Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 8, January-July 1535. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1885.

This free content was digitised by double rekeying. All rights reserved.


, 'Appendix', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 8, January-July 1535, (London, 1885) pp. 456-477. British History Online [accessed 23 May 2024].

. "Appendix", in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 8, January-July 1535, (London, 1885) 456-477. British History Online, accessed May 23, 2024,

. "Appendix", Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 8, January-July 1535, (London, 1885). 456-477. British History Online. Web. 23 May 2024,



1 Feb.
Wegener, Aarsberetninger, iii. 228.
1159. Denmark and Scotland.
Instructions of Christian. heir of Norway, &c., to Peter Suavenius, to be declared to the king of Scotland.
After the death of Christian's father Frederick. about two years ago, the people of Lubeck, and other maritime cities allied with them, endeavoured to keep him from the succession and to subdue Denmark and Norway. They have sent ambassadors to the princes of Christendom; among others, to Henry VIII., who has sent them 20,000 gold pieces in return for an offer of the quiet possession of Denmark. Has sent to England to inquire why the King, his friend, has made an alliance against him. No doubt the Lubeckers intend to injure Scotland as well as Denmark. Remarks on the danger of great cities, like Venice, to their neighbours. They are attempting to drive him out even of his hereditary duchies, and have sent agents to stir up rebellion in Sweden. If other cities follow their example, what universal ruin will ensue.
Is obliged to ask for aid. Is strong enough on land. but is inferior at sea, as his enemies have seized the Danish fleet by fraud, and are expecting ships from England. Requests James to send Albert Bartuen and Albert Fagow, with five or six ships each. The king of Sweden is ravaging Scania on Christian's behalf, and will join his fleet. Other princes will do the same.
With Scotch help, will easily recover what he has lost in Denmark.
An account is given of the republic of Lubeck, similar to that in the instructions for Henry VIII. [No. 72.]
If James could dissuade Henry from assisting Lubeck, it would be a great service. Surely he would not wish to see an Englishman king of Denmark, any more than Christian would. Whatever England may do, hopes Scotland will help him. Gottorp, 1 Feb. 1535.
15 March.
Wegener, Aarsberet ninger, iii. 251.
1160. Denmark and Lubeck.
Articles delivered to Cromwell, by Peter Suavenius, for a peace between the king of Denmark and the Lubeckers, and how a treaty can be made between the English, the Danes, and the Lubeckers.
Had no orders to put forward such articles, but as Cromwell wished to know his opinion, showed them as a means of peace, saying that they were his, not his King's. If it be worth while, will consult his King and the councillors about them, and bring back their answer.
Gives a short account of the state of affairs, and the appointment of Henry duke of Mecklenburg, the landgrave of Hesse, and the senates of Hamburg and Lunenburg, as arbiters between his Prince and the Lubeckers concerning the war in the Duchies. With this exception, believes that his Prince would permit the king of England to settle the disagreement about the kingdom of Denmark. The terms acceptable by his party would be that his prince should be allowed to hold Denmark and Norway in accordance with the letters given to king Frederick and the subsequent election, in the same manner as John, Christiern, and Frederick held it, without any derogation from the rights of the King or the councillors, or from freedom.
In return, believes that he could obtain from his prince and the council for the Lubeckers the enjoyment of their ancient privileges in Denmark and Norway.
Claims for damages in Denmark which might be preferred by my Prince against Lubeck could be referred to the King. Wants aid in money, ships, and men, and wishes to know how much will be given. The King ought to help the children of his deceased friend. Besides, the English once had the privileges which the Lubeckers now claim in Norway. Except the "Stiliardica Domus" they have no company so rich as that at Bergen; and if the King will help in defeating them, their privileges shall be transferred to the English. Believes that privileges would be granted to the English in Denmark if asked for; and the use of the island of Barnholm, which Frederick granted to the Lubeckers.
The king of Scotland holds the Orkneys as security for the dowry of Frederick's sister; and if the King will pay it, the islands would, he believes, be handed over to him on the same conditions.
Iceland would perhaps be pledged to the King. My prince and the councillors of Denmark could send the King German infantry much more easily than the Lubeckers. Have now at least, 8,000, who are at the King's service when matters are settled. Suggests a marriage between John duke of Holstein, son of king Frederick, and the King's daughter [Mary]. He would not be a very powerful son-in-law, but of noble birth and educated as a king's son should be.
Kings John and Christiern always beat the Lubeckers at sea; and it is hoped that my Prince will again get together a strong fleet, if he has peaceable possession of Denmark and Norway. He and the councillors are willing to serve the King in everything. Let the King say what he wishes done. Will tell the Prince and councillors, and hopes to bring back a favourable answer.
Lat. Dated at the head, apparently by the Editor, "1535, 15 Martii."
20 March.
Wegener, Aarsberetninger, iii. 254.
1161. Peter Suavenius to Cromwell.
Was promised an answer by him in three days, but has been kept longer than he was commissioned to stay, or than he can be away from his Prince. Reminds Cromwell that they are at war, the success of which depends on haste. Asks for speedy dispatch.
Lat., draft. Dated at the head (by the Editor?), "1535, 20 Martii."
26 March.
Paludan Müller's Aktstykker, i. 371.
1162. [Albert of Mecklenburg to Henry VIII.]
Certain proposals have come to him from the King, perhaps through the medium of George Wulweffer, brought by Ric. Candish and Dr. Adam Pacæus, which have given him great satisfaction. Thinks they will be very advantageous. Has expressed his mind on the subject more fully to Wulweffer, who is to give it to the said ambassadors in writing. Schwerin, 26 March '35.
ii. Articles proposed to Henry VIII. [by Wulweffer].
1. Hopes the King and Queen are in good health, and will so continue.
2. The King's affairs having been fully discussed in duke Albert's council, he has declared his mind in letters to be presented to the King by Dr. Adam. He cannot but accept thankfully the freely offered friendship of so great a King, and will do his best when an opportunity offers to requite it. Would be glad to confirm a league with him in due form, especially to aid him in a holy and Christian war, if he would assist with money in restoring Christiern II.
3. The Duke will not object to be bound to the King after Christiern's liberation, especially [along with?] those who are reduced to obedience, in a new league, which the Lubeckers and their allies will confirm, to make no friends with those who are not friends of the King, &c.; and if anything be done to the contrary the King may redemand his money.
4. If Christiern should die, and duke Albert be elected King in his place (of which there is good hope), he engages to make a perpetual league with the King, binding on all his successors; and, in short, to devote himself to the King's interests in all things, except what concerns his duty to the Holy Roman Empire.
5. As a first evidence of this good will, the Duke shall insist that when the expedition has been successfully accomplished the hired army be not disbanded, but kept for the King's service, to whom he will hand it over, giving the captains a new commission in the King's name.
27 March.
Wegener, Aarsberetninger, III. 254.
1163. Peter Suavenius to Cromwell.
Has not pressed his business these three or four days, hearing Cromwell was in ill health. Is informed by his servants that the fever is intermittent, and that today he has no attack. Reminds him of his desire to be dispatched. Cannot remain here idle without losing his character for diligence and faithfulness. This is the fifth week he has been here. While his Prince is uncertain about the King's answer, he cannot decide about other affairs. Could be of use there, and is doing nothing but eat and drink here. If Cromwell intends to answer his articles, he can entrust it to his secretaries. Knows that he has ascertained the King's intentions. If they deserve no answer, begs him to return the articles made without authority, and to reply only to the instructions. His Prince wishes to know what to think about the treaty, of which he gave Cromwell a German copy, and which the Lubeckers have published all over Germany. It is easy to say whether a deed has been done or not. Nor does the Prince ask what he is to believe, only on his own account. He cannot believe that the treaty has been made. This his instructions show. He is acting for other friendly princes, who, deceived by report and the printed copies, judge the King otherwise than they should.
It concerns the King as much as us, that the forged copies of the Lubeckers should be disproved as soon as possible.
Their petition is twofold: that the King will not help Lubeck against them, as they have no right nor title; and that the King will succour the children of his dead friend. The stem and stem of the matter, as they say, depend on the King's will. His Prince offers his help in recovering 20,000 gold pieces from the Lubeckers, or any other service. The King will see that he will be of use, having a strong army and so many friends.
Lastly, an answer must be sent to the councillors who informed the King of their wishes and the Prince's election. This part of his business also depends on the King's will. Apologises for saying so much. Asks Cromwell either to direct his secretaries to write the letter, or to hand him over to the duke of Norfolk or some one else, through whom he may obtain an answer from the King.
Lat., draft. Dated at the head (by the Editor?), 1535, 27 Martii.
28 March.
Paludan Müller's Aktstykker, i. 380.
1164. J. Wullenwefer to Duke Albert of Mecklenburg.
Advises that Bernnt van Melen be sent to England with a credence for pecuniary help,—at the least 100,000 guldens,—else Denmark will agree with Holstein, which is daily sending envoys to England. If we have no money the game is lost. Rustek, Easter Day, '35.
Holstein dialect.
1 April.
Paludan Müller's Aktstykker, ii. 66.
1165. [Albert of Mecklenburg to Henry VIII.]
After hearing the charge of Candiss and Pacæus, thought it advisable to send another person to join the former embassy, and treat of the articles which the said ambassadors brought. Desires credence, therefore, for Bernhard e Melen, "equitem auratum, capitaneum nostrum." Another embassy will shortly be sent with full information of the consent of the leading men of Denmark. Svuerini, 1 April, anno '35.
5 April.
Wegener, Aarsberetninger, iii. 256.
1166. Peter Suavenius to Bedell.
Writes to remind Bedell of his promise made yesterday. Came six months ago from Christian prince of Holsatia, on business which will not admit of long delay. Being unable to have access to Cromwell during his illness, asks Bedell to remind Cromwell of his promise to despatch him at the earliest date. If this is impossible, would wish for a safe conduct for one of his servants to report that he will be detained longer.
Lat., draft. Dated at the head (by the Editor?)), "1535, 5 Aprilis."
6 April.
Wegener, Aarsberetninger, iii. 257.
1167. Suavenius to Bedell.
In accordance with Cromwell's request, wrote three weeks ago articles which he hoped to obtain from his Prince and the councillors of Denmark. Cromwell promised a speedy answer, which he was to take back to his Prince, and return with his opinion. It was impossible for him, as desired, to draw up articles equally acceptable to the King and his Prince, which he could send by his servant. The whole thing depends on the King and his Prince and their councillors, and he cannot divine what they may think in affairs so difficult. Never wished to send his servant on his own business; and what could he write when he had no answer to his charge? It is nearly three months since he left his Prince. Has neither written nor sent, as he had daily promises of an answer from the Secretary. Business which concerns either the king of England or his Prince is too important to trust to his servants. Will go himself if there is any chance of contracting friendship between the Princes. Will readily do this, as otherwise he must tarry here idle. The matter is of such a kind that it should not be divulged till it is completed. Whatever he were to write, the Prince would have something to ask him. If he tried to conduct such a difficult negotiation by letters, the Prince would think he shirked the labour of travelling. In short, wants his promised answer. Will convey it himself, and return with the opinion of his Prince and the councillors. Cannot write or send. Asked for a safe-conduct merely because his Prince had heard nothing of him since his departure, and he desired to tell him that he was waiting here. He is, no doubt, putting off many things till Suavenius's return. If no answer is to be given to his articles, asks at least for the King's opinion on his instructions. The result of further deliberations can be sent by ambassadors or letters. Asks Bedell to show this to the Secretary.
Lat., draft. Dated at the head (by the Editor?), "1535, 6 Aprilis."
7 April.
Wegener, Aarsberetninger. iii. 258.
1168. Peter Suavenius to Henry VIII.
Reminds him that he is waiting for an answer, and that his business will not bear delay.
Lat., draft. Dated (by the Editor?), "1535, 7 Aprilis."
[12 April.]
Wegener, Aarsberetninger, iii. 259.
1169. Peter Suavexius to Henry VIII.
Cromwell has given him letters to his Prince and the councillors, which he is bid to take as an answer. Promises to deliver the letters, and thanks him for the reward.
Asks for a licence to import wine and woad from France in a French ship, for the bearer, a Hamburger.
The Hamburgers have never used force against his Prince, and granting this favor will please him. Promises to help English merchants in their suits.
Lat., draft. Dated (by the Editor), "1535, 12 Aprilis?"
12 May.
Paludan Müller, Aktstykker, ii. 80.
1170. Albert of Mecklenburg to Henry VIII.
Has detained at Copenhagen certain English ships which were bound for Livonia and Prussia. In spite of the treaties between Henry and Christiern II. hears that they would have been seized by the "enemies of us and the kingdom of Denmark," who occupy the sea. The sailors were not unwilling, and have lent the Duke a quantity of cloth, which has been used in paying the soldiers' wages, for which they have been clamouring. The country is in great poverty, owing to the duration of the war; and, remembering the virtues of king Christiern, is the more ready to take up arms.
Will repay the Englishmen what is used for the army. Begs the King not to be offended, and to aid in delivering a King who is unjustly detained in prison, the King's kinsman and ally, and the Duke's cousin, in accordance with the treaty made when he was at London with his wife, at Midsummer 1523 or thereabouts, Promises that Christiern, if liberated, will observe the treaty, and add thereto perpetual friendship with the "Wandalicæ civitates," of which Lubeck is the chief, as Geo. Wollueffer has already written to the King. Copenhagen, 12 May, anno '35.
12 May.
Paludan Muller, Aktstykker, ii. 82.
1171. Albert Duke of Mecklenburg to Henry VIII.
The course of events reminds him of what he wrote to the King on 1 April by Bernhard de Mela, that he should send a messenger to the King on his arrival in Denmark. Vullweffer will write about the negotiations for an alliance. Promises that on Christiern's liberation everything contained in the commissions of Adam Paeæus and Bernhard a Melen shall be performed. Desires credence for them. The old treaties with Christiern shall be renewed and enlarged by perpetual friendship with the "Vandalicæ civitates."Desires the King not to be offended with the detention of English ship by the count of Oldenburg. When Christiern is liberated will see that the King's subjects are treated with perfect justice. Copenhagen. 12 May.
[2 June?]
Wegener, Aarsberetninger, iii. 260.
1172. Suavenius to the King and Council of Scotland.
A speech, giving, first, an account of the situation in Denmark as in his instructions of Feb. 1. Cannot show the copy of the treaty between England and Lubeck, as he presented it to the king of England, and had no opportunity of making a copy. Will send one on his return to Holstein.
The purport of it is a renewal of the old friendship and the defence of the King's second marriage and the issue thereof by Lubeck in the General Council. The Pope is to be attacked, and articles against his primacy are drawn up, which the Lubeckers will defend in the General Council. The Lubeck ambassador made a most shocking speech on this topic before a crowded audience in England, in presence of the King and Court. No one was shut out who wished to come, and understood Latin. Will show James a copy given him by Chapuys.
The Lubeckers have promised to aid the king of England with 12 ships and 10,000 men, with no limitation against whom they are to be used. Denmark is offered to the king of England, as he stated before, or, if he do not want it, to his nominee.
The reply he had from England was no denial of the loan to Lubeck, but of any new treaty, and a promise that they would not hinder his Prince or any other in obtaining his right. Everything was done with delay and ambiguity, and he could get no certain answer whether the King would help them or their enemies. States his Prince's claims as in the instructions. His Prince wrote to James, some weeks before Suavenius left, by a Scotchman, who does not seem to have fulfilled his trust. The substance of the letters was to ask James to allow his subjects to send ships to serve him for honorable wages and booty; and he promises to do the like for James if required. Reminds James that he is a grand nephew of king Frederick by his sister, (fn. 1) and of the long alliance between Scotland, Denmark, and France. Denmark is much more able to assist him when needed than Lubeck is. The king of Sweden is ravaging Scania, &c. (as in the instructions [App. 1] to the end).
Explains that though the councillors are not bound to elect a king of a certain family, they almost always have done so. Gives an outline of the history of Denmark, and how Frederic duke of Holstein was elected King in consequence of the tyranny of Christiern II. (fn. 2) Urges the advantage of having a relation, not an enemy, reigning in Denmark.
Confesses that the Emperor was hostile to them on account of the expulsion of Christiern, but he has now made peace, and Christian is in the Emperor's pay, instead of being an enemy. James will therefore help him with the Emperor's good will.
Suggests a marriage between James and Christian's eldest sister.
10 June.
Wegener, Aarsberetninger, iii. 266.
1173. Peter Suavenius to the Archbishop of Glasgow.
It is very necessary for him to get back as soon as possible. Has been away nearly a year, the English having kept him so long in suspense. Has now been waiting here a month after delivering his letters of credence. His Prince has a strong army at great monthly expense, which he cannot use to any good purpose while the sea is open to the enemy. The master of the ship in which he came is preparing to return, and he knows no one else who will take him back. Asks the Archbishop to remind the King of his business. Whatever the answer, his Prince wishes it at once, for then he will have grounds to act upon.
Lat., draft. Dated at the head (by the Editor?), "1535, 10 Junii."
17 June.
Paludan Müller, Aktstykker, ii. 104.
1174. Bernard von Melen to Albert of Mecklenburg.
Has visited the king of England, and, along with the Doctor, declared his instructions by word and writing. Had a gracious reception, the King showing himself anxious to preserve friendship with the Duke. But as to the important matter he would take no mature resolution, especially as my credence spoke of your sending other ambassadors to Denmark with further information, and with consent of the Hanse towns. He has therefore deferred the matter till the coming of his servant Christopher [Mont]. As this would involve much delay, and all other matters in England can be left to Dr. Adam, who relaxes no effort in your service, I took leave of his Majesty, and came to Lubeck.
Written under my seal (pitzer), Thursday after St. Vitus, '35.
Provincial German.
17 June.
Wegener, Aarsberetninger, iii. 266.
1175. James V. to Christian Duke of Holstein. (fn. 3)
Commends Suavenius's conduct in his embassy. Will write to the king of England to give up his intentions about Denmark, and not to favour Lubeck against Christian. Will also send privately to Lubeck to ask the people and Senate what are the causes and who the authors of discord, and to exhort them to give up arms. On receiving an answer, will act as his relationship demands. Assures him that he will not fail to help him in his just cause. Stirling, 17 June 1535.
Lat. Signed. Sealed. Add.
[After 14 July.]
Wegener, Aarsberetninger, iii. 267.
1176. Peter Suavenius to [John Camwell].
An account of his journey from Scotland. While detained in port, heard that an embassy had come from Lubeck to ask for aid from England; and on asking why they should want aid, having hitherto had the war all their own way, was told that a few months ago they had sustained defeats. On arriving at Vere, heard that the Prince had defeated the Lubeckers; two of their generals, counts of Hoya and Teklenborch, being killed. The island of Fionia (Funen) and ten ships were also taken.
Begs him to take care that James keeps his promise of writing to dissuade Henry from helping them. Suggests the advisability of sending at once to warn Lubeck to desist from war on pain of having the Scotch for enemies. Being stunned by their bad fortune, they will not despise threats.
Lat., draft. Dated by the Editor, "1535, post diem 14 Julii."
20(?) July.
Wegener, Aarsberetninger, iv. 6.
1177. Sweden, Holstein, &c.
Power granted by Henry VIII. to Edm. Boner, LL.D., Ric. Caundishe, Esq., and Adam Paceus (Otto Pogk) LL.D., to treat with the king of Sweden, the dukes of Holstein and Mecklenburg, the count of Odenbrough, the consuls of Lubeck, and all other persons in that region, for friendship and mercantile intercourse. Nothing must be done without the consent of Boner and Caundisshe. Westm., 20 (fn. 4) July 27 Hen. VIII.
Wegener, Aarsberetninger, iii. 232.
1178. Diary of Peter Suavenius.
A short account of occurrences on his journey from "Stadium" to Brussels, where he had an audience on Monday [15 Feb.] On Tuesday Cornelius Scepper gave him an answer that letters should be written on his behalf to France, but not to England.
Went to the King (Henry VIII.) at Hampton Court on "Dominica Oculi" (28 Feb.) Showed the Secretary the substance of his charge. He denied about the treaty. As to the rest, he said an answer could be soon given. On Monday had audience in the garden. The King did not deny about the treaty, and wished to know why he ought not to accept the kingdom of Denmark. The people of Lubeck had heard what we had treated with the Emperor, and had therefore come and made friends with him. The kingdom of Denmark was elective, not hereditary. The people of Lubeck were truly his friends. Prince Christian had no right to Denmark; the kingdom had refused him. His father and the counsellors had preferred a younger son. The election was not only the affair of the counsellors but of the people as well. A few of the counsellors had adhered to Christian. This was nothing: a younger brother was in the kingdom. He also knew we had practised something with the Emperor, (fn. 5) but, getting nothing from him, we had come to England. The king of the Swedes did wrong in opposing the Lubeckers, by whom he had been raised to the kingdom. The Count likewise was at variance with Lubeck, but both would soon pay the penalty. Lubeck would easily recover what the Count holds, as they were powerful, and had put Frederick in the kingdom. The treaty with Lubeck was terminated by Frederick's death. Where was king Christiern? Had I the letters of my Prince's election?
I replied what was the truth, that Prince Christian was called to the kingdom, not by letters, but by a solemn embassy consisting of bishops and peers. This was not believed. Cromwell was summoned, and the King told him of our conversation, laughing and showing by his gesticulations what his mind was about my embassy. The treaty with Lubeck was presented by the King to Cromwell, and he replied that he would have it translated into English, and the King afterwards would decide about sending me away. Getting no audience after repeated requests, sent my instructions that the King might know what I had to say. Subsequently presented the letters of the Senators of the kingdom, adding an excuse that I had no letters of the Prince's election, nor had I thought of those letters which I had received from the connsellors, signed by five bishops and other peers, who had elected the Prince as king of Denmark, as the letter showed. Spoke afterwards of the defection of the people of Scania, of the defeat of the Lubeckers, and the death of Mark Meyers. None of it was believed. Showed Magnus Goyen's letters. Asked for a good answer as soon as possible; which was promised. Was told to return on Saturday, but on that day word was brought that [the King] could not give me audience on account of hoarseness (raucedinem) and ill health. On Wednesday the Secretary would return to the King, and I should follow.
On Lætare Sunday (7 March) was ordered to translate the Danish letters into Latin. It was promised also that one of the clerks should attend to my business in the Court, and come thence with an answer:—my despatch was being discussed, so the matter was nearly finished. Went on Tuesday, and, not being able to get in, sent some one to say I was outside, and wanted an answer. The reply was brought that there was no need to follow the Secretary to Court; he would return on Friday with my despatch. Sent back to say I was ready to give an account of the whole matter if anything was wanting in the instructions. The reply was, that there was no need of information, everything was clear in the instructions, and that on Friday I should have an answer which would content me. The Secretary did not return on Friday. On Saturday morning went to Court. Asked Cromwell to give me a favorable answer as soon as possible. He replied that he should sleep in London, and that I also should go thither, and he wished to talk over everything with me on Monday at latest; the King understood that we sought friendship and treaty with the English. Replied that we wished to have peace with all Christian princes, if only they offered tolerable conditions. He assured me that he wished to act so that where there is now war there should be peace, and that with honor to us; and that I should wait for Monday.
Came back on Monday after Judica (15 March). (fn. 6) The Secretary asked whether my Prince could not recover the favor of the Lubeckers. Said that he was inclined for peace, and waged war more in self-defence than from desire of gain. The Secretary asked me again what fair conditions of peace could be found honorable to my Prince and tolerable by the Lubeckers. Replied, free government of Denmark and Norway for Christian as for former princes, and I hoped to obtain the continuance of the privileges of the Lubeckers in those kingdoms. He asked what help we wanted from the King. Said I did not know what to ask for, as the Lubeckers reported that the King was adverse to our cause; and we could not well ask for anything, for we doubted whether we should get it. He replied that the King did not wish to injure a Prince of whom he had heard so much good as of our Prince; he wished to have friends even in the North, not so much for profit as because he was high-minded and liberal. He extolled the wealth, power, and peace of England, and wished to know how the English could help us. Said, in ships and money, as we had infantry enough. He asked what return we could make. Said we did not know, and wished to hear from him. He put the question back to me, and asked me to write out articles stating what I thought could be done. He had heard that Denmark and Norway had many islands; could the King be put in possession of one? (fn. 7) Perhaps we could not afford to repay the King adequately for his aid, but he wished to get friends, even at his own expense. He had heard that the people of Denmark were a bad lot. Excused the nobility, and said that the commons had been stirred up by the Lubeckers. He bade me write out articles for a peace, on which he would give me his opinion in writing. These might be shown to the Princes, and the opinion of both be soon discovered; I should go to my Prince, and return as soon as possible. Asked to be despatched as soon as possible. He, on the other hand, asked me not to refuse two or three days, as affairs were favorable to peace. Wrote the articles on Monday evening, and read them over with the Secretary on Tuesday at the ninth hour. They seemed not to displease him; and he promised to write his the same day.
Returned on Wednesday; but he could not attend to me, because of business with Spain. Wrote the first letters on Saturday. He replied that I should have an answer to the articles on Monday. On Monday after Palm Sunday (fn. 8) he was attacked with a tertian fever. On Saturday wrote about the substance of my business. On Easter Day wrote about sending off one of my men. Received no answer. Was not admitted to converse with him; and none of his servants dared mention me, or receive letters, because the King had ordered him to see no one and do no business until he was recovered.
On Sunday, Quasimodo Geniti, (fn. 9) went to his house, hearing that he was better, but no one would announce me, or permit me to enter. Was advised to apply to Bedell, who alone had sufficient influence with Cromwell to help me.
Went to Bedell after dinner, who promised to help me, and bade me come back on Tuesday. Wrote on Monday to remind Bedell. On Tuesday was told by him that the King loved my Prince, and was sorry that he had not sent sooner to ask for help, because the Lubeckers had anticipated him, and offered the King what was not to be despised. Though the contract was not confirmed, the King could not so soon refuse their offered friendship without a suspicion of lightness. I must devise articles, profitable to my Prince and honorable to the King, so that he might not seem to go back from the friendship of the cities. These I should send to my Prince, and wait for an an answer. The King would do what he could without violating his friendship with the cities; (fn. 10) and he would take account of my long delay and expenses. Replied that it was difficult to decide concerning the wishes of princes in such weighty matters, nor did I know how the King wished to be served by us, nor could I ascertain with certainty what my Prince could offer. It was theirs to ask, ours to comply with just and reasonable requests. As far as concerned my Prince, nothing fair could be asked from him which he would not willingly accept. My instructions showed this. He replied that a general promise was not enough to contract friendship, it must be stated specifically. Said that I had given special articles about making peace with Lubeck, and contracting friendship with the King, three weeks ago, to Cromwell; and if I had his answer I would rather go with it myself than entrust it to a servant. He said he had heard nothing before this of the articles; that the King would dine with Cromwell on Tuesday, and I therefore could have nothing certain till Thursday. Sent Bedell a letter on returning home, that he might not forget.
Wrote the supplication on Tuesday, which I wished him to give the King personally if there was an opportunity. Went to Cromwell's house in the evening, when the King was there. When he saw me, he gave Cromwell charge to despatch me, who sent a servant to bid me return next day and have my answer.
Went on Thursday to Bedell, and asked him whether he had done anything in my business. He said he had not been able to do anything, as Cromwell was occupied in entertaining the King. He advised me to go myself to Cromwell, as he was better, and received people. Went to him, and he said almost the same as Bedell. He praised my Prince, and extolled the King's power; if we had come before, he thought it would have been much to our advantage; the King, on account of the small sum of money which he had lent them, could not show himself difficult to the cities when they offered friendship. Said we did not know till lately that the Lubeckers were seeking help here, therefore we had not sent sooner; my Prince could perform all that the Lubeckers offered, more honorably and better than they. Instanced the promise of 10,000 foot, which they could not supply. He replied that he believed they had promised mountains of gold, but how could England go back from her promises? Said that this could be easily done, as the Lubeckers had given the King false information. He replied that the Lubeckers had never said anything about the election of my Prince, and therefore the King had written to the Lubeckers; he was grieved also that they had stirred up a peasants' insurrection in Denmark. Said they had acted treacherously with us; they had done this in the name of king Christiern, to keep us from our right, but my Prince would rather lose his life than give up his election. He replied, "You have no right." Said that the choice of the councillors was on us, which alone was enough in an elective kingdom. He said that the peasants and citizens had not consented to my Prince. Said their consent was not necessary; the councillors had always elected the King in Denmark, as history testified. He replied that Christiern had the greatest right to recover Denmark. Said the councillors had not driven him from the kingdom without the best reasons, nor had he kept the articles to which he had sworn. Danish kings were created with certain conditions; if they did not keep what they swore to, the people were free to revolt from them; nor did they do fealty to their King except on these conditions. He exclaimed, "O wretched king!" Said it was so. Nor was it our custom to negociate by falsehood; the hope of our victory was in open truth. He asked me to wait, giving me hope of sustentation and recompense for past troubles. Said I would wait if hope were held out of any use, or if there were any necessity; if not, I would depart; let him make an answer to my articles, but if he would not, at least to my instructions. He said my articles were honorable; he wished I had come sooner. Replied that even now there was time for them to help my Prince with authority alone, without expense; the Lubeckers had promised the quiet possession of Denmark to the King or his nominee; let the King bid them give it to my Prince. He replied he would omit nothing that would tend to cement peace. He had no news from those parts for a long time; he did not know how matters were going now; he therefore advised me to remain, in case anyone came from Lubeck, in case anything could be done. Said also that I had no news nor orders to treat with Lubeck, therefore I could not tarry unless for a certain prospect of advantage to my Prince. He promised me an answer to my instructions in three days. Showed him to what articles an answer was wanted. He said he had the whole business in his memory.
On Monday after the third Sunday from Easter, (fn. 11) 13 (12) April, I returned. Found Cromwell in the hall in which the King had previously dined. He had in the window near him two letters and some angelots. When I approached, he said I had, instead of an answer, letters and a reward from the King, which I ought not to despise; if I came back, as he hoped, I should have a better answer. He asked me to commend him to my Prince. My long waiting was due to his ill-health; he was sorry I had taken it ill. Thanked him for the reward, and promised to deliver the letters. I said I did not doubt my requests were carefully answered. He replied that the effect of the letters was that the King was grieved that the Lubeckers had excited insurrection in Denmark, and he desired friendship with the duke of Holstein if the Duke wished it. Said we desired nothing but friendship, and I had come on that account alone, nor did my Prince want anything but to have peace with the King and all Christian princes. I asked what he wished us to think about the treaty which the Lubeckers had entered into with the King. He replied, with his hand on his breast, which serves for an oath among the English, that I might believe certainly that no new treaty had been made with Lubeck, which had old friendship with England. Asked what about the copy which I had given him; had the Lubeckers forged it? He replied that the Lubeckers were free to write and publish what they pleased, the King could not forbid it. Asked whether we or the Lubeckers could count on the King's help. He replied that I might be quite certain that the King would attempt nothing against us, as he wished neither the duke of Holstein nor anyone else to be oppressed. Asked again whether I ought to say this as certain to my Prince, so that if matters turned out otherwise, I might not be found to have spoken falsely. Placing his hand on his breast again, he replied, "You may tell your Prince, and I promise it on my faith, that the King will keep what I promise and say in his name." I suggested, what about giving aid? He said he did not know, but believed that the King would help neither us nor the Lubeckers. Said that then he meant to be neutral. He replied that he believed so, but did not know. Said it was necessary to have some certain answer, for my Prince had sent me to England to know the King's intentions; I must have something certain to take back; I would rather go to the King himself, as he seemed uncertain, and ask him. He replied that the King did not wish to injure either us or any prince. He forbade me to go back to Court; it was the custom for him to reply to foreigners in the King's name; he could get no other answer for me than what he had given; even if I went back to Court I should not be able to see the King, as he was very busy, and Cromwell had been charged to despatch me. As I was standing thoughtful and ill at ease, he sent for Christopher, and angrily bade him tell me that I could have no other answer than he had given me. He saw I was not content, and wished to go to the King; could I not believe his words? He knew for certain that the King would not see me. Said I did not distrust his words; I only wished for an interview with the King because I wished for something certain to take back. He replied that nothing more certain could be said at present. He asked me to offer his services to my Prince. Said I would do what was asked. Asked if the King did not wish to employ the services of my Prince or the councillors in anything, for both had offered to serve him as far as they could. He replied that there was nothing to ask for now; I must assist in procuring friendship; perhaps afterwards there might be a request. I asked for a passport and my articles. He promised to send me a safe-conduct, and asked to be allowed to keep the articles. Pretended I had no copy. He replied that doubtless they were fresh in my memory, and promised to keep them secret. Asked to be allowed to copy them. He gave the job to Christopher, to whom I dared not entrust anything of the kind. Pressed him to let me copy "meam salinam," but in vain. I interceded for Henry Luchtemaker, whose affair he promised to show the King, and then pretended that he could not stand on account of illness. Received the safe-conduct on Tuesday, and left Gravesend on Friday.
Account of his journey to Vere, whence he sailed for Scotland on Tuesday (27 April). Came in sight of England on the fifth day, and neared the Scotch coast on the 7th. Saw the castle of the Bass Rock (arcem Basth), situated on a vast rock, covered with countless birds which the Scotch call "gant" (gannet). The Warden makes 400 gold pieces a year from the feathers and fish which the birds bring there. On Monday before Ascension Day came to Dundee (oppidum Dondii). Stopped there four days, as the master of the ship sent a man to the King with the Emperor's letters. On Friday after Ascension Day came to the ferry dividing Edinburgh from Dundee. Arrived at Edinburgh on Saturday at midday, and hired horses for next day, as the King was on the English border. On Sunday evening arrived at Treborch (Dryburgh); on Monday noon at Jedburgh (Jeduart). Met there John Camwell; told him I was sent by Christian duke of Holstein, and asked him to inform the King of my coming. On Tuesday met the hermit John Scotte, (fn. 12) who had left his wife and children and property, and lived alone on bread and water or milk. It is firmly believed in England, Scotland, and Italy that he fasted forty days and nights. He says that whenever he is compelled by higher authority, he can do the same by grace of the Virgin, and cannot die of starvation. If he wished to do it for a bargain or by agreement, he could not do it. He felt no hunger when he fasted, lost no strength or condition (corporis habitudo), felt neither heat nor cold, went with bare head and feet in winter and summer, did not grow old. Asked him why he left his wife. He said he wished to fight for God, but did not care whet her his wife decided to serve the world or God. A regular canon who chanced to be with us said he had been asked by his wife to reconcile them, but it was of no use.
Asked if there were in Scotland trees on which birds grew, and was given an account of them. There is a floating island (Delos), which goes from shore to shore with the tide. There is a place eight miles in circumference where no cocks crow, whether native or imported; taken elsewhere they crow. The gannet (gandt) only lays one egg, and hatches it standing. The wild Scots (sylvestres Scotos) live like Scythians. They know nothing of bread; when hungry they kill a stag and eat the flesh raw, just squeezing out the blood. Not far from Edinburgh is a mountain smoking like Etna, which I saw. (fn. 13) In an abbey near is a place whence oil flows out of the earth. In Irish Scotland is an island, where the sun is seen night and day in summer.
On Wednesday (fn. 14) went to the King at an abbey called Jemoers (Melrose), of which the abbot has 15,000 cr. a year. After mass greeted the King, who was near the altar in hunting dress. Gave him letters, and was desired to defer my business till he could summon his councillors. Asked him to do this as soon as possible. Was desired to hand over any other writings, but said that they were of such a kind that he could not do so except when he was heard. Was told that the councillors would assemble in four days, and so returned with John Camwell to Jeduart.
Near Dondy is an abbey, for six miles around which are innumerable harmless snakes. Camwell told me that at Jemoers abbey, whenever a monk was about to die, a few days before, the sound of a bell was heard in the cells, on which they went to confession, uncertain who was summoned. (fn. 16) He showed me three columns of jasper more than my height, and about a cubit in circumference, which were from the mountains. He told me also that the family of Constable in England formerly received their fief of the king of the Danes. Now it is the custom that the eldest of the family every Christmas goes to the sea towards the North. Three times he shouts that if any one will take the rent in the name of the king of the Danes he will pay it, and then shoots an arrow with a coin fixed on it into the sea. Camwell said he had seen it done when staying with Marmaduke Constable. Marmaduke himself said that neglect of this ceremony would entail forfeiture, and showed his "literæ pheudatoriæ" which enjoin it. Four years ago Dr. (fn. 15) Marmaduke Constable told me the same tale, except that it was a rose, not a coin, that was thrown into the sea; and on the feast of St. John the Baptist, not at Christmas. From every house with a chimney in England a coin is given, which the English call "rycks pennynck."
The four days were extended to three weeks, as the councillors were administering justice on the Borders. On Whitsunday was entertained by the councillors at Jeduart. Wrote on Tuesday in Whit week to the Secretary that my business needed haste. He replied, bidding me go back to Edinburgh; which I did; but neither the King nor the Chancellor was there. Reminded the Secretary through my friends. On Corpus Christi Day accompanied the procession. That day the Scotch messenger arrived with letters, who had been sent on a fortnight before I was sent away.
On the first Sunday after Trinity (fn. 17) the Chancellor arrived. On Wednesday the Privy Council assembled in the Chancellor's house. Handed in my instructions, fearing a long delay if I waited for the King. Accompanied the procession again on the octave of Corpus Christi. (fn. 18) On Saturday (fn. 19) went to the Chancellor to ask for a speedy answer. He promised to help me, saying that four days ago the instructions sent to the King had been returned with an order that he should consult the other councillors about giving a reply, that I might be despatched without delay when the King arrived. He said that we asked for help at sea, and he asked me where the money was to furnish the ships. Replied that my Prince believed that skilful men might be found in Scotland who would enter our service with a promise of honorable pay and a share of booty, and I was empowered to promise that as soon as they arrived at one of the four ports (fn. 20) they should have letters of marque (literæ bellicæ) and wages; but I could give no other conditions. He said this was well; and he added that he had read the speech of the Lubeckers, (fn. 21) which he found clearly heretical, as it infringed the authority of the Pope; and he believed that whatever the English had done against the Church they had done by persuasion of the Lubeckers. Said that an ambassador from Lubeck was expected in England about the time I left. He replied that, doubtless, his arrival was more looked for there than mine. Said how much the king of England trusted the Lubeckers, and that he had said to me that he knew for certain that the Lubeckers were his friends. On which I reminded him that they had once been friends of king Frederick, but now tried to ruin his sons, although by the King's great kindness they had enjoyed the islands of Barnholm and Gotland for some time. The Bishop asked how old my Prince was. Replied, thirty or thirty-two. He wondered at this, and did not think he was so old. Said the three other brothers were younger (minorennes). Told him the war was about ecclesiastical matters, and asked him on that account to favor my business; there were fourteen bishops in Denmark and Norway, whose destruction was imminent if my Prince could not obtain his rights. He replied that he would attend to it. Asked when I should come for an answer. He said he would let me know, and told me meanwhile to use his house.
On Tuesday (fn. 22) evening the King came to the abbey (fn. 23) near Edinburgh. On Wednesday I again met the Chancellor. Asked him, now the King was here, to remember my business. He said he had done it, and was doing it, more than I knew or thought, and he bade me hope for a good answer. He asked whether I knew Alexander More. Said I knew him. He wished to know where he was. Said I supposed he was with my Prince, who used his help in naval affairs. This pleased him. He nodded, smiling, to the others, and added that More was of good family; that he had always done king Frederick's business steadfastly whenever he was here; lately he and his friends had managed so that no aid was granted to Christiern when he asked for it. Said that Frederick desired peace more than anything; that Christiern had so behaved that his friends had no more faith in him. Mentioned, in proof of this, the banquet in Sweden, where most of the nobility, and among them three bishops, were slain. The Bishop replied that he had heard of this, and also that he had drowned certain monks. Meanwhile it was commonly said in Scotland that the Lubeckers were on Christiern's side. Said they used his name to stir up sedition, but in fact they attempted either to get possession of Denmark for themselves, or hand it over to England. The treaty they had made with England proved this. The Bishop easily allowed himself to be influenced, and said the King would not fail his kinsman. He said I had written well about democracy,—that it was the worst mode of government. The peasants wished to tread on the necks of kings,—which would turn out ill for them; but he wished to know how, if the Lubeckers were subjects of the Emperor, they could attack princes of the empire. Said that self-deception had given them such courage that they did not care for the Emperor himself. A proof of this was that two years ago they waged war against the Hollanders, and now it appeared from the treaty with England how much they cared for the Emperor. He said he had read the speech of the Lubeckers. Asked him how he liked it. He said it seemed to him very heretical, because it tried to weaken the authority of the Church, and therefore he thought that whatever the English are now doing against the Church was done by their persuasion. Replied that the Lubeckers and Hamburghers were consulted about the marriage by Dr. Lee; the King also had asked them to send ambassadors to England, and a speech was made there, of which the Imperial ambassador gave me a copy, and afterwards the treaty was discussed. He laughed at the King for neglecting the opinions of kings and princes, and asking the advice of cities. Said I had heard the King himself say that the Lubeckers were truly his friends, and that I had replied that once they had been king Frederick's friends, but now they tried to ruin his children. The Bishop asked whether Christiern's daughters were given in marriage (?) (elocatas). Said I had heard it, but it was settled that everything concerning Christiern and his children must be negotiated with the Emperor; there were letters patent sealed and confirmed about this. He wondered that no provision was made for his daughters in the succession of Denmark. Said that the Emperor was then surrounded by various difficulties. Attacked by the Turk, he could have no help from France, England almost professed open enmity, Germany was not quiet. In consequence of these circumstances the Emperor made a treaty with us. He thought he could marry (elocare) his daughters honorably enough any how. Was told to come back next day.
On Thursday (fn. 24) the King went to the castle (prætorium) at Edinburgh, with a great company of nobles, bishops, and abbots. Met the Secretary, who promised an answer in two days, as did also the Lord [Clerk] Register. Wrote a supplication to the Chancellor, and called on him after dinner. He said he had read my supplication, and that I might be sure that the King was deeply concerned about his kinsman; that he would not neglect our interests, notwithstanding what the Lubeckers said, that he was on Christiern's side. Replied that the Lubeckers had given such a specimen of their covetousness, but in truth were plotting something more, as appeared from the contract they had entered into with the English. Warned him again how much the king of England trusted the Lubeckers, and that he was looking after Denmark. This appeared from his own words. The Chancellor replied that the Danes had ruled England; now the English tried to govern the Danes in turn. I might be assured that my business was not only being attended to, but was almost turning on the hinge. Asked him to tell me what day he wished me to return. This he said he could not do yet.
On Sunday (fn. 25) went to the Chancellor, who told me the matter was concluded. The Secretary said the same, and that nothing was wanting but the King's signature. John Champuel had told me the day before in the castle (prætorium) that my business was well settled. The Secretary wanted three days for sealing and copying. Went back on Wednesday, and received a message from the servant that the letters had not yet come from the King, and I must come again tomorrow. On Thursday, the same; but the Chancellor told me that the King would send to persuade the king of England to give up his intention about Denmark, and to the Lubeckers to ask why they waged war on a kinsman of his; and if their reply was inadequate, he would bid them cease; if they would not, it would be an occasion for war. Said the answer was good, but my Prince was not helped. They said I asked it now for the first time. I said I had asked for ships: they in return spoke of embassies. Had I not asked, he said, for an embassy to be sent to England? Replied that I did not deny it, but I had never asked for one to Lubeck, as I knew it was of no use. Other princes had tried to finish the war by friendly arrangement, but their requests had had no weight with the Lubeckers. If they sent now, the only answer they would have would be that they are taking Christiern's part; meanwhile, what they are doing is clear from the English treaty. The Secretary asked if I had been in England (so little he knew of my affairs); he added also that report confirmed that what the Lubeckers were doing was for Christiern, and that it was said that there was in Denmark another count of Oldenborch, who was as near in blood to the King as my Prince. Said the relationship was not so near, and showed him the count of Oldenborch was in a collateral line, while my Prince was in the direct line. Said my petition was, first, that the King should move his subjects to help my Prince with ships for wages and free plunder; and, secondly, that he himself should give us some ships. If the King would do nothing himself, the first part was easy; and I asked them to help me, as I did not know the language well. The Chancellor replied that the King could permit this, but could not order it, and asked me to come to dinner. Went to John Champuel, and complained of the answer, saying there was no cause to have kept me so long in hopes; if they were not disposed to grant anything else, at all events they might allow the people to serve us for wages. He promised to talk of this with the councillors. Went immediately to Lyth, gave the letters to Albert Bartuen, and showed him my business. He replied that he could do nothing without a definite order from the King and Council. Said I would perhaps come back with it.
After dinner John Champuel told me that he had spoken about my affairs with the Secretary. Replied I had not found the Secretary very favorable, and our conversation showed he had not understood my business. Champuel asked if he had not seen the instructions. Said he had seen them, but had not understood them, or perhaps read them carefully; and desired him not to be offended at my plain speaking. He replied he could not be offended at any one who spoke the truth, and wished that all were as favorable to me as he himself was. I wished, on the other hand, that all understood my business as well as he did. Then I gave him the heads of the treaty with England to read. The Chancellor came in, and asked what we were reading, and told me not to trouble myself, the letters would show that the answer was in better form than I thought. Replied that the Lubeckers had already ruined by treachery one of their kinsfolk (for they had stirred up Frederick against Christiern, though he had plenty of cause for war on his own account), and now they were in hostility with another. If they could not protect both, at all events let them help the one in possession. This could be done without expense if they allowed us to hire ships. Told them I had spoken to Albert Bartuen, and found him ready to serve my Prince, but that he was waiting for orders. The Bishop promised to consult with the Council.
On Friday morning, (fn. 26) the Secretary refered me to the clerks to see the letters. Was asked how I liked them. Replied as before, that the letters were good, but that my Prince was not helped by them. I asked that they might be signed at once, for I must make haste to embark. After dinner went back to the Chancellor; the Secretary was there also. While they were conversing he ordered one of the clerks to talk to me; to whom I said, as before, that the reply did not help my Prince. At last the Chancellor sent for me, and asked me if I had read the letters. Said I had read them, and my opinion was the same as before. The Secretary said it was not my business to answer the letters, but I ought to take what was given, nor should I get any other answer. I asked if he wished to prevent my saying what I thought to my Prince's interest. The Bishop interrupted the discussion, saying that I did right in urging what was my duty, but no other answer could be given, nor could we have any aid while Christiern was alive, because both princes were similarly related to the King. Hearing this, said I was satisfied, nor should I meddle further if we could get no help during Christiern's life. Asked for the letters, and leave to depart. They said this should be done at once, and added that honorable mention was made of me in the letters. Thanked them for this, saying I had nothing to complain of; that I feared they would ruin the survivor of their kinsman by delay, the other being already destroyed by the treachery of the Lubeckers; perhaps, when they wished to help us, they would not be able. The Chancellor asked why I said that Christiern was destroyed, whom I had previously affirmed to be alive. Answered that he was first driven out of his kingdom by the Lubeckers, and then deprived of his liberty; was not this destruction? The Secretary suggested that the Lubeckers were now penitent, and wished to restore him, and were fighting on his behalf. Replied that the Lubeckers made this pretence, but the treaty with England showed that they meant the contrary; if they believed the empty rumors of the enemy more than my instructions, I had wasted too much time there. The Bishop, interrupting, said this was not so, and asked by whom Christiern was kept prisoner. Replied, by the councillors of the kingdom. The Secretary said indignantly that they had wrongfully driven him out, and now kept him prisoner. Replied that it was publicly known by what right or wrong Christiern was expelled, nor did I wish to discuss it. Still, if anyone wished to defend him, I had something to say on the other side. The Chancellor replied that he did not wish to judge between friendly princes, nor did he wish to help in setting Christiern free; nor, on the other hand, could they help us in keeping him a prisoner; Christiern, though a prisoner, had a claim to the kingdom, and he might be restored by these disturbances. Replied that nothing was impossible to God, but we hoped differently. The Bishop added that if Christiern were dead, as was reported, no one had a better right to Denmark than our Prince; then there would be no hesitation in helping him, but it would be done as in the time of king John; ships would be sent at once, without regard to the enemy, Lubeckers, or any one else. Said that my Prince knew that they had helped former princes, and therefore he asked for aid, and I desired them to help me to get ships. The Bishop remarked that I had no money at present. Replied that that was so, but I hoped that, by the King's authority, his subjects might be induced to come with their ships to our ports; directly they arrived, they should be dealt with about wages, and free booty and letters of marque (literæ bellicæ) given them, that they might be known to be in our service. The Bishop said we must first be satisfied with letters. If the king of England were to write that he aimed at Denmark because it was offered him by the Lubeckers, there was no doubt they ought to help us; if he wrote that he meant to abstain from helping the Lubeckers, Christiern, although in prison, ought not to be injured; the matter had been much discussed in the Council, but nothing juster could be devised. Thanked the Bishop for his attention to my affairs, and asked for the Lubecker's speech back. He desired me to come again on Saturday morning.
Found the Secretary there that day, whom I thanked for his assistance, and begged him to excuse anything I had said too freely; that I was not actuated by private interests, but by my fidelity to my Prince. He replied that he helped all foreigners, and he could not take it ill that I had done all I could for my Prince. Met the Bishop after mass, who, seeing me somewhat sad, bade me be of good courage, for all would end well. Replied that I had been sad as long as any hope remained of getting help, but now that hope was taken away I had laid aside my cares, for I saw they would do no good. He replied about [the king of] England, what has been said before; if he (the King) did not reply satisfactorily, it might be as I wished: I must acquiesce in the opinion of the councillors. Replied that I did so necessarily and willingly, because I had attempted the contrary in vain.
Left Edinburgh on Sunday. (fn. 27) Waited at Dundee nine days for a ship. Sailed on Monday, (fn. 28) and was 17 days at sea. Arrived at Vere on the eve of the Division of the Apostles. (fn. 29)
On the cover of the MS. is a draft letter of Suavenius to a brother of Melchior Rantzov, written from London, in a Low German dialect.
R. O. 1179. State Papers.
An inventory of letters and documents, with the names of the writers in the margin. [Most of the papers belong to the period of this volume, and where the originals have been identified, references are given to the Nos. of the entries in the Calendar.]
From "Mr. Wallop" [a previous leaf appears to be missing]:—
"[an]d how thadmyrall shewed hym that themperour had sent unto [the p]oope to enter into leage of Italy. And ..... if he wolde [so do that he] wold make the Kyng our master to retorne ag[ai]n [to] the [Church of] Rome. And how thadmyrall shewed [hi]m that the mari[age of my lad]y Prynces shuld take effecte. And ............. of Portyngale his ambassadour for his ............. entendeth to have a determynat peace ............ or the Frensshe kyng.
"A lettre [dated] the x..jth daie of Februaire, how that the Turke hathe ta[ken] peace with Soffia. And of the departu[re] of the Frenshe kyng into Normandy. And of the losse [of] xxx. vessels of Barbarossa.
"A lettre dated the xxvijth daie of F[ebr]uary of tharrivall of [the] Poopes ambassadour there. And that the P[oope and the duke of] Ferrar will not as yet enter into t[h]e l[eague, but be between] them neuter. And of the Com ............. Emperours ambassadour, which ambas[sadour] .......... beyng there had no commyssion to communycat .......... concernyng mariage or such or like savyng one ....... unto certeyn articles. And that the same ambas[sadour] ..... some gode way shalbe betwene the Kyng and ............ thadmyralles comyng to Caleis. And (fn. 30) that ........... pension with my lady Prynces. And how th ......... [gon] (fn. 31) poyntted to go into Portyngale of truthe for the mar[riage of that King's] doughter to m[on]sr. de Angollame. An[d] ............ Kyng hathe taken into his handes the tempora[l goods of the clergy] which to pacifie hym have graunted viijc ml [1. towards his necessite.] And that the Frensshe [ky]ng ............ handes all the salte of Fraunce ................... his woddes to the value [of ...] jc ml fraunk ........... yerely in all to xijc ml [crown]es. A[nd] ............ betwene thadmy[ral]l .... and the .......... next heire to * * *
"A lettre dated xixth daie of Januarie .......... the punysshment of hereses in Fraunce ................. and of certeyn leages made by them ................... and that the Frensshe quene had .................. mariage betwene themperours d[aughter and] .....
"A lettre dated xxiiijth daie of Jan[uary] of Mr. Peneson to be one of the 1. men of arme[s] .... he percase (?) of the revenuez grauntted to the Ky[n]g ....... heres. And of thassemble of the spiritualtie ........ viijth daie of Janu[ary]. And of the congregacion [of the est]ates of the spiritualt[ie] there abou[t] Midlent.
"A letter d[at]ed the ixth daie of Februarie mencionyng the depar[ture] of [the T]urkes ambassadour. And of thoccurraunttes of the Tu[rkes and] fortificacion of dyvers townes of Sophia. And how that [Mons.] Pomery shall supplie Monsr. de Morrettes rome. And of [the o]pen fame of the Kyng and the Frensshe kynges metyng ..... proffe that the money of May was not emploied.
"A lettre dated the xvth daie of Februarie of such comunycacion as hathe ben betwene hym and themperours ambassadour. And that he hathe no commyssion therfore, but a lettre from a frende of his, beyng one of themperours most secret counsell that his doyng was well accepted.
"A lettre dated the xxth d[aie o]f Februarie concernyng thalteracion of the name of the yerly pension to be called an aide geven unto the Kyng for the conquest of Denmark and Ireland. And of [t]heir pretensid amytie surmysed to be made betwene the emperor and the Frensshe kyng and of other circumstaunces betwene [t]hadmyrall [and] hym. And that the yerely money paid for salt must b[e no] lenger paid if they conclude anythyng the Admyra[ll] ...... m. And of my lord Williams sendying into [Scotland] ....... not the Frensshemen. And that the ............... the kyng of Scottes and the Frensshe .............. not procede."
[Second leaf.]—"A byll of newes sent to the Duke ......
"An extract of lettres dated at .............. Januarie.
"An extract of lettres dated a[t] .......... the xiijth daie of November.
"An extract of lettres dated at [Constant]ynople the xxvjth day of October.
"Newes out of Secelle taken out of lettres dated the x..daie of Januarie.
"Newes of the late attempted renovacion of the leage Swevyk.
"[An ex]tract of lettres sent from Constantynople the xixth da[y of] December.
"An extract of lettres dated at Gene.
"Two writynges of instruccions sent by thadmyrall of Fraunce to Monsr. Palamydes of one effect. And ij. other of like instruccions.
"[T]he Epitaphie of Clement late busshop [of Rome].
"A lettre sent from the rulers of Denmark, certefiyng [the election] of their Kyng.
"..... [o]f instructions made by the duke of Holsatia [to Peter] Suavenius Secretarie of the ....
"[The] copy of a lettre sent from the Lubecians to [the King].
"The Kynges answer to the credence and memorialles to hym delyvered by the Traisau[rer Pa]lamedes.
"A remembrance of the D ........... together with his request.
[Third leaf.] From Pate.—
"A lettre from Mr. Pate to th ......... daie of Januarie.
"A lettre to my master that same ty[me].
"A lettre to the Kyng the last daie .........
"A lettre to my master that same tym[e].
"A lettre to the Kyng dated the viijth [daie of] Februarie.
"A lettre to the Kyng the xth daie o[f] ...... e.
"A lettre to my master the xijth daie of Februarie.
"A lettre to the Kyng dated the xvjth daie of Februarie.
"And a lettre to my [maste]r the same daie.
"[A c]opy of a lettre sent from the cardynall of Seuilla [to Mr.] Pate.
"[A cop]y of themperours lettre sent to the seid Cardynall in fa[vour of] Englisshemen imprisoned for heresie.
"A lettre sent unto the Kyng the last daie of Januarie from Laurence Stauber at Neuuenmarket with certeyn newes. [See No. 139.]
"A lettre to the Kyng from Cassalius the prothonotarie the xiijth daye of Februarie, with a copy of the busshop of Zagrabien [hi]s lettres sent to the s[ai]d Cass[a]lius dated the xxijth daie of January, and the copy of the busshop of Sirmya his lettres sent to the seid bushop [o]f Zagrabien the vth day of Januarye [No. 91].
"[A lettr]e to my master the same d[ai]e.
"[A] l[ettre] s[ent t]o the Kyng without date.
"............. [t]he xvjth daie of Februarie.
"............. [my] master the first daie of Februarie.
"A lettre sent to Caleis concernyng the prechyng of [Mr. L]atymer [253].
"[The l]orde Lysle his lettre concernyng the ........
"[The c]ertificat of the Commyssioners made to the viewe of Sewley Fennes a[n]d Shertwod (?)."
[Fourth leaf.]
"A lettre from Cuthbert Ogle with twoo se[als] ............ the Kynge's pardon for such tenthes and dys[mes as his Grace] shuld have oute of his benyfice [261].
"A lettre from my lord Chancellour fo ............. for Kynges Wood Hethe, to have y[erely] ............ and xl. s. of yerely rent, wherof .............. have takyn no profyt this iijc ye[res].
"John Smyth complaynt again[st] .......... his wif for certeyn plate and joyell .........
"Renold Lytilprowe a lettre withoute d[ate f]o[r] the maire of [Norwich] to comaunde the bochers of [Norwych] to bryng calv[es into the] market, and of the deth of the Priores of Carow [318].
"A lettre from tharchbus[sh]opp of Yorke concernyng his callyng upon the collectoures to send upp such money as they be charged with.
"Sir John Dudley, knyght, a lettre dated le xxvth day of Februar concerning the matier bitwene hym and Guldeford [264].
"...... Poulet, a lettre concerning the delyvery of Evers out of the Flete, [the] rather at his request.
"George Browne, frere, a lettre dyssyryng the respyttyng of the matiers of thabbot of Meryvall and Mr. Turvylle to his comyng.
"Sir Robert Wynfeld, a lettre concerning his graunt to hym made of Meane Broke, &c., and of his greate charges therein susteyned.
"The busshopp [of Lychfild].—A lettre requeryng the executour of his predicessour to be sent for and to be at a poynt with hym for the housse of Lychfild.
"........ [An a]nswer of the Kynges lettre directed to hym that he shuld ........ [admi]tt nor inducte any persone to any benefice or .......... within his diocese till the Kyng be duely answered [of the tenths and other pr]ofyttes, and the value of certeyn benefices ........ had of the busshopp of Rome, concerning his busshop[ric] ........ late of Saint Davyes.
"The maister of Saint Thomas of Acres, a lettre that he can [hav]e no money paid of the persones cessed for payment of [the] laborers except xl. li. of the abbot of Saint Augustynes .......... can have, oonles it shall please the Kyng to paye ..... and that the other owners may be compelled [likewise] to pay, and that he, Mr. Boughton and Mr. Draper goo [in fea]r of their lyves by the said laborers [VII. 1636].
"....... re a lettre declaryng his troble by processe directe for [the profi]tes of shirifwek of Northumberland by hym occupied .......... [a]nd of his greate charges by thoccasion of rebelles as [Sir William] Lyle and his parte takers, and desyryng therfore to have [the Kinges] pardon or other discharge.
"[Anthony Se]ntleger, a lettre dated the ijde day of Marche, concerning the priour of [C]ristchurch in Canturbury is answer for tymbre to b[e] had in Horsley Comen [314].
"Sir Fraunces Brya[n], a lettre concerning a French boke sent to my maister and desiryng his bill to be signed for Raunston an[d] also Adams byll to be remembred [283].
"Sir Fraunces Bryan, an other lettre concerning ... [ge]ldynges stollen from Edmund Conquest by tw[o thieves] whero[f] the oon was hanged at Cristme[s] .......... the said geldynges were sold in ............. and his copartyner [305].
"Tharchebusshopp of Canterbury.—A lettre concerning the preferment of Thomas [Bartelet] to my master is service, dated the first day of Marche [306].
"Lord Sandes, a lettre how victaylles (victuallers) can by (buy) no ca[ttle at] price resonable, and complayne sore against graciou[rs] [350].
"Tharchibusshop of Canterbury, a lettre concernyng lettres to hym directe out of Alm[aine].
"Sir John Nevyll, a lettre concerning the dethe of oone .......... Hanford (sic, qu. Hansard?) withoute issue male, &c. [298]
"Thomas Cheyne, a lettre of .................. to Lylgrave in his fa[vour] [356?].
"Tharle of Wilshire, a lettre ............... [Fr]enche [king] agayne, dated the ..........
"Sir William T ............................. dated the .........."
[Fifth leaf.]
"The busshopp of Norwych, a lettre declaryng the dethe of the late prio[ress of Carowe], and how the nonnes there desire the Kynges [licence] to have ther eleccion for a priores, dated [the 3d day of] Marche [317].
"Edward Becke, a lettre dated [at the Hollehed the 10th day] of February of newes in those [parts] [193].
"Thomas Wandesworth of Bom[in] (prior of Bodmin), concerning] the tythyng Fisshe of Padstowe [VII. 222].
"William Brabzon, a lettre d[ated at Du]bly [n the 15th] day of February, of the new[s of those] parties [222].
"Sir Edward Wotton, knyght, a lettre [d]ated the vjth [day] of March, concerning thabbes of Mallyng [349].
"William, abbot of York, a lettre withoute date concerning the trobl[e] of his servant Manfild [313].
"R[obert] Fowler, vice-treasourer of Calais, a lettre dated [at Ca]lais the vth day of March, concerning ml. ml. li. to be left there [for the] Kynges workes [347].
"Sir Thomas Denys, knyght, a lettre dated the ixth day of Octobre, concerning the pryour and priory of Frystok in Devon. [Not found.]
"John Clyford and Elizabeth his wife, against Humffrey Monmouthe, a byll of complaynt.
"The bushopp of Bath, a lettre dated at Welles, the xxjth day of Februar, concerning the mysuse or oblyvyous rehersall of Doctor Carsley in his sermond by hym made in the Cathedrall Churche of Welles [254].
"Thab[bo]t of Saint Mary of York, a lettre dated at York [on the] xviijth [d]ay of February, concerning the getheryng of [the King]es subsidie, and concerning also the advoson of Kirkby [on the] Hyll [236].
"................ lettre with a lettre patent, &c., dated the .......... ry.
"John Pyttes, prest, parson of Shyre, dated Sonday next [a]fter newers day, wrytten to Mr. Stydall, with a lettre in hys ......... te to the said parson, from Sir Edmond Bretyn.
"[William Ly]lgrave, a lettre dated at Calais, the xix. day of .......
"[The bish]opp of Bangor, a lettre dated at Hyde, [the firs]t day of Marche, concernyng certificates ........ ng commandement by hym to be made [of the s]piritual promotions within his diocese [307].
"Sir [Frau]ncez Bryan, a lettre dated at Amptill, the xxvijth day [of] February [278].
"John Alyn, a lettre o[ut] of Irelond, with a deposicion against Justis De la Hyde [226].
"Copie of the peace takyn bitwe[ne the King ou]r maister and the French kyng, by Pomerey."
Pp. 10.—There is also a detached fragment on a separate leaf, containing the words "[spiritu]all promotions" and "the fruits and p[rofits]," and on a third line "such bulls as."


  • 1. "Etenim ex sorore majestatem vestram Natura pronepotem dedit Regi Frederici." James III., the grandfather of the reigning king of Scotland, had married Margaret, sister of Frederic of Oldenburg, who became king of Denmark in 1523.
  • 2. It is to be observed that in these papers the expelled king of Denmark is always called Christiern, while the duke of Holstein, now elected king of Denmark, is called Christian.
  • 3. An imperfect copy of this letter was noticed in Vol. vii., No. 928. In the absence of other evidence as to date it was believed to be not later than 1534, because Christian is not addressed as king of Denmark, but as "heir of Norway, and duke of Holstein and Stormaren."
  • 4. The Editor suggests that a figure has been omitted, and that it is after 26 July.
  • 5. "Se quoque aliquid scire nos cum Cæsare practicasse." The Editor inserts a full-stop after "scire," which seems better away.
  • 6. Here occurs in the margin, "Doctor Leus,"—a memorandum referring apparently to Dr. Thomas Legh.
  • 7. In margin, "Gotlandia."
  • 8. 22 March.
  • 9. 4 April.
  • 10. In the margin, "Regem velle amicitiam inter nos et civitates."
  • 11. "Die lunæ post tertiam dominicam a festo Paschæ." But, as the Editor points out, Suavenius includes Easter Sunday in the reckoning. He also made a mistake in the computation of the day, as the Monday in question was the 12th, not 13th April.
  • 12. See vol. vi., No. 140.
  • 13. In margin, "Stenkalen."
  • 14. 12 May.
  • 15. Sic.
  • 16. In margin, "Hospes dixit sonitum ligni audiri ad januam admoti eyne klappe."
  • 17. 30 May.
  • 18. 3 June.
  • 19. 5 June.
  • 20. In margin, "Alborch, Sonderbond, Aggershus, Gotlandt."
  • 21. Apparently that of Adam Pacæus referred to in his letter to Henry VIII., vol. vii. 926.
  • 22. 8 June.
  • 23. Holyrood.
  • 24. 10 June.
  • 25. 13 June.
  • 26. 18 June.
  • 27. 20 June.
  • 28. 28 June.
  • 29. 14 July.
  • 30. There is an interlineation between "And" and "that," of which only one whole word ("it") is visible, the rest being lost by mutilation. The next word began with a "w." Perhaps the reading was "it w[as thought] that," or something of the kind.
  • 31. Erased in MS.