Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 9, August-December 1535. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1886.
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December 1535, 21-25
|21 Dec.||1002. Simon Heynes.|
|See Grants in December, No. 15.|
R. O. Ellis, 3rd Ser., ii. 367.
|1003. Richard Layton to Cromwell.|
|I beg you will take into your service a kinsman of mine, Chr. Joy, who has studied in France and Flanders for 11 years past, writes and speaks both languages, "naturally well learned in civil," a very wise and goodly gentleman, with 36l. a year to maintain him, and 100l. in his purse, but with neither father nor mother, nor friend to speak for him but myself. Or, if you have too many servants, that you would put him into the King's service. St. Thomas's Day.|
|Hol. Add.: Chief Secretary.|
|1004. John Husee to Lady Lisle.|
|I sent you by Jas. Hawksworth all things according to your last. The grocer and chandler call incessantly for money, and would not have dealt with me if I had not promised to see them paid out of hand, as your Ladyship wrote that the money should be sent without fail ere this. Further, I see no help for it, but after all the charges I have been at, I must lose my wages. I will try these holidays what my friends can do for me, and if I cannot speed I will lose no more labor. This journey will be a warning to me while I live. I have been five times within these six days for the kirtle the Queen gave you, but am always put off. Tomorrow I am promised a determinate answer. London, 21 Dec.|
|Hol., p. 1. Add.|
Cleop. E. iv. 131.
Wright's Suppression of the Monasteries, 91.
|1005. Ric. Layton to Cromwell.|
|In going northwards from London took his way towards Lichfield, where he had appointed to meet with Dr. Leig. Visited a priory of Gilbertines, (fn. 1) and nuns enclosed, where they refused to admit him as visitor. Found two of the nuns not barren; "one of them impregnavit supprior domus, another a serving-man." The two prioresses would not confess this, neither the parties, nor any of the nuns, but one old beldame. They said they were bound by their religion to confess only to their own visitor.|
|Another priory, called Harwolde, wherein were four or five nuns with the prioress. One had two fair children, another one. My lord Mordaunt, dwelling near the said house, enticed the young nuns to break up the coffer where the convent seal was; and his eldest son, Sir John Mordaunt, caused the prioress and her foolish young folk to seal a writing made in Latin, telling them it was but a lease of an impropriate benefice. The prioress says she never consented to it. This was done since Michaelmas. As the house is of the King's foundation Cromwell must, by his office, call lord Mordaunt to account. At St. Andrews, in Northampton, the house is greatly in debt, the lands sold and mortgaged, the farms let out, and the rent received beforehand for 10, 15, 20 chantries to be paid out of the lands. The house is 400l. in revenues. "The King's foundation thus to be mangled by the quondam I have great pity. The prior now is a bachelor of divinity, a great husband, and a good clerk, and pity it is that ever he came there." Suggests that he should be promoted, and the King take it into his hands. The college of Newark here in Leicester, of the King's foundation, with an hospital, is well kept, and 300l. in their treasure-house. The abbey here is "confederyde," we suppose, and will confess nothing. The abbot is an honest man, but his canons most obstinate and factious. This morning I will object against some of them buggery and adultery, et sic specialiter discendere, which I have learnt from others. What I shall find I cannot tell. This morning we depart towards Lichfield church, and from thence to certain abbeys on Trent side, and so to Southwell, to be at York within a day after Twelfth Day. My lord of Lincoln commanded the preachers here of Newark College to preach henceforth only in their own benefices. Why should he inhibit any man to preach the Word of God ? He visited here at Leicester and throughout his diocese last Lent, only to prevent the King's visitation. He can only visit once in three years, but he anticipated the time by half a year, and visited during the archbishop's visitation to prevent the King's. Lichfield, crastino divi Thomæ.|
|Hol., pp. 3.Add.: Mr. Thos. Cromwell, chief secretary. Endd.|
Paris, MS. 5,499, f. 269.
|1006. J. du Bellay and the Bishop of Mascon to Francis I.|
|At our return we found your despatch of the 3rd, which came bien à propos, because next morning the affair of England was put sur le bureau, to our great trouble; and in this we have followed your directions in every point, as I, Du Bellay, write particularly to the cardinals of Lorraine and Tournon, "qui sont du serment de l'espée." The thing seems to every one ill-managed and of evil consequence, but it falls in with your purpose (mais elle est selon votre desseing), and we presume you are satisfied that the sentence is so bitter on the one hand and so unjust on the other that you can make what use of it you please. If so, you have your wish, and you may, if you please, gain influence with the English by the good offers which I, Du Bellay, have made in Consistory; for if you let them see that I shall have fought against the Pope so vigorously that it was near coming to a quarrel, you will tell them nothing that they will not readily believe on the report which I am sure will reach them about it. And thus you will have two grists from one sack; and, with this view, I have arranged under hand that the said sentence, that it may be the less valid, be not again referred to the Consistory; and the Pope has decided that it shall go forth, not in the form that I told you before, (fn. 2) but in that of which I send you a copy; and you may, if you think good, communicate it in private to Winchester.|
|Fr., pp. 2. Dated at head: 22 Dec. 1535.|
|1007. Cardinal du Bellay to the Cardinals of Lorraine and Tournon.|
|On Friday, 10th inst., the Pope, after blaming the cardinals and himself for the long dissimulation he has practised in the affair of England, and mentioning the reproaches he had suffered, asked for an opinion on the two minutes which had been proposed to the cardinals, of which, however, du Bellay, and most of the others had only seen the first. All but Capua are of opinion that execution should not be the first step, and that citation or monition should precede the sentence, especially in the case of a new and graver offence, for which the King had not yet been cited. They thought also that penalties should not be inflicted on vassals and allies, as they were not culpable. Capua mitigated still more the penalties, but would have no citation. Du Bellay and St. Croix agreed to defer other questions, such as the qualification of the sentence, though the latter cried out "comme tous les diables." All the rest showed a high regard for equity. The Pope pardoned us, severely enough, for having given our opinions so freely, though he had asked us for them. Some had said that kings and private persons ought to be treated differently; and Capua, Contarini, and Mantua said that circumstances ought to be considered when the authority of Holy See was unprotected, and that all nations ought not to be provoked by interdicting commerce. At this the Pope was angry, and repeated that he would not spare emperors, kings, or princes, as God had put him over them; that his authority was not at all diminished, though some wished it to be, but was greater than ever, and would be greater still when there was one to act without faction or pusillanimity; witness the miracles of pope Julius, which he would surpass. He reproached us that, for four months, we had cherished enmities; and when he wished our advice about giving sentence, we had embroiled by our disputes so holy and clear a matter,—as if he had said, "I called you to condemn, not to consult." In conclusion, he wanted it despatched at once like a thing thoroughly well drawn up, whatever faults some might find about the style.|
|The majority thought he was going to spoil everything; but they do not know what to do. He was irritated at the suggestion that the King (Francis) and Emperor ought to be informed first, and said he had already done it, and the Emperor had replied that if Rome acted rightly he would show himself the true advocate and protector of the Church; and that the King had promised to do as much if the Emperor would not fail on his side. Does not know if this is true, for neither he nor the bishop of Macon have heard anything from France, for all their requests.|
|Campeggio objected to allied princes being injured, especially the French king, who, he heard, had great friendship and treaties with the king of England, which were secret, as usual,—leaving the company to suspect that there was something between them to the prejudice of the Church. Capua urged the immediate giving of the sentence lest the King should secretly send persons to protest, as he did in Clement's time. Thanked Campeggio ironically for the respect he showed to Francis, and said that the old treaties between England and France were well known, that a new one was made after the sack of Rome for the defence of the See, and all subsequent treaties were on the same lines. If the king of England had ever done or meditated anything against this See, it was certain that the French king was far from such a crime. Ever since the disaster at Pavia, he had laboured to bring this King back to his devotion to the Church of Rome. Went on to speak of the interview of Calais, and how Francis had omitted to obtain for his son such a kingdom as England from a feeling of respect to the Holy See, in consequence of the conditions proposed by Henry, one of which would have produced in the future discord between the Holy See and France. This the Pope denied, saying that he knew that the King had declined to treat because the king of England had wished to have the duke of Angoulême as hostage. Replied humbly, not wishing to contradict him, by saying that the Duke's going [as hostage] had not been proposed. but that it was only for the purpose of doing him honor, and to give him an opportunity of knowing the country as its future King, and that the matter was now referred to the King's decision. If the bishop of Faenza, his authority, had been there, would not have let him off so easily. Gives an account of the rest of the meeting, the Pope speaking in great anger about the bp. of Winchester being in France. Trany, as dean, tried to appease him, and he and most of the cardinals were willing to do what the French wished. It is long since there has been a Pope less loved by the College, the Romans, and the world.|
|After receiving the despatch of the 3rd, that evening, left Mons. de Mascon and Raince alone to declare the charge, and took three cardinals and others hunting. The Pope immediately asked where du Bellay was, and Mascon told him. His Holiness was afraid that he was angry, and indirectly tried to appease him. Sends further information to the King. Has many difficult morsels to digest. Has to combat all sorts of people; but the most dangerous are the gossips (commères) like the bishop of Faenza and Raince. Sees that most of the cardinals will be inclined to absent themselves from Consistory, as Trivolce did, on hearing that the interests of the King were not concerned. In short, we must hold on as we best can until it is seen what he will do on the Emperor's coming. Tries to put the other side in the wrong, so that, seeing that peace does not ensue, and that he is badly treated, he will throw everything into our hands. Rome, 22 Dec. 1535.|
|Fr., pp. 11, from a modern copy.|
St. P. vii. 638.
|1008. John Elector of Saxony and Philip Landgrave of Hesse to Henry VIII.|
|Ask him to help Christiern, king of Denmark, against the Lubeckers. Christiern favours the Gospel, and takes care that it shall be faithfully preached in his kingdom. Smalcald, 23 Dec. 1535. Signed and sealed.|
|Lat., p. 1. Add.|
|1009. Hugh Wytwyck to Cromwell.|
|Dr. Leygh on the 23rd Dec. visited a small house of nuns near Huntingdon, called Fyngyngbrook (fn. 3), when the prioress was sick, and commanded me, with Mr. Hall, to put the goods of the said priory in safety till your pleasure were known. She died on Sunday last, and Mr. Hall and I made an inventory, and have locked up the coffers with the specialties and other implements.|
|At the priory of canons in Huntingdon, "by him that is minister in the same."|
|Hol., p. 1. Add.: Secretary.|
Add. MS. 25, 114, f. 112.
|1010. Cromwell to Gardiner.|
|Thanks him for his gentle letters. By the P.S. of his other letter, written by the King's commandment, Gardiner will perceive the arrival of his servant Thwaites, and the answer to be made to such letters as he brought with him. Will satisfy his servant Peter Lark, so that Gardiner shall not think himself neglected. Will be glad to serve him. From the Rolls, 24 Dec. Signed.|
|In Wriothesley's hand, p. 1. Add.: "My lord of Winchester." Endd.|
Nero, B. vi. 143.
|1011. John Friar to Starkey.|
|Was glad to receive his letter, telling him he must go to Germany and take advantage of his patron (fn. 4) there. A Spanish physician has come here, and proposed arguments and conclusions, which he will uphold next month in St. Stephen's church. All his friends are well, except Morison, who is poor. Starkey ought to help him, Venice, 24 Dec.|
|Hol., Lat., p. 1. Add.: Londini.|
Add. MS. 8, 715, f. 171.
|1012. Bishop of Faenza to Mons. Ambrogio.|
|Mons. di Beovay is leaving today to go to the Emperor. All the Court talks of war. Gives an account of the preparations. England will share the expenses, and the English here are secretly negotiating. Prays that the Pope may have grace to prevent such great miseries, and turn these arms against the Infidels. Expects they will also have aid from the Turk. * * *|
|Ital., pp. 4. Headed: Al Signor Mons. Ambrogio, da Sora, 24 Decembre 1535.|
Corpus Reform., ii. 1,027.
|1013. Melancthon to Joachim Camerarius.|
|Wonders at the sharpness of those who suspect that Luther is offended by the English dedication on account of the number of the sacraments, as they call them. Has not yet noticed that Luther is estranged. Has neither done nor written anything immoderate, so as to make him desire Melancthon's office, and does not wish to be the cause of scandal.|
|All this kind of suspicion rises among the ignorant and the enemies of learning.|
|The English and French ambassadors were here. The French [ambassador] is trying a reconciliation of opinions that France may accept. The English show that they will receive a purer sort of doctrine by our example. Petrus Suavenius has assisted Melanchthon. The Macedonian (the Landgrave) has been very courteous, and the Princes appear to agree. Sends letters addressed to a certain Englishman, which he asks Camerarius to have delivered as soon as possible, if the man is there, and return the answer. Is affected by More's fate, and will not meddle with those matters. 9 kal. Jan., Smalcald, anno xxxvi.|
Corpus Reform., ii. 1,028.
|1014. Henry VIII. and the Smalcaldic League.|
|"Capita orationis episcopi Herevordensis oratoris Anglici ad totum conventum Smalcaldiensem."|
|He and his colleagues were sent by Henry VIII. to the Evangelical League in the cause of public peace. Beside the old relation between the King and the Elector, the King's friendship has increased by his zeal for religion. He was not influenced by the abuse of their adversaries, and believed they would do nothing unworthy of confessors of the Gospel, but would do their best to spread God's Word, in which the King will help them when opportunity offers. He has abolished the power and jurisdiction of the bishop of Rome in England, as the duke of Saxony and his allies have done. This similarity has kindled his good will to them. He exhorts them to come to an agreement about Christian doctrine, for he knows what evils spring from diversity of opinions, as in the case of the Anabaptists. The Pope has indeed promised a Council, but first public peace and concord must be established; otherwise not one class alone of evils is to be feared. Peace in accord ance with God's Word must be striven for. The Pope has long tried to hinder such a peace, and the King is sure that it will never be settled during the reign of the Pope, whose tyranny, as that of Antichrist, he is banishing from his kingdom. The Pope meditates nothing but to defend his tyranny and avarice, and therefore endeavours to set kings and princes at war. He does not say this to make them fear the Pope, but that they may know his plots against the king of England. He is only pretending that he desires a Council. Though the King recognises the advantage of a free and Christian Council in which controversies might be discussed by the authority of the Word of God, nothing would be more calamitous than a Council which merely established the ambition of the Pope.|
|He therefore urges them not to agree to a Council until peace and concord in Christian doctrine are settled. It is important to them and the King's desire to see the true worship of God established, and a firm peace settled. In conclusion, they promise that the King will not be wanting to their pious endeavours, and will act as is worthy of an evangelical prince.|
|1015. The Smalcaldic League.|
|Between John Frederick elector of Saxony, in his own name and in that of his brother, John Ernest, likewise duke of Saxony, Philip, Ernest, and Francis, dukes of Brunswick and Lunenburg, Ulric, duke of Wirtemberg, &c.|
|Lat., pp. 14.|
|Cleop. E. vi. 299.
|2 English translation of the preceding.|
|Printed in Burnet, VI. 146.|
Burnet, VI. 150.
|1016. The Smalcaldic League.|
|The "petition" of John Frederic duke of Saxe, elector, &c., and Philip landgrave of Hesse to the king of England, exhibited to the bishop of Hereford and his colleagues at Smalcaldia on Christmas Day 1536. (fn. 5)|
|1. That the King will promote the Gospel and sincere doctrine of the Faith, as the Princes confessed the same at Augsburg, except percase some things be reformed by common consent of both. 2. That he will defend the said doctrine and the ceremony, conform to the same, in a future General Council. 3. That neither the King nor the Princes shall agree to a General Council without mutual consent, but they shall not refuse such a free Council as the Confederates demanded in their answer to the bishop of Rome's orator, Peter Paul Verger. 4. That if the King and the Princes cannot agree upon the place or upon the indiction of the Council, and the bishop of Rome will proceed, they shall do their utmost to let it, (5) and make solemn protestations that they will not be bound by it. 6. They shall neither obey the decrees of such a Council nor suffer them to be executed, and shall get their bishops and preachers to declare them null. 7. That his Majesty will be defender of the League. 8. That neither party shall henceforth recognise the bishop of Rome's primacy. 9. That if war be declared by any Power against the said King or Princes, neither party shall give aid against the other. 10. That the King will, in defence of the League, "confer with (fn. 6) the said noble Princes, and with them (giving security as within is added) to lay forth 100,000 crowns;" of which the Confederates may use one-half in case of need; and if the war continue the King will not be greved to contribute 200,000 cr. further; 11, which if the King do, the Princes engage to apply it only to the defence of the League. 12. As the ambassadors are to remain some time in Germany, and dispute with the learned men of certain articles, they are to endeavour, as soon as possible, to know their King's mind in entering the League, and signify it to the Elector and Landgrave. 13, on which the Princes will immediately send ambassadors to the King, and among them one excellently learned, to conclude on points of doctrine. (fn. 7)|
|In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 6.|
|R. O.||2. Another copy of the preceding, with slight verbal differences like an independent translation. Pp. 4. Endd.: "7 copies of advertisements coming from my lord of Hereford."|
Burnet, vi. 155.
|3. The answer of the King to the petitions and articles lately addressed to him by John Frederic duke of Saxe, elector of Saxe, and Philip landgrave of Hesse.|
|1. That he will and has been long minded to set forth true and sincere doctrine; but being a king reckoned somewhat learned, though unworthy, and having also so many learned men in his realm, he cannot accept at any creature's hand the observing of his and the realm's Faith, the ground whereof is in Scripture. He is willing, however, to confer and conclude with learned men sent from them. 2. He is willing to join them in all General Councils, they being catholic and in a safe place, for the defence of true doctrine, but ceremonies may differ, and should be ordered by the governors of every dominion. 3. He is content that neither he nor the Princes shall agree to a Council without mutual consent, provided a free and safe Council be not refused. The 4th, 5th, and 6th articles he accepts. 7. He thanks them for their overture, but cannot accept the office till he be agreed on the articles preceding. The 8th he accepts, and also the 9th, with the further proviso that in case of such war neither party shall permit any of their subjects to serve with the belligerents. 10. He thinks it strange they should ask aid for past wars, but if this confederation take effect, and a continuance of wars seem necessary, he will contribute. 11 and 12 he agrees to; 13, and hopes that as he has agreed to most of their articles they will send ambassadors.|
|In Wriothesley's hand, mutilated. Endd.: The petition of the duke of Sax and Philip lantgrave of Hesse to the King's Majesty concerning the setting forth of God's Word. The answer of the King's Majesty to their petition.|
|Cloop. E. vi. 292.
|4. Epitome of § 1.|
|Printed in Strype's Memorials, I., pt. ii., 234.|
|Cleop. E. vi. 304.
|5. "The answer that the Germans assembled in Smalcha made to Petrus Paulus Vergerius, the bishop of Rome hys ambasciatour, the yere of our Lord 1536."|
|They say that they have always desired and already declared their minds concerning a General Council, and advocate the presence of the Emperor and other Princes and the laity.|
|English translation by Moryson, pp. 4.|
|*** The first 2 pp. are a translation of a portion of a paper printed in Corpus Reformatorum, II., 1018, dated Smalcald, 21 Dec. 1535. The remainder is on the same subject, but not part of the Germans' answer.|
|Cleop., E. vi. 303.
|1017. [The Smalcaldic League?]|
|1017. " A consultation and decree for the conservation of the true doctrine of the Gospel and religion to the posterity."|
|The elector of Saxony and other princes and earls present in this assembly bind themselves, their successors and officers, to persevere in the wholesome doctrine of the Gospel and the truth once known, and to promote the same to their power, and nowise to withstand it. The orators of the cities and princes absent will report this decree to their principals. In the towns no man is to be chosen of the Senate but such as are dedicated to the sincere doctrine of the Gospel, that there may be no chance of a change with the change of magistrates.|
|R. O.||2. Terms of admission of certain theological positions, chiefly favorable to the old religion. Apparently terms proposed for reconciliation of the German Reformers and their opponents.|
|Inc.: "Admittitur potestas Pont. Max."|
|Lat., pp. 2. In Mont's hand.|
|Vit. B. xxi. 164.
|1018. England and the Diet of Smalcalde.|
|"The effect of my [lord of Hereford, Doctor] Heth, and Dr. Ba[rnes letters] to Mr. Secretary."|
|After long journey they came to ............. Erford, 28 Nov., where they ..............by the prince of Henallt to abide the return of [the duke] of Saxe from king Ferdinand. The Duke arrived at Wymar on Dec. 8, and sent to ask them to go thither the next day. When they arrived there they were well entertained, and had three conferences, at which they tried to "dissiphre them," without showing any special matter of their own charge. On the third day they had such certain answer to their overtures that they were clearly resolved of all their former doubts. When the Duke went to the diet of Smalcaldia; they followed, arriving there on the 13th Dec. After soliciting their matters with the Duke and Landgrave [they] sent for them on Christmas morning into the commune house "where the diet ................ red them articles of their petitions, signed with ..............copy whereof they have none sent hither."|
|They are now sure that the Duke has not compounded anything with Ferdinand against the King's purposes, but that the cause of his coming was only to make his fealty for his electorship and other lands which he holds "de feodo Regis Romanorum." Ferdinand was in hand with the Duke to consent to have the Council at Mantua, to which he would not agree; and no doubt they treated of other matters of weight, for Ferdinand offered that he and the Emperor should make him duke of Cleves and Julike within two years by right of his wife, who is daughter to the duke of Cleves, but he refused, considering the unlikelihood. After being with Ferdinand three weeks he departed, the King requiring nothing else but that he and his confederates should add no new article to their old confession, or make any other "invocations" (innovations?) in religion than have been used since the diet at Augsburg.|
|They have found out, from the copy of the answer made to the bishop of Rome's ambassador, that he missed what he looked for, and was but slenderly esteemed.|
|Mons. de Langey, fearing he should come short to the diet, sent a letter to the Duke and Landgrave, "desiring them, sed plus satis imperiose, as the Landgrave showed us, not to dissolve the diet bef [ore his arrival]............... there himself within two days................ had his first audience and a s ...................... all all the confederates, thansw[er given to the said de Langey] by the said Princes we have sent .............."|
|The Princes perceiving that all his intent was to have their aid against the Emper[or for] recovering the duchies of Geldres and Milan, would not consent, and he has now gone, re inf[ecta], to the other princes of Germany, papists and others, to prove whether he can do any good. Langey told us the cause of his legation was to offer to enter in fædus evangelicum, and two or three things more which we knew were all untrue.|
|In trying to obtain the heads of the fædus evangelicum, the bishop of Hereford has learned that the chief article concerns the contribution of every man's aid toward the defence of their religion, and how the Princes have put down 70,000 florins, which are at Vymar and Cassell, and the cities a like sum at Ulma and Eslinga.|
|"Item, that the bishop of Hereford hath enquired of ......... the money that the French king paid unto th ............. Lantgrave for the restitution of the duke of We[rtemberg], the storie whereof he hath sent hither in ..................[duke of H] olst had two ambassadors at the said [diet, but their commi]ssion was only to the duke of Saxe and [the Landgrave] to require their aid for the said duke of Holst, [who is] brought in extreme necessity; whereupon the said [duke of] Saxe and the Landgrave have had many conferences [with] my lord of Hereford and his colleagues, who do refer the declaration of the circumstances thereof, with also the sending of such letters as the said Duke and Landgrave have written for that purpose, to the coming of Christopher Mount, whom they do intend to depeche hither with as much expedition as they can."|
|They require to be better furnished with money, and the bishop of Hereford desires to have a bill of exchange for 1,000 or 2,000 cr. upon an account.|
|Pp. 4, mutilated.|
Wegener, Aarsberetninger, iv. 14.
|1019. Denmark and England.|
|Conferences between the English and Danish embassies at Smalkalde.|
|i. Articles presented to the bishop [of Hereford] on the part of Denmark:—|
|It is well known everywhere that the Lubeckers are at present carrying on war with the king of Denmark. They have explained the causes to the king of England, and obtained assistance thereby. Whether their explanations are good or bad, the ambassador can learn from the princes and cities and all the ambassadors here present. Inquiry will show that the war is caused by certain private citizens of Lubeck who have displaced the previous rulers. The cities themselves confess they have no cause of war against us. They told the king of England that we had made a treaty with the Low Countries (Inferioribus Germanis) against him. We do not deny that we have made certain treaties with the Imperialists, but we did so from necessity rather than from a design to injure the King or any one else. The treaty, which has been shown in all the meetings, proves this, and the ambassador can learn the truth from the princes and ambassadors here. We have made war in aid of the Lubeckers against Christiern, who was expelled and succeeded by Frederick. In the election on the death of Frederick some favored my Prince, others his younger brother; on which the Lubeckers made proposals to us, which were not to be borne, and we made peace with the Imperialists solely to prevent them from helping Christiern or his sons to recover the kingdom. The Lubeckers being defeated in their designs are now endeavouring to put Denmark into the hands of the Emperor, who has given his niece in marriage to the Count Palatine of the Rhine. He pretends he means to put him in possession of Denmark, but in reality desires only to gain the sovereignty of the sea and of that kingdom. If he had not meant this he would have helped Christiern or his children. Now that he sees us wearied by the length of the war with Lubeck he tries to unite the cities to himself, so as to ruin us, and then the cities and the whole of Christendom. The other cities blamed the rebellion of the citizens of Lubeck, so they expelled the rebels. When the Emperor gains Denmark he will have the sovereignty of the sea, and transfer commerce from the Easterlings to the Netherlands (Inferiores Germanos).|
|Denmark is useful to the English as no other kingdom is, and Denmark can always rely on the help of England. If the ambassador knows the King's mind, our Marshal, though he came for other purposes, and did not expect to meet the English ambassadors, knows that our King does not object to friendship with the king of England, and will do what pleases him.|
|Lat. Printed from a first draft of Peter Suavenius.|
|ii. Demands of the English embassy.|
|1. They first require a written memorandum of the things which have been declared here by the Marshal (fn. 8) on behalf of the elect king of Denmark, the electors and princes, and their allies, to show that the war which has long been conducted by the said King against Christiern has been rightly begun. 2. How to answer any complaints of Christiern and his allies that Denmark has allied itself with the duke of Holstein. 3. Touching the grounds alleged by the Emperor for his interference, and the claims of Frederic count palatine. 4. On what evidence the Marshal believes that the Emperor, in advancing the claims of the Count Palatine, only seeks to make Denmark dependent on the house of Burgundy ? 5. Whether the Count Palatine aims at obtaining the whole of the kingdom which belonged to Christiern, or only a part? 6. What advantage it will be to England to obtain the kingdom rather than the Count Palatine or king Christiern.|
|iii. Reply of the Marshal to the previous articles.|
|1. His only object is to show the princes and ambassadors here the iniquity of the Lubeckers in this war. He desires the [English] ambassador to take the book published by the king of Denmark against Lubeck, and have it translated to him.|
|2. Christiern deserved to be expelled for cruelty. Frederick had grave cause to take up arms against his cousin, but hoped he would be brought to a better mind. At length he tried the fortune of war by the instigation of the Lubeckers. Appeal was made by Frederick and the councillors to the Emperor as judge, 13 or 14 years ago, and no sentence has yet been given, the judge being deservedly suspected by us. Christian, like his father, not only desires to abide by law, but appeals to it.|
|3. Wonders at the question about the Emperor's pretext. Mentions instances of his grasping at territory all over Europe. He wants Denmark for the Count Palatine because it is convenient for the sovereignty of the sea. The Count can have no right, whether his father-in-law be dead or alive, as the kingdom is elective, not hereditary. However, he means to invade Denmark, as appears by his letters.|
|4. The proofs of the Emperor's designs upon Denmark in the person of the Count Palatine have been sent by the king of Denmark to the Princes at this diet, and have convinced them. The Marshal cannot publish them without the King's authority, nor show them to anyone except those mentioned in his commission. Even if the Count Palatine remains in possession of the kingdom, and does not hand it over to the Emperor, it will always be in the power of the Burgundians, without whose help he could not get possession of it. He will take the Emperor's part, having married his daughter.|
|5. The Count aims at the whole of Christiern's kingdoms, as his letters testify.|
|6. If the king elect of Denmark remains in possession, the king of England and other sovereigns will have a friend and brother, by whose aid they can strengthen themselves against the house of Burgundy. From the Count they can expect nothing of the kind, for he will take the Emperor's side.|
|Three or four English ships have been arrested by Christian during these troubles, more in accordance with the ancient privilege of the kingdom and necessity than to injure the English. The ambassador is requested to explain this. The merchants shall suffer no loss of their goods, and shall be well recompensed for their detention.|
|Lat. Draft by Suavenius.|