rym. 512.
R. O. 51. Priory of Ellysham, Linc. dioc., 27 Aug. 1534. Signed by Thos. Kerver, prior, John Baxter, subprior, and six others. Rym. 506.
R. O. 52. College of Fodrynghey, Linc. dioc., 27 Aug. 1534. Signed by John Russell, B.D., master, and 12 fellows. Rym. 509.
R. O. 53. Priory of Launceston, 28 Aug. 1534. Signed by John Shere, prior, John Morle, subprior, and 10 others. Rym. 520.
R. O. 54. Abbey of Tewkesbury, 28 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII. Signed by abbot John and 37 others. Rym. 517.
R. O. 55. Priory of Thorneholme, Linc. dioc., 29 Aug. 1534. Signed by George Clayton alias Rotherham, prior, Thos. Mexbrught, subprior, and eight others. Rym. 501.
R. O. 56. College or chantry of Thompson, Norw. dioc., 29 Aug. 1534. Signed by Rob. Awdeley, master, and four others. Rym. 502.
R. O. 57. Collegiate church of Irtlyngburgh, Northt., Linc. dioc., 29 Aug. 1534. Signed by Will. Stokys, dean, and five others. Rym. 522.
R. O. 58. Hospital of St. Giles and St. Mary, Norwich. 30 Aug. 1534. Signed by Thos. Cappe. master, and six others. Rym. 510.
R. O. 59. Hospital of St. Wulstan by Worcester, 30 Aug. 1534. Signed by John Bell, preceptor or master, two chaplains, five brethren, and two sisters. Rym. 526.
R. O. 60. Priory of Little Malvern, Worc. dioc., 31 Aug. 1534. Signed by John Brystow, prior, and seven others. Rym. 506.
R. O. 61. Abbey of Wymondham, Norw. dioc., 31 Aug. 1534. Signed by abbot Elichius (fn. 14) (per me Elichiu[m] Abbatem), by the precentor, and by nine others. Rym. 507.
R. O. 62. Priory of Westacre, Norw. dioc., 31 Aug. 1534. Signed by prior William and 16 others. Rym. 509.
R. O. 63. Abbey of Hartlonde, 31 Aug. 1534. Signed by John Pruste, abbot of Hartlond, and five others. Rym. 510.
R. O. 64. Abbey of St. Peter, Gloucester, 31 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII. Signed by Will. Malverne, (fn. 15) abbot, and 35 others. Rym. 515.
R. O. 65. College of Higham Ferrers, Linc. dioc., 31 Aug. 1534. Signed by Will. Fauntleroy, master or warden, and five others. Rym. 522.
1122. Grants in August 1534.
Aug. Grants. 1. John Thomas, yeoman of the Guard. Fee of the crown of 6d. a day, vice Edm. Lyvesey or Levesey, deceased. Del. Westm., 4 Aug. 26 Hen.VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 29.
2. Thos. West lord Laware. Licence to appoint at his pleasure any of his servants to “shoote in a crossbowe” without incurring the penalties of the act prohibiting the use of crossbows and handguns to persons not possessed of lands to the yearly value of 100l. Del. Westm., 16 Aug.26 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 28.
3. Anth. Chabo, surgeon. Licence to import 200 tuns of Toulouse woad and Gascon wine. Windesor, 15 Aug.26 Hen. VIII.—P.S.
4. Sir John Barnewell lord Trimleteston. To be chancellor of Ireland; with fees as enjoyed by Geo. archbp. of Armagh, primate of all Ireland, or Sir Roland Eustace, out of the customs of the ports of Dublin, Drogheda and Dundalke; on revocation of patent 5 July 24 Hen. VIII. appointing the said Geo. archbp. of Armagh as Chancellor. Del. Westm., 16 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 28.
5. Edm. Sexten alias Sesnan, sewer of the Chamber, Humphrey, Nic., George and Robt. Sexten alias Sesnan, and Gerald He alias E, all merchants of Limerick. Making them and their posterity capable of bearing offices as mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs, constables, &c. in any part of Ireland, especially in Limerick. Del. Westm., 16 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m.28.
6. Nich. Robertson the alderman of the fraternity of St. Mary, Boston, and his successors. Mortmain licence to acquire lands &c. to the annual value of 50l. Del. Westm., 16 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 13.
7. John Darey. Grant of the manor of Rathwer, co. Meath, in Ireland; notwithstanding a statute passed in the parliament holden at Drogheda 10 Hen. VII. before Sir Edw. Poynyngs, deputy. Guldforde, 3 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 16 Aug.—P.S. Pat. p. 2, m. 13.
8. Ric. Tres and John Godsalve, clerk of the Signet. Grant, in survivorship, of the corrody or sustentation which the King has out of the monastery of St. Benetts, Norf., on surrender of the patent by which it was held by Ric. Tres alone. Moore, 3 July 26 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 16 Aug.—P.S.
9. Thos. Gresham, the King's chaplain. Presentation to the parish church of St. Maben alias St. Maban, Exeter dioc., vice master Oliver Pole, deceased. John Skewys, Humph. Wyngfeld and John Pakyngton (or Pakinton) held the next presentation by grant of Sir John Kyrkham, and quitclaimed their right to Thos. Crumwell, the King's chief secretary, who granted it to the King. Del. Westm., 20 Aug 26 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 29.
10. Baltasar de Guerciis. Licence to depart into Italy, with three servants, five horses or geldings, and 200 crowns of the sun, baggage, &c. Del. Westm., 20 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII.—S.B.
11. Rich. Wylson or Wilson, clk. Presentation to the parish church of Milstede, Cant. dioc., vice Thos. Hughes, deceased. Wyndesore, 14 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII. Del. Coggeshall, 24 Aug.—P.S. Pat. p. 2, m. 29.
12. Wm. Brabazon. To be under-treasurer and receiver-general of Ireland, with the fees enjoyed by Sir John Style or Sir Wm. Darcy, notwithstanding the statute passed in the parliament 10 Hen. VII. before Sir Edw. Poynyngs, deputy, excluding persons having the administration of justice from such offices. Del. Westm., 26 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Pat. p. 2, m. 13.
13. Francis Drome, of Kilkeny, in Ireland, merchant. Licence to import 100 weyes of beans for the relief of the King's subjects there. Del. Westm., 26 Aug. 26 Hen. VIII.—S.B. Endd.
14. John Natman, native of Dwysborow in the land of Clyf (Cleves ?), beyond sea. Denization. Oking, 22 July 26 Hen. VIII.—P.S. Del. Westm., 26 Aug.26 Hen. VIII.


  • 1. The earl of Shrewsbury.
  • 2. Villiers de Lisle Adam, died 21 Aug. 1534. Vertot, II. 61.
  • 3. A declaration of all their property.
  • 4. Peter du Pont was elected grand master in Lisle Adam's Place. Vertot, ib.
  • 5. Apparently the writer meant: “It is affirmed s[urely that the Turk] hath done (beaten him in) twain.”
  • 6. Of Saxony, Bavaria, and another, in the letter immediately following.
  • 7. This is added by a later hand.
  • 8. The writer, not understanding, or affecting not to understand, legal technicalities, says the court had a name beginning “with a pye, and the remenant goeth much like the name of a knight that I have known, I wis, and I trow you, too, for he hath been at my father's oft ere this at such time as you were there,—a meetly tall black man; his name was Sir William Pounder. But tut, let the name of the court go for this once, or call it if ye will a court of pye Sir William Pounder.”
  • 9. Sir Thomas More's fool.
  • 10. Note by the Editor.—She took the oath with this exception, as far as would stand with the law of God.
  • 11. The year is lost by mutilation; but it appears by inquisition post mortem 27 Hen. VIII., No. 3, that Sir William Fitzwilliam the elder, of Milton, Northampton, died on the 9th Aug. 26 Henry VIII. [1534].
  • 12. “Junil” in Rymer is a misprint.
  • 13. Surname in text, but not in signature.
  • 14. Elichius or Eligius Ferrers.
  • 15. Not “Malane,” as in Rymer.