Henry VIII: February 1535, 1-10

Pages 53-75

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 8, January-July 1535. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1885.

This free content was digitised by double rekeying and sponsored by the Arts and Humanities Research Council. All rights reserved.

Page 53
Page 54
Page 55
Page 56
Page 57
Page 58
Page 59
Page 60
Page 61
Page 62
Page 63
Page 64
Page 65
Page 66
Page 67
Page 68
Page 69
Page 70
Page 71
Page 72
Page 73
Page 74
Page 75

February 1535, 1-10

Harl. MS. 6,148, f. 47 b.
B. M.
Cranmer's Works, ii.299.
153. [Cranmer] to—.
Understands that he has distrained the goods of his tenant Jackson, and made re-entry into his farm. Desires him to allow him to occupy his farm for 24 years, according to the old lease, on finding surety for the payment of the yearly rent and 5l. over towards the arrears; and also to allow him to have the sale of his corn and other profits now at Candlemas.
From Cranmcr's Letter Book.
Harl. MS.
6,148, f. 47 b.
B. M.
Cranmer's Works, ii. 299.
154. [Cranmer] to—.
Begs them to be good "masteres" to John Jackson their tenant, that he may have a new lease of their farm for 24 years, on finding sureties for payment.
From Cranmer's Letter Book.
Harl. MS.
6,148, f. 49.
B. M.
Cranmer's Works, ii. 299.
155. [Cranmer] to the Prior of —.
"Brother Prior."—Asks his favor for Thos. Hogeson, the bearer, Cranmer's servant, who has certain business in those parts.
From Cranmer's Letter Book.
Harl. MS.
6,148, f. 49.
B. M.
Cranmer's Works, ii. 300.
156. [Cranmer] to —.
In favor of Thos. H[ogeson], the bearer, his servant.
From Cranmer's Letter Book.
Harl. MS. 6,148 f. 49 b.
B. M.
Cranmer's Works, ii. 300.
157. [Cranmer] to —.
Has enjoined penance on certain of the parishioners of the person addressed, who have been before him at Knoll. Requires him on Sunday the last of February to see that they do their penance according to the enclosed book, and certify him by the bearer, who will also give him a monition for such persons as can gainsay for the purgation of John Manyng.
From Cranmer's Letter Book.
R. O. 158. — to Stephen Vaughan.
"Touching news, here is none worth penning. The county van Nassowe is looked for to be at the Court with the Queen (fn. 1) this present day. Here is no bruit of any act that he hath concluded in France for all his long being there."
Add.: To the right worshipful Mr. Stephen Waughan, in Cheapside, at London.
1 Feb.
R. O.
159. Ric. Bishop of Norwich to Cromwell.
I received on the last Jan. the King's letter dated the 12th, commanding me to appear before the Council, in the Star Chamber, the morning after the Purification. As I have been diseased in my right leg 14 or 15 days and am confined to my bed, I beg you will be a mean to the King to pardon my personal appearance. Hoxne, 1 Feb. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
1 Feb.
R. O.
160. Crutched Friars.
Draft indenture dated 1 Feb. 1534, whereby Edmund Stretam, the prior, and the convent of Crossed Friars, in London, grant to Margaret Jonson, widow, dwelling within their precinet, the house in which she lives and a pension of 15s. a quarter during her life, and after her decease 20s. a year to her daughter Margaret, in satisfaction of all former claims. Signed by the prior.
Corrected draft, large paper, p. 1.
R. O. 161. Margaret Johnson, Widow and Executrix of Peter Johnson, to [Cromwell]. (fn. 2)
Stating that Wm. Bowry, the late prior, and the convent of the Crossed Fryers, London, having received great sums from the said Peter and Margaret, agreed by an indenture, dated 18 Jan. 3 Hen. VIII., to give them and Margaret Johnson their daughter an annuity of 3l. 6s. 8d.: which, however, has not been paid 10 years past;—that the prior and convent, having received other sums from the said Peter and Margaret, agreed by another indenture, dated 17 Oct. 10 Hen. VIII., to build a dwelling-house within the ....... p[recin]ckes, to be occupied by them during their lives, and to pay them 8d. weekly: but the prior has given the said Margaret warning to leave the house, and has refused to make the weekly payment;—that afterwards the said Margaret lent to the prior and convent 3l. 6s. 8d., which they refuse to repay. Begs his mastership to summon the prior before him.
P. 1, mutilated.
1 Feb.
R. O.
162. [Lord Lisle to Cromwell].
I am informed the Emperor is in High Almain with 60,000 men. The captains of the frontiers are all in council at Mechlin. The mariners along the coast of Flanders, at Armewe, Camfer, Flushing, Middleborougb, Scluse, Ostende and along the coast are warned that none depart. It is said they shall row two galleys in the narrow sea. I have received the enclosed letter, sent to the Secretary here, that the King's money out of France will be here shortly. I beg to be informed if you have knowledge of this. Calais, 1 Feb. 1534.
Draft, p. 1. Endd.: The copy of Mr. Secretary's letter for the King's money, and the French receiver's letter with it.
1 Feb.
Freher, Script.
Rerum German., iii. 295.
163. Francis I. to the German Princes.
Complains of the reports circulated about him in Germany: that the Turkish ambassadors are honorably received, while the Germans are denied access to him; that Turkish religion and dress are seen everywhere, while the German is considered as a crime. Reminds them that both he and the king of England are engaged to assist them in case of war. Defends his conduct. Denies that any Germans have suffered for heresy in France. France is as free to the Germans as to the French. The friendship between France and Germany is too firm to be disturbed by such attempts. Paris, kal. Feb. 1534.
Lat. A German translation will be found in the Corpus Ref. ii. 828.
1 Feb.
R. O.
164. Bryon to Lord Lisle.
I wrote you a few days ago, but do not wish this bearer to leave without assuring you that I will do everything in my power in your behalf in matters hereabouts. The bearer will tell you of the great cheer which is made here. Compliments to madame Pontoise. 1 Feb. Signed.
Fr., p. 1. Add.
1 Feb.
R. O.
165. Andrew Baynton to Cromwell.
Excuses his boldness in writing, but has always found the greatest condescension in those highest in authority, and Cromwell possesses that virtue more than anyone. Thanks him on his knees for benefits done to himself and his relations (parents). Informs him that Paris is full of hereties, both men and women, of whom 20 have been already burned. Several lie hid some miles off, and some have fled. A proclamation has just been issued that 100 or 80 Cordeliers, Augustinians, doctors in theology, masters of schools, and, saving your honor, "de quisonniers," carpenters and other workmen, have fled. I think you have heard that the King went bare-headed in procession with his sons, bishops and cardinals before him, each carrying a torch; and after him the Queen, carried by two men, with the King's daughter and her own, a number of great ladies following on foot. After this they burned six of the heretics, the King thanking God that he had given him knowledge of such a great evil, and praying forgiveness that he had pardoned one or two, and had not been more diligent in their extirpation. He took an oath that from this time he would burn all he could find; but if he carry his threat into execution it would be more to the purpose, as I learn, to shut the gates of the town and set fire to it. They had determined, among other things, to burn all the churches in Paris on Christmas Eve. What their tenets are I cannot tell you, as they are never divulged. It is said, however, that they are condemned for speaking against the Sacrament of the Altar, images, prayers to saints and the Pope; for the people here have such a perfect faith in him, that whoever is guilty of the least offence will be condemned for a heretic. The common people imagine that we and the Germans are all one, that is, Lutherans, but I think that we are very much better than they. But whoever would have imagined France could have been so miserable upon this point! Offers his services. Paris, 1 Feb.
Hol., Fr., pp. 3. Add.: Secretaire. Endd. by Wriothesley.
2 Feb.
Egerton MS. 2,603, f. 22.
B. M.
Archeolog. xxxiii. 4.
166. H. Earl of Northumberland to [Cromwell].
"Master Secretary," as I am continually sick, and my wife and I not likely to come together, the King gave me licence (having no issue) to name any of my blood (bearing the name of Percy) my heir to all lands in the indentures betwixt his Majesty and me. "Perceiving the debylytery and unnaturalness of those of my name," I have determined to make the King my heir, (see enclosed copy of my letters to his Majesty at this time). I am moved to this by sickness, and because "my wife is a young woman and likely to continue." I remit all to you, whether you will deliver my letters and declare my articles or appoint Sir Thomas Wharton to do so. At my lodge of Topcleff, 2 Feb. Signed.
Pp. 2.
2 Feb.
R. O.
167. Will. Abbot of York to Cromwell.
I have received the King's letters dated Westminster 20 Jan., for the vicarage of Kirkby Stephen, of which I send you a copy. I send you the presentation for Mr. Peter Vannes, who is named therein, although we had granted it already to Sir Thos. Wharton, knight, at your request. York, 2 Feb. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary. Endd.
2 Feb.
R. O.
168. H. Duke of Richmond to Lord Lisle.
Hugh Johns, yeoman of the Duke's wardrobe, is agreed with Thos. Lilbourne, who had the "ancorage" of London given him by my lord of Norfolk when he was admiral, to be joint patentee with him. Requests Lisle to cause a joint patent to be made to them. Coliweston, 2 Feb. Signed.
P. 1. Add.
2 Feb.
R. O.
169. Bonds.
Obligations due at and before the Purification of Our Lady next.
The earl of Rutland, 200l.; Jas. Griffith Appowell, 66l. 13s. 4d.; Walter Bulles, 248l. 13s. 4d.; John Aleyn and Thos. Aleyn of Raylle, 133l. 6s. 8d.; the abbot of Muchelney, 133l. 6s. 8d.; the archbp. of Canterbury, 400l.; Wm. Rolte, 20l.; Sir Wm. Skeffyngton, 100l.; Thos. Patmere, 10l.; the abbot of Waverley, 50l.; Wm. Pawne, 6l. 13s. 4d.; the abbot of Athelney, 33l. 6s. 8d.; the earl of Worcester, 100l.; the bp. of Bangor, 100l.; the abbot of Blyde, 16l. 13s. 4d.; the bp. of Chester, 110l.; Sir Thos. More of Merepleshe, 22l.; Henry Dewlfer, 36l. 1s. 4d.; Rastall and Perry, 20l.; Rauf Pexall, 33l. 6s. 8d.; taynted men in Surrey, 116l. 16s. 8d.; the earl of Northumberland, 1,604l.; Edw. Slade, 66l. 13s. 4d.; Thos. Marshall, 20l.; Geo. Frythe, 10l.; Rowland Goodman, 200l.
The bp. of Norwich's debts:—
John Woodhouse, 40l.; Edwd. Knyvett, 40l.; Ric. Catelyn, 20l.; Ric. Baynard, 20l.; Sir Ant. Wyngfeld, 66l. 13s. 4d.; Thos. Wodhouse, 33l. 6s. 8d.; the bp. of Winchester, 100l.; the abbot of Hyde, 25l.; the bp. of York, 100l.
Total, 4,292l. 11s, 4d.
Large paper, pp. 2. Endd.: A remainder of obligations due to the King, in festo Purificationis A° 26.
R. O. 2. Overdue Bonds to the King.
John Lord Husee, 266l. 13s. 4d.; Sir Thos. Tempest, Sir John Savayll, Sir Thos. Fitzwilliam, to Henry VII., 80l.; Wm. Legh, gentleman usher of the King's chamber, 60l.; John Norton of Norton, Yorks., Ric. and Hen. Norton, 170l. The same persons, with others, 63l. 6s. 8d., of which 50l. is paid. Total, 590l.
ii. Bonds to the King, not yet due:—
The bp. of Hereford and others, 400l.; Sir William Fitzwilliam, treasurer of the Household, 100l.; bp. of Bath and Wells, 400l.; Jeffrey Blithe, treasurer of Lichfield Cathedral, 100l.; the archbp. of York, 200l.; Sir Thos. Seymer, late mayor of the Staple, and Rowland Hill, mercer of London, 1,666l. 13s. 4d.; the bp. of Lincoln, 600l.; the archbp. of Duvelyn (Dublin), 466l. 13s. 4d; Peter Ligham, late dean of the Arches, 66l. 13s. 4d.; John Danaster and Wm. Knight, 23l. 6s. 8d.; Jas. Gryffith ap Howell and Walter Boules, 266l. 13s. 4d; Jas. Gryffith ap Howell, 66l. 13s. 4d. Total, 4,356l. 13s. 4d.
Whereof due at Midsummer by the archbp. of York, 200l.
Total of all the above bonds, 4,946l. 13s. 4d.
Pp. 4. Endd.
2 Feb.
R. O.
170. Ludlow.
Deposition of John ap David of Presteyn, weaver, touching the stealing of seven oxen from a meadow under the castle of Stapleton by himself and certain others, among whom Ric. Lloid seems to have been the most important, to whose farm the oxen were taken. Dated at the head, Ludlow, 2 Feb. 26 Hen. VIII.
Pp. 2.
[...] Feb.
R. O.
171. Anthony Sawnders, Curate of Winchelcombe, to Cromwell.
As you have appointed me to be a pastor at Winchelcombe to preach the Word of God and read it to the monks, I desire you to help me of the manifold lets and burdens which hinder me in the performance of my duty. My parish is wide and the population 2,000, and I am very busy with parish work, and have little time to study to preach and read God's Word as I would. If the abbot favored the Word of God as much as he hindered it, he might assist me, but whatever communication any man used in his company or monastery it may be allowed, so it be not the Gospel.
There is a schoolmaster with us, who has a chantry in a parish church. He favors the Gospel, but the abbot is much displeased with him. He has assisted me much, but the abbot, to drive him away, has diminished his wages of the free grammar school, which, as Mr. Tracy will tell you, is worth 10l. a year. I beg he may have your assistance. The abbot has set the parish against him that he shall not help me, nor say mass in my stead at the high altar, nor execute matins nor evensong for me, whatever business I have, under forfeiture of 12d. "There is no other shift, no moe of the pypes marke." If I am sent for by gentlemen to preach, I cannot go because I have none to help me. Please appoint me a coadjutor, that I may set forth the King's title and pluck down that great "dur" (?) of Rome. 3 Feb.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: "Mr. Secretary." Endd.
[...] Feb.
R. O.
[...]mer's [...]ers, 298.
172. Cranmer to Lisle.
Thanking him for the bearer, Mr. Hoore, Lisle's chaplain, whom Cranmer sends to be a preacher in Calais this Lent. Commends himself to lady Lisle, with thanks to her for the said Mr. Hoore. Croydon, 4 Feb. Signed.
Add.: Lord Deputy of Calais.
4 Feb.
R. O.
173. Charles V.
i. Copy of a proclamation in the Emperor's name, to be published in the county of Artois, prohibiting his subjects from taking service with any foreign prince, and commanding such as have done so already to return within one month, on pain of the halter and confiscation of goods. Brussels, 4 Feb. 1535.
ii. Copy of another proclamation in the Emperor's name, prohibiting the export of horses from his dominions, during three months from date. Brussels, 4 Feb. 1535.
Fr., pp. 2.
5 Feb.
Castelnau's Memoirs, i. 405.
(Edit. Brussels, 1731.)
174. Palamedes Gontier to Admiral Chabot.
Was detained at Boulogne, as he wrote on Thursday night. Next day embarked at 4 a.m. Had a bad passage. The tide not serving to go up to Gravesend, went by Waterford (Canterbury?), and arrived on Sunday in London.
Passed the Thames near the house of Boidoval (Bridewell?), where he met Morette, who was very glad to see him, not daring to show himself to the King, who had spoken to him very sharply about the delay in Chabot's answer. He sent to tell Norfolk and Cromwell of Gontier's arrival, and he was straightway conducted to Westminster to the King. After reading the Admiral's letters and asking after his and the King's health, Henry drew him apart, and leaning on the sideboard heard what he had to say. Said that the Admiral had not forgotten since his return to declare to Francis what Henry had charged him with, especially his entire good-will to preserve and increase the friendship and alliance between them, at which Francis was much rejoiced. As to the proposed marriage between the Princess and Mons. d'Angoulesme, Francis doubts not that having given her that name, Henry will assure it to her and treat her as his only heiress, so that the Crown of England may come to her on his death. The Admiral says that his king thinks some means ought to be found to deprive lady Mary of any occasion or means of claiming the Crown.
Here the King explained to him what had been done by Parliament since the Admiral's departure; that the Princess had been proclaimed and an oath taken throughout the kingdom; that everyone takes Mary for the bastard she is, and he will have no other heir but the Princess, with whom, and in his power (en sa main), now is and will be the said Mary; there is no chance of her becoming queen or claiming any right to the Crown. He went on to say that it was only required for Francis to cause the Pope to annul the invalid dispensation given for the first marriage, and then all doubts would cease. Went on to the other points of his instruction. He is willing to give up the title of France, to take away all occasion of ancient enmities, and declared to Chabot the means to bring it to pass. Spoke about the 50,000 cr. for the pension for life, and 10,000 cr. of salt, saowing him how obliged the King and the kingdom would be if he were to give them up, without mentioning that that would be enough to break off the interview of the two Queens. Henry took this ill, saying that he had done so much for Francis, his children and his kingdom, that it is not fair to ask him to give this up, which he knows is unwillingly paid and odious; it is an honour to his kingdom to have them; it was a strange recompense when he offered the heiress of a kingdom to a younger son; they ought rather to give him something than ask; that it made him think there was a practise going on elsewhere, considering the delay in giving him an answer. Said to him that he ought to take this proposal differently, as it was founded on an overture he had himself made to the Admiral; he would put the French king under the greatest obligation to him, and it would be more to his glory and profit in the future than the payment. As to the perpetual pension, he did not object to what was proposed. He objected to the idea of being included if a treaty were made between Francis and the Emperor; there must be no hope of a treaty. The Emperor had already offered to accept what had been done in England, both the second marriage and other things, and even that the Princess should be heiress and Mary succeed in case of her death. With regard to the article excusing Francis from commencing war against the Emperor, unless he declares himself in aid of Piedmont, Savona or Genoa, on which side he will be very glad to begin the war on account of the quarrels which he has, Henry asked him when he wished to begin. Replied that he had the authority to hasten or delay, as he wished, for Francis would act according to the answer sent back by Gontier. Meanwhile he was not losing a single hour in putting his forces in readiness.
He approved of the aid of 50,000 cr. for Ireland and Denmark. What he hoped to do in Denmark was more for Francis' advantage than his own, but he did not make much answer about a like recompense for the side of Piedmont, Savona or Genoa, and similarly for the other aid for the enterprise of Milan and the county of Ast, asking what Francis would do if the Emperor did not declare himself or go to help these places. Replied that this could be settled by the deputies from both sides. He asked when Francis wished them to meet, and who they would be. Said it was for him to speak first of that.
This conversation lasted two hours, and it being past supper time, he dismissed Gontier till the morrow, asking if he had anything in writing from the King, which he said he had not. He then called Cromwell, and retired, bidding good evening to Morette.
Sends the King's answers to each point.
On the Monday following at 8 a.m. declared his charge to Cromwell; the Admiral's hope that he would help to bring matters to a good issue, and Francis' satisfaction on hearing that such a virtuous and wise person had the ear of the King. To this Cromwell replied with thanks and expressions of affection that I cannot write. He alone has more influence with his master than any other; the late cardinal of York had not more. He spoke much of his master's prosperity and authority and the quiet of the kingdom. He has increased his revenue by 500,000 cr., for since the Admiral's departure Parliament has given him the ordinary tenths, besides which he will take this year the annates of bishopries, abbeys, and other benefices, of which the possessors are bound to take from the King new bulls and provisions, and give up those from the Pope as null, and to swear to hold their benefices of the King. He showed me a copy of the oath sworn by the bishops. He says that by a little writing, from himself alone, he can be obeyed and summon all princes and lords for his master's service.
Cromwell then took him to Westminster, where he presented his letters to Norfolk. He asked much about the Admiral, as did "Messieurs de Suffolck et Fischer" (Fitzwilliam?). After dinner, was taken by Cromwell to the King in the matted gallery, where the Admiral spoke with the King the first time. He asked a copy in writing of what Gontier had said to him, and put it in his sleeve without looking at it. He then began to walk about, and talked for three hours.
He complained of the practises on the side of Spain for the marriage of the Emperor's daughter with the Dauphin, and not long ago the Imperial ambassador had been for a long time shut up with the French queen; that three despatches had been made towards Spain since the Admiral's return, and he saw now that the delay in Gontier's coming was to wait for a reply. He said they wished to accomplish (joindre) the marriage of the Dauphin and also at the same time that of his daughter the Princess, so as to be supported on both sides. Unless these practises are broken he must be careful of speaking, showing that he has great suspicions, for this was not the language that Francis used both by mouth and in writing. He remembered also one day Francis saying to his children that they must never forget the inhuman treatment of the Emperor to him and to them, and if they did not avenge it after his death, if he could not himself, as he hoped, he gave them his curse. He accused the Emperor of deceit and breaches of faith, and of trying to disturb by false offers the friendship between them, repeating what he had said the previous evening, that he had made him offers, and he could be on good terms with him if he liked, but any reconciliation on this side would be too dangerous. He had kept his promise, and never been engaged in any practises, and he complained of what had been done at Marseilles, of which he had no knowledge nor participation till afterwards. He said the French Council governed as if their only object was to lose good friends, and he wished Francis would take the management of his affairs more into his own hands. In consequence of having supported France he had lost the Emperor's friendship, who called him son bon pere, and had often written and promised that he would do nothing contrary to what he ought as a son. France would find herself deceived, whatever promises he had made; even the surrender of Milan would not be accomplished when the time came. His only intention was to show to England and others that there was no reliance upon Francis' friendship. He would find himself cut out in Italy if he did not advance soon, for the Emperor would be there first, speaking also of the league agreed to by all the potentates and signories of Italy. As to the Pope, Francis ought to act quite differently, and get out of him what he had.
The King then called Cromwell, and used the same language as Cromwell had done about the augmentation of his revenue, the union of his kingdom, and the peace of conscience he enjoys in having thrown off subjection to Rome. He said if Francis would do the like, he would gain more than 2,000,000. He repeated what he had said before about the pensions and the salt, saying that he had already done enough for his good brother, and that Francis should not presume he had any need whatever to contract the Princess his daughter to a third son. He hoped the money he sent to Bavaria would be repaid, especially as he had delivered it on condition of Ferdinand not being received as king of the Romans. Francis might perhaps be deceived about the duke of Wurtemburg and the Landgrave. He knows how Mons. de Gueldres is behaving, and that he has coined money inscribed with these words "cette fois et non plus."
Spoke to the King soberly, in accordance with his instructions and what the Admiral had commanded him. Told him of the desire of Francis to remain firm to him for ever and treat of an inviolable alliance, and repeated the reasons for his accepting Francis's overtures, not forgetting to say that he had been marvellously pressed, but would never condescend to agree with the Emperor to anything contrary to his relations with Henry, even if he were obliged to listen to such proposals.
He spoke much of his trust in Francis, and finally said he would consider what Gontier had given to him, and bade him discuss these matters fully with Cromwell.
On Tuesday last, the day of the Purification, one of the greatest solemnities celebrated during the year by the King, Morette went to Westminster with Gontier.
During divine service the King sent for him by Cromwell, being in a little oratory. He spoke of the interview, approving of the queen of Navarre and other ladies being there. Said what the Admiral had ordered him on this head, especially about the Queen, who has no inclination apart from the King, without setting her affection on brother, aunt or sister. He approved of the voyage of Normandy to be made this Lent. Presented the letter in favor of the "Grand Escuyer" of England, (fn. 3) to which he replied that the said place of the Chancellor of the Order was filled by the king of Scotland, and the number of 24 could not be excceded. On the first vacancy he would remember the said Grand Escuyer.
In the afternoon Cromwell took him to the Queen, to whom he delivered the Admiral's letters and charge. She complained of his long delay, which had caused her husband many doubts. She said the Admiral must think of applying some remedy, and act towards the King so that she may not be ruined and lost, for she sees herself very near that, and in more grief and trouble than before her marriage. She charged him to beg the Admiral to consider her affairs, of which she could not speak as fully as she wished, on account of her fears, and the eyes which were looking at her, her husband's and the lords' present. She said she could not write, nor see him again, nor stay longer. She then left him, the King going to the next room, where the dance was beginning (se leverent), without the said Lady going thither.
As far as he can judge, she is not at her ease on account of the doubts and suspicions of the King, which he has mentioned before.
During the dance, Norfolk, Suffolk, "Fischer Chancelier," Cromwell and others assembled in Council, he thinks to consider his charge. Norfolk said he intended to do all he could to send him back content; he was at his house a month ago, not expecting his coming: the King intended to have spent the carnival (ces jours gras) at Windsor, but now would not leave till he was despatched. Has since seen Cromwell twice, who says he will do all he can. May be despatched next week.
Many lords have inquired about the procession and harangue at Paris in honor of the Sacrament and for the punishment of the Lutherans, for which they praise the King. Norfolk, Suffolk, Ovaston, (fn. 4) Borgouny (Abergavenny), all knights of the Garter, and others, who were entertained by Morette yesterday, took much pleasure in hearing Gontier's account of it, as he had seen it the day before he left. London, 5 Feb.
5 Feb.
R. O.
175. Port of Calais.
Certifica'e by the collector and controller of customs and subsidies at Calais, that Oliver Este and Rob. Wilkockes brought into this port in a ship called The Mary, of Calais, Rob. Candler master, and discharged therefrom, 1,500 feet of board, 3 weigh of cheese, and 16 flitches of bacon contained in a cocket dated Ipswich, 10 Jan. last. Dated 5 Feb. 26 Hen. VIII. Signed: Arthur Lyssle, k—Edward Ryngeley.
P. 1.
5 Feb.
R. O.
176 John Graynfyld to Lord Lisle.
Excuses himself for not having written to him and my Lady before. According to your last, I have done for your woman that the serjeant of the minstrels served with subpœna, and my Lord (fn. 5) told Woodhows he would send a commission to Calais to take her answer. Thinks she should make a supplication of her wrong. "My Lord hath bought the house that your Lordship dwelleth in." If you wish to buy it back again and will send me your mind, I think I can do you a pleasure. Had you sent me knowledge of the vacant benefice in the marches of Calais "you should have given if to whom you had pleasure, for it was my Lord's gift." The King prevent. my Lord because he had the first knowledge, and my Lord for default of knowledge was displeased with me, as I had so many friends there. Commendations to my Lady, Mr. Speke (fn. 6) and Mr. Fowler. Your award is made that your Lordship shall receive 120l., and Mr. Seymer shall not trouble your tenants. Smythe, your solicitor, says he refuses to take the award. London, 5 Feb. Signed.
P.1. Sealed. Add.: Lord Lisle, lord deputy of Calais.
5 Feb.
Add. MS. 8,587. f. 237.
B. M.
177. D'Andelot to the Imperial Ambassador at Genoa.
Has received his letter of the 19th Jan. with others of the 12th and 13th. Has received letters from the prince of Melphi and Antony de Leyva, ordering him to conduct 7,000 Almains to Italy. The French do all they can to make our soldiers mutiny, offering four times as much as we do. Thinks the king of England has planned with the French admiral some enterprise in Flanders, as he is equipping ships of war, and has made a league with certain imperial towns on the coast, which have promised to assist him with 12 ships and 16 regiments (enseignes) of infantry. The Landgrave is raising men to assist the duke of Holstein. Thinks he may act as general in the name of the king of England. The French captains were assembled on the 26th ult., and letters have arrived from their general, count William, who is with the French king. They are not sparing money in raising men. Expects an attack shortly. Augsburg, 5 Feb. 1535.
Hears from merchants returning from France that the duke of Wirtemberg and count William de Fustemberg have been attacked, but it is not known by whom, nor whether they are dead or taken.
Fr., pp. 2. Modern copy. The words in italics in the P.S. are in cipher.
6 Feb.
R. O.
178. John Husee to Lord Lisle.
On the 31st Jan. your difference with Sir Edw. Saymeur was ended. He is to pay you yearly 120l. Had it not been for my lord Chancellor, you should have had 20l. more. Mr. Seymour pretends to refuse the award. If he does not dissemble, it will not be the worse bargain for you. I cannot trust this wily world. The commission of sewers is delivered to Rob. Fowler. I would have sent it before, had they not demanded 20s. The harness is making, and I have spoken to Clerck the pewterer for your dishes; but he demands as security a warrant for 6l. It is not known whether the King will come over, although before the coming of the Admiral's secretary it was fully resolved on. Hunt has not yet made his complaint. Edw. Lovell is here, ready to go over. Has not received Mr. Secretary's money for Hacket's burial. They are not willing here to part with their money. He received your mule thankfully, but gave poor Tyson only 5s., a slender reward for bringing a mule so far. If they wish for the toll of Marke and Oye they must press it. I shall not interfere in it, except I am paid for my service. Master Marshal's (fn. 7) man has made hot suit to Mr. Secretary that his master may come over, and also sell his room to Sir Richard Graynfyld. Hastings has sold to my lord Chancellor all he once sold you. London, 6 Feb. 1534.
Hol., pp. 2. Add. Endd.
6. Feb.
R. O.
179. Wm. Newman, one of the King's Trumpets, to Lord Lisle.
I beg you to help a brother-in-law of mine, Thomas Layer, of Owvyngton, Essex, yeoman, to a warrant for a protection, "by the same token that your Lordship took me by the hand through the grate at the Lantern gate at my last being with you, and, moreover, by the same token I sent you a dog by the ferrar of the town, which dog's name is Wolf; and I heartily thank your Lordship for my dog you gave me." London, 6 Feb.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: Deputy of Calais. Endd.
6 Feb.
R. O.
180. The Abbess of Pollesworth to Cromwell.
I have received your letter in favor of Amyas Hill to farm the tithe of Annysley, which has been let already for a term of years. Pollesworthe, 6 Feb. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary.
6 Feb.
R. O.
181. John Bunolte to Cromwell.
Received on the 2nd his letter, showing how, to increase his living in his old days, Cromwell has obtained for him from the King the parsonage of Guisnes. Is more bound to Cromwell than ever. Sends by Rougecrosse, the bearer, 14l. stg. "to accomplish the statutes and the contents of your said letter." Calais, 6 Feb.
Hol., p. 1. Add.: [M]aister Secretary to the King's majesty. Endd.
6 Feb.
Vienna Archives.
182. Charles V. to Chapuys.
We received 16 Jan. your letters of 19 Dec., and have seen what you wrote to Granvelle about the treatment of the Queen and Princess, and also about the new statute made in prejudice of their titles; all which we much regret, but trust that in time matters will improve; towards which we will do all that can be of any use, Hope you will continue your good offices for their consolation and the protection of their rights. We hear from Hannaert of the French admiral's return from England, who has been spreading reports at the French Court that Henry has granted Francis 100,000 crowns a month for war purposes, and that next summer 10,000 Englishmen will descend upon Gravelines, of whom the said Admiral shall be captain, and that the Dauphin will take part in the expedition. This we cannot believe, although there are sufficient evidences of ill-will in other things; but you must enquire, by all means, what there may be in it, and report what you have since heard touching the Admiral's overture of marriage between the Princess and the duke of Angoulême. Hannaert has also written to Granvelle the conversations which the English ambassador in France lately held with him, and which we send herewith in cipher, though we attach little importance to it, that you may note if any like language is held to you, in which case you will take care not to give them the least hope by your answer, but simply to inform us, and also our ambassador, if you think necessary.
The Count de Roeulx having lately returned to us, we have despatched him again immediately upon his arrival with some of our galleys of Spain, which we send to Genoa, in order to advance matters concerning the fleet which we are preparing against Barbarossa; and he is to go from there into Germany to solicit the coming of 7,000 Germans whom we have ordered to be raised, in order to put them in the said army with other men of war; and, further, to prevent the matters of the Faith taking a worse turn in Germany until it be known what order the Pope will take about them, and to consult about what is necessary to be done for the coming diet, and to convey to our "said" brother (Ferdinand) our opinion touching his private affairs; and, further, to assure the Electors of our sincere regard for their common good; and, moreover, to see that we be not unprovided if any movement be got up against our said brother and ourselves, either by means of the duke of Gueldres, whom the French king openly declares that he has retained in his service, or otherwise. Thus, if any other construction be put upon the mission of the said Du Roeulx, you may answer assuredly, and show that all our levying of men is only for the enterprise against Barbarossa. And you may say, if it comes à propos, that those who would hinder or disturb such an enterprise would be without excuse, and have God and the world against them.
You will take great care to maintain, as you have done, the good-will of England to us and to our aunt and cousin, discreetly showing them, as above, that I will not fail to aid them, which will be more easily effected when we can overcome Barbarossa. We have been expecting daily an express messenger from the "personnage Reynard," who is on the coast of Venice, of whose charge we will inform you, and also of what we may treat with him. And, in any case, you will consider if good means can be devised, by practise, or otherwise, in case some commotion were raised, to secure the persons of our said aunt and cousin, and, moreover, to withdraw them thence, especially our cousin. Madrid, 6 Feb. 1534.
French, pp. 3, from a modern copy. The last paragraph is in cipher in the original.
7 Feb.
R. O.
183. H. Earl of Worcester to Cromwell.
Whereas I am indebted to the King 100l., payable at Candlemas last, which I cannot yet pay, as my receivers have not yet come from Wales, I beg I may have a fortnight's respite. Cheshunt, 7 Feb. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Secretary.
7 Feb.
R. O.
184. John Husee to Lady Lisle.
I wrote by Sir Oliver. The two pieces of say you sent are yellow and green, and three more will scant trim up Mr. Basset's chamber. Please send a coffer for his apparel, and another for his sheets and linen. He must pay weekly for his board and his man's, and for whatever he eats and drinks between meals; so he should have at least 40s. in ready money. I must pay in eight days 40s. for his special admittance. and four nobles for the admittance in his chamber. I have made Boys' bill, and hope to have it signed ere I leave. I send a packet from Mr. Taylor to Mr. Gainsford, enclosing the Queen's letter for my Lord, touching what you know best. I have done as much in procuring it as one man can do for another. London, 7 Feb.
Hol., p. 1. Add.
7 Feb.
R. O.
185. — to [Lisle?].
I have delayed writing because your affairs were not in a condition for me to give you a good answer; also the law courts of Paris have been occupied with the trial of those wicked heretics, the number of whom is greater than one can imagine. The King caused a procession to be made at Paris on Thursday 21 Jan., the finest ever seen, in which he bore a torch, and all the princes and all the colleges of Paris and the churches. Mendicant Orders, cardinals and bishops, accompanied the body of our Lord, which the bp. of Paris carried. The King's three sons bore three staves of the pavilion, and the count d'Aumalle the fourth, and at the end of the procession was made a sacrifice to our Lord Jesus Christ of six wicked heretics, who were burned. One was the treasurer of Nantes in Brittany, a very rich man. Efforts are made with the others every day, as it is said the most part of Paris are heretics, and it is declared all through the kingdom that the king of England is one, which I do not believe. Some of the King's singers are heretics; one of them has been burnt and the others fled, especially a boy named le Petit Roger, who plays very well on the regales and spinet; he is said to have fled into England, but his fellow is taken. Also the treasurer des Menus Plaisirs is fled. There are heretics of all conditions, both of the Church, the nobility, and of religion. All the Council is encumbered with these wretches. There are many ambassadors in Court; there are some Turks, but not sent by the Turk, they belong to Captain Barberousse, nevertheless the King is sending to the Turk a gentleman of his household, it is thought to plan some great thing against the Emperor. There has arrived lately a French gentleman who has been in the Turk's service, who speaks every day with the King, and it is after hearing what he had to say that Francis determined to send this ambassador. There are ambassadors from the Swiss, who demand their accustomed pension, and offer their services, but they are heretics, although there are two leagues which hold with the King. The King entertains them very well. There is an ambassador from the Emperor, but I am certain the first war that is made will be against the Emperor. There is an ambassador from Scotland. Efforts are being made on both sides to get the king of Scots to marry the King's eldest daughter, and renounce all alliances with other princes, especially the Emperor and England. The Admiral has reported that he has been very well treated in England, and that the two kings are to have an interview in May, but most of the great people think that Francis will not go thither, and will not trust the English. The English have made a patriarch in their country, at which the Pope is displeased. Francis would have been glad to break all the alliances with the Emperor, the king of Scots and the English. The cardinals have returned to Rome, more laden with lead than with ducats. They have been very well treated through all the towns of Italy and Lombardy. The duke of Milan went before them accompanied by 800 gentlemen, and they made a splendid entry into Milan. The count of St. Pol has just married ("se marie ces jours ici") the daughter of Estouteville. The King goes to Normandy in Lent, and will launch his great ship. I wrote lately asking you to send me 20 cr. I have received six angellots. I cannot promote your business and your lawsuits without money. I beg you will send me 10 crs. until I come to see you. 7 Feb.
Fr., pp. 3. Add.: A Monsieur.
*** A newsletter, without date, relating to the same events, is entered in the register of Longland bishop of Lincoln, and was printed in the Athenæum for Sept. 25, 1880.
Add. MS., 28,588, f. 70.
B. M.
186. The Imperial Ambassador in Paris, (Hannaert,) to Granvelle.
The English ambassador spoke to him on the day of the procession in Paris. Told him that the fleet that was being equipped was only against Barbarossa and for the defence of Christendom, to which no prince was giving aid except the Pope. The Englishman was pleased to hear this, for many persons had said the fleet was for some other object, and he would inform the King his master. Afterwards he came to the ambassador's inn, and said to him, as the ambassador has already written, that he had an answer from a friend of his, and that he thought some way would be found for making a firm peace between the Emperor and king of England; that many good Englishmen would prefer peace with the Emperor and his countries to war; if such a new peace were made, the Emperor would more easily resist the Turk and hold Italy; that the French would not talk so big to the Emperor nor obstruct him. He asked the ambassador whether the Emperor would be content to give some assurance that he would make no active attempts (no sc haria o attentaria mas adelantc por ria de hecho) during the lives of both princes, nor strive to do anything against the new marriage, and that the sentences and other things should remain in suspense, as they are now, till some good means could be found for the security and contentment of both parties, and meanwhile the good Queen should be well treated.
To this the ambassador replied that, considering that the Emperor and the King had always lived in friendship without war, and that friendship was profitable to both their countries, and to secure both of them from danger from others, he had written to some of his friends about it, and would let the English ambassador know the answer in confidence. The English ambassador desired secrecy, and thought negotiations should be begun as soon as possible before his master went any further in other affairs. Hannaert said that it would be well to divide these two kings, but it seemed that the king of England wished to remain in a defensive league with the French king, and not to declare so soon against him.
Sp., pp. 2. Modern copy.
Headed: "Lo que se ha sacado de lo que scrive el ambaxador de Francia a Mons. de Granvella."
8 Feb.
R. O.
187. Cromwell to Lord Lisle.
The King has given Ralph Hare the next vacant room of 8d. a day by privy seal, and has written to lord Lisle about it. Advises him to follow the King's commandment. The Rolls, 8 Feb. Signed.
P. 1. Add.: Deputy of Calais. Endd.: Mr. Secretary.
8 Feb.
R. O.
188. Margaret Marchioness of Dorset to [Cromwell].
I thank you for the kindness my sou the Marquis daily finds in you, and I trust he may have your good advice, and that you will continue friendly to myself. I shall be sorry to find you otherwise minded than in times past. as might appear by the message that Thos. Cornewall, my servant, did by your commaud report to me. I assure you, Mr. Secretary, it does not a little trouble me to hear that you should think this abbey of Tiltey is impaired by me. This is some sinister report, and I beg you will not give it credence till I come to my answer. The most part of my Lord's old friends have so far forgotten him that I can trust little to them. You will receive by this bearer, my son Medley, 10l. and a cup. Tyltye Abbey, 8 Feb. Signed.
P. 1.
9 Feb.
Vienna Archives.
189. Chapuys to Charles V.
I received on the 31st ult. your letters of the 5th with the copies therein mentioned, and at the same time those which the queen of England wrote to me through her physician, stating that she was informed on good authority that the King was determined again to attempt to make the Princess swear to the statutes passed against her mother and herself, and, on her refusal, would immediately put her to death, or at least to prison for life. I send her letter translated into cipher, word for word. I accordingly, on Wednesday last, spoke to Mr. Cromwell to present him with letters written to the King by the Queen regent in Flanders in favor of certain Flemings living in London; to which Cromwell replied that, considering the kindness showed by the said Queen to the King's subjects, the said Flemings would have a favorable answer. He made the same reply touching certain Spaniards, complaining, however, of the Inquisition having dealt severely with some Englishmen, and saying that, if they had been convicted of real heresy, the King and his Council would have been glad that they had been burned. He hoped, at least, it would be considered that those taken at Seville were factors of merchants, and that the goods confiscated did not belong to them. He then said he was surprised to hear that it was reported in Flanders that the King his master had contributed a great sum for a joint invasion of Flanders along with others. I said it was a thing got up, and that no man could attach any importance to it, as such an enterprise was very difficult, and it was not likely that Henry would impoverish his own kingdom to enrich bad neighbours, especially when he had not the smallest ground for such an enterprise on his part. Cromwell, on this, returned to the proposals he had often made for the augmentation of peace and amity between the Emperor and the King his master, saying he wished it had cost him one of his limbs and 100,000 crowns, and that, finding me of like mind, he had wished to discuss the subject with me; but that, as there was some want of good understanding between your Majesty and his master, he had not dared to speak to me, but he hoped for greater intimacy hereafter, and that the friendship would be revived which has for some time fallen asleep. I said I thought your Majesty was anxious for the preservation and increase of the said friendship, which you desired as much as that of any other prince, and that there had been no bar to it on your part. He said he could not suppose otherwise of you; but there might be some who had been making mischief; that the King had been lately informed that there had been a great consultation in Flanders how to do without English merchandise in order to break the intercourse, and that if some good personages had not remonstrated a new course would have been taken prejudicial to the said amity. I said I knew nothing of this, and that perhaps the said conference had been held at the time the ambassadors of Lubeck and Hamburg were here, who were said to have been called hither for a treaty between England and the said towns. This Cromwell scouted as a quite unreasonable supposition, and would have denied that the said ambassadors had been called by the King; but when I said that the ambassadors themselves had declared it in their oration, he held his tongue.
He said, further, that the King was informed that your Majesty had lately said that you would attempt the conquest of this realm, which was quite at variance with the friendly assurances I had given. I said those who believed such things did not know your Majesty, who was not accustomed to make such boasts, especially at a time when your only object was to resist the enemy of the Faith and establish a thorough union among Christian princes; and that I could firmly assure them that, to this hour, your affection for the King was not diminished. In further proof that the matter was a fiction, I showed the article of the letters written by your Majesty to the viscount de Lombeke concerning the reports spread by the court of France that your Majesty had offered Milan to make the king of France abandon Henry (sesluy). He showed great satisfaction at this, saying it was the best news I could give him, and the words of that article were so prudent that they ought to be sufficient a expunger toute pertinace; and he begged me several times, for the redressing of matters, that I would get it transcribed for him to show to the King. This I refused, saying that the articles had been sent to me privately, and I begged that the matter should be kept secret, as I had communicated it to him in confidence, offering to show it in the same manner to the King, adding that I believed your Majesty would authorise the copy of the said letter to be sent to me, but that I should be blamed for having given it in advance. He seems to use these artifices in order that the French, if it come to their notice, may not be able to lay the blame on anyone but myself, and also to avoid the suspicions those here would have entertained that your Majesty wished to stir up something to their disadvantage, or that they might think your forbearance was due to fear. (fn. 8) Moreover, I thought I might thus gain some influence, so as to obviate the dangers of the Queen and Princess and procure them better treatment; and I all the more refused to give them any writing because he told me it would come most opportunely in their discussions with the French. I don't know if he let this out inconsiderately or said it of set purpose.
He afterwards said that, since your Majesty had fulfilled so thoroughly the duties of a kinsman towards the Queen, you ought now to do the duty of friendship and brotherhood towards the King, and more especially to promote peace and union in Christendom, and this depended chiefly upon the matter of this marriage, which being now so far advanced was irrevocable, and it was impossible to attach any weight to the sentence given at Rome, for it had only been given to create dissension between your Majesty and his master, for this was the only motive of the late Pope; moreover, in unreasonable causes a sentence was of no avail when the matter was already judged. I admitted this last assertion, of which I had frequently availed myself in discussion with him or the Council to destroy the authority of the sentence of Canterbury, and I repeated a few strong arguments touching the sentence and the justice of the Queen's cause. I said it would be mere loss of time to suppose that your Majesty would ever approve this second marriage (if it could be so called), and therefore the King had no occasion to be dissatisfied with your Majesty, who had remained a year and a half without proceeding to the execution of ecclesiastical censures. He confessed you had shown great courtesy in this, and asked what means could be taken to redress matters. I said the means were obvious; viz., that the King should take back his wife; otherwise I saw no other course except to temporise a while, hoping that God, in answer to the world's prayers, would inspire those concerned to return to the right road, and, with a view to this, the first thing would be to treat the Queen and Princess better, as I had several times shown that the grounds alleged by the King for the divorce were no reason for ill-treating them and irritating the world; moreover, the Princess might be kept more surely and honorably and at less expense with the Queen her mother than where she was; that she had been already ill without any help, for the King's physicians would do nothing without the Queen's physician, who was far from here and could not well leave the Queen, though he had often engaged, if the Princess were brought near her mother, to cure her malady, which, by delay and the continual vexation she is in, might carry her off; moreover, as to the Queen's treatment, it seemed very strange that out of four Spanish servants whom she had they should take away her maître de salle, who had followed her from Spain and had now nothing to live on. Therefore it would be well that the King should let him return to his mistress or retire towards your Majesty, where he would make some report of affairs here.
Cromwell made no reply as to the Princess; but as to the maiître de salle, who is named Francisco Philippe, he said he would get the King to let him return to the Queen, or, if he pleased, to go to Spain, and give him money for his voyage; and, as to the report he might make to your Majesty, you were not so credulous as to give credit to all that such men said, although he believed the said Francisco Philippe might, by his report, cause the people to murmur over there in accordance with their arrogant disposition (selon que leur autainne condicion l'addonoit). After this I asked Cromwell whether the Admiral had not reported Nassau's charge to the King. He said, No, which I thought strange, and could hardly believe, as I told him. Immediately afterwards he said that he had got some wind of the marriage between the Dauphin and the Infanta, which was ill-assorted by disparity of age. I said that was true, and that it would be better to prevent it by giving the English princess in marriage to the Dauphin. He answered, smiling, that I had paid him very well, but he didn't wish to remain long in my debt for fear of high interest; and he immediately repaid me, saying it would be better to talk of the marriage between the Spanish prince and the King's last daughter, whom he called Princess. At this I only laughed, saying he had overpaid me. Cromwell at last said to me he believed firmly I was wearied with staying here, especially not having access to the King or frequent communication with the Council, and that every man of spirit must resent such treatment, and that he wished much the times were otherwise. I said certainly I was displeased at not being able to do my bounden service to your Majesty, and also to the King his master, and, as to having access to the King, I was sure, as he had never refused it hitherto when I had occasion to ask it, he would not refuse when need should arise, and that without urgent occasion I was not anxious to demand it; also that it must be quite as displeasing to those who were devoted to the King's service that I was not oftener in Court, because an ambassador of your Majesty would confer more reputation on the King's court than all the others who, for this purpose, might be summoned from a distance.
On Thursday, after dinner, Cromwell came to me unexpectedly, and said he had reported all our conversations of the day before to the King, who was very well pleased with them; that he had ventured to say I would have much pleasure in visiting the King, at which Henry was very well pleased; and that tomorrow at 1 p.m. I might go to the Court secretly without making much noise about it. He sent next morning to remind me, notifying that I must disembark at the private landing place (pont) of the King's house, which I fancy was devised for the mystery which I shall declare presently. Further, Cromwell told me that he saw matters were beginning to take a good course, and he only warned me as a friend, that in speaking with the King I should not enter upon the matters of the Queen and Princess. He also told me that the King had granted what he had promised me about Francisco Philippe. I forgot to mention that Cromwell had said to me the day before that a treaty between your Majesty and his master was far easier to make, as it only involved this little point of marriage, than that with the French, who made numerous and extraordinary demands, and, for the peace of Christendom, it would be far better that the French should keep their own country and other princes theirs.
On Friday, at the hour appointed, I came to Court as had been arranged, and found the King alone in his gallery. After some familiar conversation, the King spoke, as Cromwell had done, of the enterprise your Majesty was said to have boasted of, but, as Cromwell had reported our conversation, he said that impression would have been quite removed, but that it derived some color from the fact that you were offering the dower of his daughter to others, and no one had a right to marry her without his consent, and that M. de Nassau had been instructed to offer her to one of the sons of the king of France, as he understood from the Admiral, who had only come to inform him of it, however Cromwell dissembles the matter with me. I said jestingly, to show how confident I was of removing his bad opinion, that he ought to have asked him who had reported such matters to him, if he was not to be at the feast, seeing that he was to pay the reckoning; and I immediately subjoined that I was very glad that he had been so frank with me, being assured that I could explain matters to his satisfaction by an article in the above-mentioned copy of letters, which showed clearly that nothing was treated of except to his honor and in the interests of a general union. As I had not the said copy with me, he desired that I would come and dine there on Sunday, and bring it with me, which I promised, informing him that the first overture for the marriage of the said Princess, so far as I knew, had been made by your ambassador in France to the Grand Master without commission from your Majesty. He remarked, en passant, that formerly his said daughter had been promised to M. d'Orleans, and he had not consented to give her to the Dauphin, on whom he had been urged to bestow her when he was in France. On speaking of the affection your Majesty bore to him according to what I had told Cromwell, he said on his part he had given other evidence besides words, and that on the part of your Majesty the said affection was obscured and hindered by the arrogance of some who were about you, who, in the hope of subduing the whole world to their desire, would not let your Majesty satisfy him in this matter which concerned him so much and your Majesty so little. Thinks he glances at the grand masters of Spain, who, for the credit of Spain, solicit you to be firm towards him, and even to proceed further. He added that the late bishop of Rome, for so he always calls him, was the cause of all the mischief (inveighing against him as Cromwell had done), and that before his death the said late Pope had discovered his error, which the present one was beginning to see. These remarks made me suspect that the King is not without hope of the Pope confirming this marriage, at least indirectly, by declaring the last daughter, out of consideration to the king of France, to be legitimate, in order to marry her to one of the sons of Francis, and that then the King would consent that the French king should give his daughter to the king of Scotland. Nevertheless, these news do not come from such a quarter as to confer much credit upon them. The King likewise said that the present Pope was reported to be good, but whatever he was he didn't care, for he had nothing to do with him, and with all his goodness and holiness it was said he meant to make war on the duke of Urbino.
The King told me that the French admiral had assured him that your Majesty had offered, in dower of the Infanta, the duchy of Milan after the decease of duke Francis, and said that it would not be wise to replace the said duchy in the hands of the French, as it was the bulwark of Naples, which could be easily conquered with the assistance of any pope, and popes were changing every day. He said friendship with him was far more sure and less expensive. I said this was notorious and quite evident, and that matters were easy to set right, as nothing had been determined. Henry said he had news from France that the Turk had defeated the Sophy, and had determined to invade Sicily and establish Barbarossa's position in Tunis, which was so strong that he did daily innumerable injuries to Christendom; that though your Majesty had so many possessions, yet, from the distance between them, it was all the more difficult to keep the whole, and if the king of France and he wished to attack Flanders, it would be difficult to bring succours from Spain, which consideration had caused considerable anxiety in Flanders of late, and he had been asked, both by the Italians and by the Germans, to make a league, but had refused. He also said the Turk had great intelligence in Christendom, The King appears to be much afraid there is some treaty between you and the French king; for, besides the above, he told me that he was informed a few days ago the French had despatched couriers to you, and he believes they will not sleep in order not to lose their opportunity. The King asked me what ambassador had lately been sent by you to offer the king of Scots a wife; and on my reply that there was no ambassador of yours there at present, he asserted that there was, and likewise with his rebels in Ireland; that the ambassador in Ireland was a young little Spaniard, who had been wounded and nearly taken prisoner in a skirmish, and that several Irishmen had offered to kill him, but that would be too honorable a death for him, and he desired to have him in his hands, in order, after obtaining information from him, to have him executed by justice. He said that before this Spaniard left Spain he abstained for a long time from entering the Court, keeping at two or three days' journey from it, in order, as the King believed, to keep the matter secret; but on my saying that it might be some banished man, he suspected it was so, and said he had been informed that your Majesty had determined, after the manner of France, to banish or cashier some men who were escaping to Ireland ("que pour retraytte passoint audit hirlande"); but he thought your Majesty,—understanding how those who favored Kildare, had taken his (Henry's) side and given hostages, and that there is no longer any hope for Kildare's cause, who dares not sleep in any house or castle, but goes about esperdu, robbing like the thief he always was, —will refrain from treating with such rebels, who at the beginning had put Ireland in considerable danger only through the stupidity of the governors. Finally, the King said that, as I acknowledged that matters could easily be set right between your Majesty and him, he begged I would explain to him the means. I said the means were notorious, as I had several times shown, and it was not necessary to repeat, and if, because matters were still too fresh, the foresaid means appeared hard, God in time would soften them and provide remedies. He said the danger was that meanwhile new considerations might forestall the opportunity.
Yesterday, Sunday, I was at the Court about 11 o'clock. The King had not yet gone to mass, awaiting my coming. The cordiality with which I was received by the Council was marvellous; they expressed great pleasure at my coming, both by words and looks, which was a thing got up (toute faicte a la main) for the reason I shall presently explain. Immediately after my arrival the King caused me to be informed by his Council (the earl of Wiltshire being specially deputed for the purpose, as he spoke French best) that he had been informed this morning that his daughter Mary was dangerously ill, and as he wished to preserve his honor and avoid all suspicion he desired that I would choose one or two physicians to go to her along with his own, the said Princess being at Greenwich. For the same reason he would not allow his physicians to meddle with the case without the assistance of others—indeed, his physicians refused altogether to do so—and that sometime since they had written to the Queen's physician, who always excused himself, to wash his hands of it, and that the King was as much grieved at her sickness as any father could be for his daughter. I praised his affection, and thanked him for the honor he did me, and said if he had been pleased to believe what I told him about a year ago touching the treatment of the said Princess, he would not now be in the fear and anxiety he is in. I said he and they knew the physicians of this kingdom better than I, who would take greater pains in the matter at the King's command than at my request; and I begged he would hold me excused if I did not meddle in the matter; for your Majesty might be displeased with me, as it might seem to show distrust on your part of the King's virtue. To this I adhered, notwithstanding all persuasions, and they remained pensive, well knowing that I meant to leave the entire responsibility with them. Shortly afterwards Cromwell returned from the King, on whose part he prayed me that, as I would do nothing about sending physicians, at least, if the said Princess grew worse, I would send one of my own with another gentleman whom he would send, in order to see the care and diligence used in the said cure, and that when it should be time he would inform me.
I then entered the King's chamber, who gave me a reception like that of his councillors. I read to him the aforesaid article about the marriage of the Princess, with which, and with the interpretation I made, he was well pleased. He asked for a complete copy of the letters to read while he was at mass, but I said in excuse that they were ill written, and also, as I had told Cromwell, that they been sent me privately, offering, however, to read the whole to him and Cromwell. He appeared to take this in good part, and begged me to read it to Cromwell. The King then spoke to me of the Princess's illnese, which he reported as very serious, mentioning specially some accident thereof (quelque accident dycelle), and in conclusion the physicians considered it incurable, on which account the Queen's physician, despairing of her cure, refused to come, excusing himself by the Queen's indisposition, who, he was assured, was not in the least ill; and that he would have much liked, for the reasons which he had explained to me, that I had provided some physician in case the Queen's physician did not come, whom he begged me to send for; but since I had not agreed to this he was content that I should send one of my own. Could not perceive that he was very much grieved at the Princess's illness, but rather that he was much pleased, and what he said about the physicians despairing of her cure filled me with great suspicion, for I knew positively that his chief physician had told him that the said illness arose only from sorrow and trouble, and that she would be well at once if she were free to do as she liked; moreover, he had said the same to the duke of Norfolk, when the Queen's physician offered to take charge of her provided she were brought near the Queen. The King has refused me licence to visit the said Princess, saying it would only be pain and trouble to me, but that if she got well he would consent, which seems to indicate his belief that she will not escape. Some of the Council were not ashamed to tell me that, since men could find no remedy for matters between your Majesty and this King, God would open a door by taking the said Princess. I replied that, for my part, I believed otherwise, for reasons I had already stated; and I wanted to have a little more discussion to find out first what the state of the said Princess was, and also what the King had in his mind. The Princess, thank God, is much better, and I trust will soon recover, for it is only her usual illness, and hitherto it does not appear that she has drunk or eaten too much.
After dinner Cromwell wished me to speak again with the King, both to show him the article refuting the rumor spread in France: and also pour reputation, that the world might understand the good intelligence that was beginning between your Majesty and the King; but it was all for the sake of the mystere which I will speak of presently. The King was much pleased with the said article, and told me frankly that, since I had disclosed it to him, he would tell me also that the Admiral himself had related the tale therein referred to, viz., that your Majesty had offered Milan to draw the king of France to you; and he did not wish to be set down as the author either of that or of what he was going to tell me, viz., that he had certain understandings and treaties for the restoration of the banished men of Italy to their houses, and that he had been summoned to intervene in the treaties, and also on the side of Germany; and that the secretary of the chancellor of France was going to Barbarossa. and to the Turk. I asked. "For what?" and he answered, smiling, "to make a trere marchande," and that he knew money had been sent to many places: that the show of war they were making in France was only a pretence, and that he himself had been asked to make similar demonstrations only to induce your Majesty to treat with them. The King also told me that he believed that that James who wished to spy upon me was a prisoner in the hands of the duke of Norfolk, and that I should consider what was to be done with him.
All these ceremonies and caresses have been made to me on account of the bad news brought to them by the treasurer of Brittany, who, as I understand from a person to whom the clerk of the said treasurer, the secretary of the ambassador of France, had declared it, and read the summary of the chapters, demanded first that the King in conformity with the Christian religion should take measures against the heresies prevailing here, and send back to France, for punishment, the French heretics who had fled hither. 2. He asked the Princess in marriage for one of the children; and, I think, there is something besides, for, as the King told me, the treasurer had some charge unknown to the said ambassador. The said treasurer arrived on the 31st ult., and was at Court on the 1st inst. without the ambassador. On the day of Our Lady (2 Feb.) they were both there, and, as I hear, they were told not to come again without being called. On Friday while I was at the Court the said treasurer, who is secretary of the French Admiral, went to Cromwell to know if he might have an audience next day to seek an answer and ask his congé, but Cromwell told him drily not to waste time, for he could not [be admitted] in the said Court. I must not pass over a mystery of the said Friday when I was in Court, which was that Cromwell, having advised me to go thither secretly and land at the private bridge (pricé pont), also sent in the evening some of his men to the merchants' exchange, who went asking each other if I had passed that way on my return from Court, and that they did not know whither Cromwell and I had gone to sport; which was as good as proclaiming it by sound of trumpet. Moreover, in order to inform the said ambassador and treasurer, they told them several times that Sunday they were at Court, that the King had tried hard to show me kindness (que ce roy avoyt beau me caresser et faire feste), and it was of very little use, for your Majesty, being so Catholic and virtuous a prince, would as little favor this King in anything contrary to the faith as the King his master would; "en quoy donnoient bien a entendre que de la partoyt la maladie et marrison de ce roy."
Today, Monday, the King has sent for the said ambassador and treasurer, who at first caused answer to be made that they were not at home, but the second time the treasurer went. It is he (fn. 9) who will be despatched.
When I knew the mystery I took no notice, and avoided making any enquiry about the charge of the said treasurer, nor did I say a word about the French, who knew, without being able to presume that it came from me, that I had shown some letters to this king which had come into my hands as above said. Thinks that, as the English play such a subtle game, it would be well that the French should have compensation for the jealousy in which the English desire to put them, lest they should give them a beating by an arrangement with your Majesty. It might be owing to the Frenchmen not being able to get out of this king all that they wanted that they have put forward these points to him, rather than from any zeal they have to the Christian faith. (fn. 10)
In the course of some conversation Cromwell has sworn to me that the King his master has never given any aid or favor to the Landgrave, and that the gentleman and the gunner whom the King had sent to Denmark have not gone thither to raise men, or treat of anything to the prejudice of your Majesty.
As to the possibility of withdrawing the Princess from hence, the thing is so hazardous at present that I doubt if she would listen to it. For, besides that one must put oneself at the mercy of the wind, she is so strictly guarded that I can scarcely communicate to her anything; for, apart from her indisposition, I have only suggested to her whether she would not like to be beyond the sea; and she replied that she desired nothing else. The King has sent for "le seigneur Xaynel (?)," but he says he is ill. London, 9 Feb. 1534 (5), stil de Flandres.
Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 15.
10 Feb.
R. O.
190. The Royal Supremacy.
1. Renunciation by Thos. abp. of Canterbury of the jurisdiction of the see of Rome, and of all allegiance to any foreign potentate, 10 Feb. 1534, 26 Hen. VIII. Signed. Notarial attestation subjoined. Seal appended, badly mutilated.
R. O. Similar renunciations, all in the same form, signed, and with notarial attestations subjoined, by—
2. Stephen bishop of Winchester, (fn. 11) 10 Feb. 1534, 26 Hen. VIII. Two fragments only of the seal remain.
R. O. 3. John bishop of Bath and Wells, 10 Feb. 1534, 26 Hen. VIII. Seal slightly mutilated.
R. O. 4. John bishop of London, 11 Feb. 1534, 26 Hen. VIII. Seal good.
R. O. 5. Thomas bishop of Ely, 11 Feb. 1534, 26 Hen. VIII. Seal broken.
R. O. 6. John bishop of Lincoln, 13 Feb. 1534, 26 Hen. VIII. Seal good.
R. O. 7. John bishop of Carlisle, 15 Feb. 1534, 26 Hen. VIII. Seal good.
R. O. 8. Edw. abp. of York, 26 Feb. 1534, 26 Hen. VIII. Seal a little broken.
R. O. 9. John Salcott, (fn. 12) bishop of Bangor, 26 Feb. 1534, 26 Hen. VIII. Seal good.
R. O. 10. Robert bishop of Chichester, 26 Feb. 1534, 26 Hen. VIII. Seal good.
11. Roland Lee, bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, 27 Feb. 1534, 26 Hen. VIII. (Printed in Rym., xiv. 549; orig. not found.)
10 Feb.
R. O.
191. Cromwell to the Prior of Dudley.
The King desires the prior personally to repair to Cromwell immediately. The Rolls, 10 Feb. Signed.
P 1. Add.
10 Feb. 192. William Barlo to Cromwell.
The letter printed under this date in St. P. v. 17. is of the year 1536.
10 Feb.
R. O.
193. Edward Beck of Manchester to Cromwell.
Have been driven back here to "the Hollehed" by bad weather. A small boat has come today from Dublin, with news that the Deputy and army are in good health, and lying abroad in the English Pale. Thos. FitzGerald dares not show himself, and his power is decreasing. Genet Eustace and her daughter are prisoners at Dublin. She is the best hostage, except Thomas himself, for, as Beck thinks, she is the great causer of his insurrection. Her son, Jas. Dalleyhyd, is the greatest traitor next to Thomas. They have put Brood to execution, with others in his company. Edw. Fyzgarot and Pursell are still in the castle. The sickness is gone. Hopes when Mr. Pollet and he have arrived the country will shortly be brought to quietness. The Hollehed, 10 Feb.
Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Mr. Secretary. Endd. Sealed.


  • 1. Mary queen of Hungary.
  • 2. See Vol. VII. 923, xliv.
  • 3. Sir Nicholas Carew.
  • 4. Perhaps Sir Richard Weston is intended, but he was not a knight of the Garter.
  • 5. Lord Chancellor Audley.
  • 6. Thomas Speke.
  • 7. Sir Edw. Ryngeley was marshal of Calais at this time.
  • 8. "Sire, il semble en user comme dessus afin que les Françcois ne puissent venant à leur notice en charger autre que moy, et aussi á fin de le faire sentir meilleur a ceulx cy, lesquelz eussent conceu plus de suspicion que vostre Majesté eust voulu demener quelque chose aé leur groz desavantaige, actendu que celle vouloit prevenir de justification et excuse, ou que actendu que vostre Majesté a peu d'occasion de leur user de telle humanité et honnesté il eussent peu imputer plus à craincte que autre chose."
  • 9. Cesluy: qu., e'est lui?
  • 10. "Et ouys que (puisque?) ceulx ey veullent jouier du fin il seroit bien emploier que les francois, en recompence de la jalousie ou cenlx cy les venullent meetre quilz leur douassent la bastonnade sappoinetant aver vre Ma" pourroit estre sire que les haneois nen pouvant tirer de ce roy tout ce qui eussent bieu voulu luy a lait meetre les susd. poinetz en avant plustot que pour zelle quil ayt a la foy erestienne."
  • 11. An English translation of Gardiner's renunciation is printed by Foxe (v. 71, Townsend's Ed.), and from him reprinted in Wilkins, III. 780.
  • 12. The surname appears in the signature.