The wine trade with Gascony: (Frank Sargent)

Pages 256-311

Finance and Trade Under Edward III the London Lay Subsidy of 1332. Originally published by Manchester University Press, Manchester, 1918.

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During no period of the English rule in France were the ties which united England and Gascony more numerous or more powerful than in the reign of Edward III For nearly two centuries their intercourse had been developed by subjection to a common ruler, and the opening of the Hundred Years' War greatly contributed to the same end by necessitating the residence of increasing numbers of English officers in the Duchy, by making it a base for hostilities and a depôt for supplies The connection between the two countries was moreover not merely political, it was also economic, and it was for this reason (fn. 1) chiefly that the Gascons valued the union with the English Crown

The basis of this economic attachment was the trade in wine-a commodity which was in more general demand in mediæval than in modern England The frequency with which fines (fn. 2) were then paid and security given in wine is evidence of this, while the still existing custom of estimating shipping by tonnage ('wine tuns') (fn. 3) indicates the primary importance of wine as an article of foreign trade Wine was not, however, England's sole import from Gascony Salt (fn. 4) and armour (fn. 5) regularly formed part of the cargoes of ships coming from the Duchy The salt pits of Bordeaux, (fn. 6) Poitou, (fn. 7) and Soulac (fn. 8) provided England with her best supplies of salt, while throughout Southern France the salt of Bordeaux was highly regarded and even preferred to that of Languedoc So general was the importation of salt and armour into England that there is scarcely a single inventory (fn. 9) of the goods of any ship returning from Gascony which does not make mention of both

The trade with Gascony moreover was not at this period confined to imports, or it would have been less lucrative than it was English ships on the outward journey, and those of Gascons returning carried great quantites of corn, wool, cloth, and fish At times even bullion was carried In the reign of Edward III the exportation of corn to Gascony was incessant and increasing The amount of corn grown in the Duchy was quite inadequate to meet the needs of the inhabitants, as was often the case in Toulouse if not in Saintonge, (fn. 10) Périgord, and the Haut Pays In Toulouse scarcity of corn was very frequent, and could only be remedied by obtaining (fn. 11) freedom to seek it in all parts Corn was therefore brought to Bordeaux by sea and conveyed thence by river Bordeaux itself seems to have been very dependent at this period upon supplies from England and the corn-growing parts of the interior, and the latter means of supply was often utilised to the full, as in 1401, when it was required (fn. 12) of inland dealers in parts which were rebellious that they should bring with the wines they conveyed to Bordeaux a very large proportion of corn It has indeed been stated that Bordeaux possessed more vineyards in the fourteenth century than at any other period, and that at that time (fn. 13) there were many who complained that it was dangerous to sacrifice the cultivation of corn to that of the vine as the city ran the risk of starvation amid its riches It was no doubt because of this scarcity of corn in Gascony that English nobles and officers visiting those parts in the royal service usually purveyed (fn. 14) corn in England to supply their needs in Gascony, the Black Prince reserving (fn. 15) two manors for this purpose In time of war the amount of corn exported was exceptionally great, but such exportation can usually be distinguished not only by the circumstances under which it occurred but also by the fact that on such occasions it was consigned to some official, the Seneschal of Aquitaine, the Mayor of Bordeaux, or the Receiver of the King's Victuals in Aquitaine Moreover, in these circumstances wool also was usually sent for the purpose of maintaining the King's armies Innumerable instances, however, exist of the grant of licences for the export of corn at times when there was no military or political reason for unusual numbers of English subjects to be in the Duchy It was a daily occurrence for licences to be given for the exportation of corn to Gascony 'to trade (fn. 16) with' or 'to make profit of' The King knew no better way of rewarding the men of StSever and Bayonne than to grant (fn. 17) them a quantity of corn The need of Gascony was made the ground (fn. 18) for granting pardon to many who exported corn to the Duchy contrary to general prohibition, and usually, when prohibition was made against all exportation, exception (fn. 19) was allowed in the case of Gascony In the latter years of the reign a larger normal exportation was necessitated by the devastation of Gascony by the French, the Count of Armagnac, and the English themselves, but the exportation of corn had always been profitable, and in periods of famine very extensive, as in 1334, when seven merchants received licence (fn. 20) to export 52,000 quarters, and in 1347 when ships bound to Gascony with corn were ordered (fn. 21) back to London owing to a scarcity having arisen in the city French (fn. 22) merchants carried on a considerable trade in victualling the Duchy, while English merchants constantly sought to increase their gains by taking out corn (fn. 23) in the same ships in which they hoped to bring back wine

Besides corn Gascony received from England large quantities of herrings and of the dried fish of Cornwall and Devon As in the case of corn, exporters of these were required to give security that they would not be taken to hostile ports This trade was in danger of being destroyed in 1364 by the policy of restricting merchants to one trade only It was however preserved by exception (fn. 25) being made in the case of the merchant vintners of Gascony who in the words of the charter were allowed 'to meddle in the craft of the fishmongers' so that they might bring herring and take it to their own country, the exportation of money being thus avoided

Wool, cloth, and hides (fn. 26) as well as victuals were constantly exported to Gascony In the early part of the reign of Edward III there was a good market for wool in the Duchy, and it was often sent by the King to finance (fn. 27) his affairs in those parts Complaint was on one occasion made that the whole of Aquitaine was in danger of subjection to an alien power through delay in sending wool (fn. 28) Such wool was usually "the King's wool" (fn. 29) and free from custom and subsidy At one time there existed in the Duchy a cloth making industry, and records survive of a grant (fn. 30) made in 1236 by Henry III to Bonafusus de Sancta Columba, citizen of Bordeaux, of a monopoly of cloth making in that city In the reign of Edward III this industry nearly died out, and by 1360 the exportation of wool was largely superseded by that of cloth This branch of trade suffered however from unfortunate hindrances In 1373 there arose a dispute (fn. 31) between English cloth merchants and the customs officials of Gascony concerning the true standard of measure The location of the staple at Calais in 1363 was also a serious if temporary hindrance It necessitated either the taking of wool or cloth first to Calais by the seller and thence by the purchaser to Gascony, or else the procuring of special license to take it direct To the merchants of Ireland and the West of England this was ruinous as not only demanding an unnecessary and lengthy voyage to Calais but exposing them to great peril in the Channel, where piracy was rife in an age of almost continuous warfare In 1364 the merchants of Drogheda and Waterford complained (fn. 32) that they were obliged to take their wool to Calais although there were in that place no commodities which they wished to bring to their own country They were therefore obliged to take a cargo thence to Gascony, thus paying double freights for their imports Exception was made in their case, (fn. 32) as also in that of the Gascons, (fn. 33) who received permission to export herrings and woollen cloth direct to the value of the wines they imported As in 1348, the year succeeding the first location of the Staple in Calais, so in 1364, the year succeeding the second location the records contain a great number of special (fn. 34) licenses for the exportation of wool and cloth direct to Gascony from the ports of Cornwall, Devon, Essex, Suffolk, and Yorkshire In the same year the general licence which had been accorded to Hull (fn. 35) in 1363 was extended to Bristol (fn. 36) for one year, it being expressly stipulated that wine should be imported to the value of the wool, cloth, and other merchandise thus exported The number of such licences and the great quantity of cloth which they exempted from the application of the ordinances of the Staple are themselves evidence of the magnitude of the normal trade with Gascony both as regards wool, cloth, and wine

A branch of trade so profitable as that between England and Gascony naturally engaged the attention of traders of many different types and nationalities English, Gascon, French, Flemish, and Spanish merchants as well as Italians of Asti, Piacenza, and Chieri, and the merchants of Italian banking societies like the Bardi, Peruzzi, and Frescobaldi, found in it profitable occupation (fn. 37) The English Kings moreover interested themselves in the trade, perhaps more deeply than all these, and indeed utilised their services in their own behalf The demands of the royal household and retinue for wine were large in normal times, but the needs of the Crown were enormously augmented by war, and in this reign war was almost incessant In the satisfaction of the royal demand officials and merchants of many different types were employed, but of these the one most fully devoted to the work was the King's Butler, known previous to 1319 as the King's Chamberlain or Taker of Wines It was essential to the person holding this office not only that he should be a man of marked business capacity and knowledge of the wine trade but that he should be in a position to allow the King considerable credit Hence the office was held not infrequently by wealthy vintners Thus in the reign of Edward I Gregory de Rokesle, who was King's Butler, and eight times Mayor of London, if not a vintner at least dealt (fn. 38) in wines, while William Trente (fn. 39) and Arnold Micol, (fn. 40) who held the same office later were merchant vintners of Gascony, the former a native and burgess of Puyguilhem, the latter a native of Bazas and burgess of Bordeaux In the reign of Edward III Henry (fn. 41) Picard, who was the King's Butler, and John Stodeye, his deputy, were both active and influential vintners, and great creditors of the King Although the King obtained large quantities of wine by the right of prisage, no small amount was obtained by the purchases of the Butler at home and in Gascony In the early years of the reign the royal credit, though as a whole poor, with Gascon merchants was fairly good as a consequence of the repayment, (fn. 42) during the Regency, of debts contracted by Edward I and his successor with the communities and merchants of Bourg, Blaye, StSever, St-Quitterie, Bordeaux and other Gascon towns Moreover during these years the new purchases were paid for and accordingly were made with facility Very shortly however after the young King assumed personal control, financial difficulties supervened, the royal credit declined, and the Butler's duties became more difficult Immediate payment for purchases of wines at once became less frequent, and there arose instead the practice of making assignments upon the issues of customs in various ports The outbreak of war and the consequent increase in the liabilities of the Crown rendered this mode of payment even less satisfactory than before, great as its disadvantages then were Assignments were made upon issues already assigned, and merchants were often compelled to wait (fn. 43) long periods before they could even begin to realise on the grants they had received Frequently they were 'amoved' from the customs after receiving only part satisfaction for their debts, and the issues were assigned to more pressing creditors In 1345, for example, a debt of £750 6s 10¾d, which the King had incurred by purchases of wine from certain Gascons was duly acknowledged Payment was promised, together with £100 'beyond the sum due,' 'in consideration of the loss and damage sustained in the long prosecution of payment' The whole sum was to be paid by an assignment upon the issues of the custom of two shillings per tun due to the Crown upon wines imported by aliens, it being granted that £360 was to be raised in the port of London More than three years later no (fn. 44) payment had been made, and in 1352 there was still wanting (fn. 45) to the sum appointed to be collected in London £51 17s 0d The case of these merchants is little worse than that of the majority of Gascons who sold to the King after the earliest years of the reign, and sufficiently illustrates the difficulty of realizing on an assignment Another, and somewhat satisfactory means of satisfying the King's Gascon creditors, was the practice of making grants (fn. 46) of wool or cloth, with or without the obligation to take it to Calais or the Flemish Staple before exporting to Gascony Unable to obtain wine by just purchase, the Butler had in 1339 made unjust prisage, with the result that Gascons began to absent themselves from the country and the royal intervention (fn. 47) was required The effect of this treatment of the Gascon merchants was to bring to an early close their dealings with the King and his ministers in England The increased demands occasioned by the war received no response in this quarter, and there is evidence of very few purchases made by the King's Butler from Gascons in England after 1345

Whenever he wished to supplement the supplies obtained by prisage the Butler was compelled to make purchases at the source of supplies in Gascony usually out of his own resources This was also the means adopted by Picard (fn. 48) in 1356, while Arnold Micol (fn. 49) and John de Wesenham, (fn. 50) when holding this office, exported great quantities of corn for the purchase of wine for the King Necessity compelled them to have recourse to this method so frequently that the Butlers had deputies (fn. 51) in the Duchy who were often Gascons and who procured wine on their own (fn. 52) or the Butler's credit

Beside the Butler and his deputies there were also officials of a much more exalted rank who rendered valuable service to the King in this respect These were the Seneschal of Gascony and the Constable of Bordeaux Thus Anthony de Pessaigne, (fn. 53) Seneschal of Gascony under Edward II, was his creditor to the extent of £5,288, 22d for the purveyance of corn and wine and for other expenses incurred at the time of the war with Scotland The Constable (fn. 54) of Bordeaux regularly purchased wine in Gascony, paying for both the wine and its carriage from the issues of the Duchy, from which source the purveyances of the Butler also were largely financed As these officials in Gascony were able to make extensive purchases, without the intervention of a middleman, and as such wine was free (fn. 55) of all customs, this became the usual means of procuring wine for the King when required in large quantities, as in the time of war and for the coronation feast (fn. 56)

Private merchants were also engaged in the work of supplying the King's demand for wine and their professional knowledge was utilised by their being sent to Gascony for this purpose Sometimes their engagement was very temporary, but often their connection with the King's service was closer, and they appear in the records under the title of King's merchants, and many of these were Gascons They were not mere ship-masters, but merchants, and often employed foreign (fn. 57) ships in their affairs While serving the King they frequently entered into transactions for themselves, part of the ship's freight being the King's, part their own (fn. 58) Like the Butler they were often the King's creditors, (fn. 59) paying for his wine as well as their own, and recovering their outlay with an additional sum upon or after the delivery of their cargo Moreover at need they advanced (fn. 60) money to the King so that debts due to other merchants might be paid off The activities of King's merchants in the wine trade seem to have ceased after the early years of the reign, and the King became almost wholly dependent for his supply of wine upon the Butler and his deputies and officials of the Crown who were engaged in the work of administration in Aquitaine

In securing a supply of salt (fn. 61) and in its sale the King had also an interest The salt pit of La Bay in Poitou was his, and the entire sale of salt in that district was in 1349 strictly reserved (fn. 62) as a Crown monopoly under the administration of the Earl of Lancaster, who was then "the King's captain" in those parts The salt pit of Bordeaux, which had been in the possession of the Crown in the time of Henry III (fn. 63) was given (fn. 64) in 1342 to John de Grailly, an influential Gascon nobleman, a gift expressly designed to retain for the Crown his services in the wars So important were these pits as the sources of the best supplies of this commodity that the conditions under which they were regulated were constantly proclaimed in the city of London

Other noblemen in like manner received valuable trading privileges Thus Bernard Ezii (fn. 65), the Lord of Albret, and the Earl of Lancaster (fn. 66) himself received on occasion preferential treatment at the hands of the customs officials, the former receiving exemption from the custom of two shillings per tun on the wines of aliens, the latter from the subsidy of forty pence per tun Privileges however were scarcely needed to induce the nobility, both Gascon and English, to engage in the wine trade Self-interest commended it to those of Gascony whose estates produced wine in excess of their needs, and they are frequently mentioned as dealing in company with merchants (fn. 67) of Bordeaux English nobles upon whom lay the maintenance or a large household and retinue were also moved to commercial activity by reasons of economy These could not afford any more than the King to depend for their regular supplies on the merchant vintners and taverners of England, and though they frequently purchased from Gascon importers, (fn. 68) they had their own merchants, and their butlers visited Gascony with a view to procuring supplies cheaply Thus Roger Mortimer, (fn. 69) Earl of March, had in his service several merchants, while early in the reign the King's uncle, the Earl of Kent, (fn. 70) sought supplies of salt and wine in company with the King, exporting goods for their purchase in the ships of Thomas de Binedon, King's merchant In 1348 the men and merchants of Queen Philippa at Galway (fn. 71) received protection for two years with license to trade in Gascony and other parts of the King's dominions

The trade between England and Gascony moreover was not confined to the laity Gascon ecclesiastics found the English market for wines highly convenient for disposing of the surplus produce of the estates of the Church Thus the Archbishop of Boideaux, (fn. 72) the Bishop of Agen, and the Bishop of Saintes (fn. 73) all made sales of wines to English merchants, while in the reign of Edward I the Archdeacon of Aunis, (fn. 74) in the bishopric of Saintes, maintained a merchant trading in his behalf in England So extensively did ecclesiastics trade that it is no surprise to learn that in Gascony wines coming from the estates of the Church enjoyed special exemptions, (fn. 75) though the same scarcely appears to have been true of the wine of individual (fn. 76) clergy As regards salt, the Archbishop of Bordeaux and the Prior of Soulac had a joint (fn. 77) interest in the salt pans of Soulac and sold to English merchants The Chancellor of St Patrick's, Dublin, (fn. 78) took out corn to Gascony for commercial purposes, while papal nuncios (fn. 79) are known to have availed themselves of their stay in England in the business of the papacy in obtaining royal licence to send servants to the Duchy for wine The activities of the clergy did not end, however, with the satisfaction of their wants or with the wholesale trade In Bordeaux the Archbishop and clergy of St André and St Seurin sought and obtained (fn. 80) from the Earl of Lancaster permission to sell in tavern wines obtained from their own domains in that diocese

From these facts it is clear that the wine trade was carried on to a surprising extent by officials, nobles, and ecclesiastics Especially was this the case in the thirteenth century and among Englishmen, for the free merchants class emerged but slowly until the latter half of the reign of Edward I Occasional instances of English merchants trading in Gascony are indeed to be found, as the men of Winchelsea and Shoreham (fn. 81) in 1265, but for the most part such activity was limited to men who also had a public character, as Rokesle the Chamberlain and Henry le Waleys, (fn. 82) who was Mayor of London and of Bordeaux in consecutive years (A D 1274, 1275) Of those whose activities were purely commercial the first to trade extensively were the Gascons, as is abundantly proved by the large number of recognisances for sums owed by Londoners to Gascons in the early part of the reign of Edward I, while there is very little contemporary mention of the English dealing except as taverners The presence of Gascons of Bordeaux, Bayonne, Bazas, Langon, and Libourne was one of the most marked features of thirteenth century London, while the merchants of La Réole frequented one district so greatly as to earn for it the name (fn. 83) of their own town One Gascon at least, William Trente, a native of Bergerac, received the office of Gauger of Wines in England and Ireland for life, and rose to eminence as the King's Chamberlain, Taker of Wines and Coroner in the City, alderman and member of Parliament (fn. 84) In other parts of the kingdom also Gascons were to be found Thus there was Pierre la Gride, merchant of Bordeaux, who was a burgess of Melton, John Frembaud, citizen of Bordeaux, and townsman of Carnarvon, and John de London, of Bordeaux, who held the freedom of Southampton (fn. 85) They did not, however, receive admission to the citizenship of London in the reign of Edward I, though it is clear from the difficulty with which they were brought to submit to the restricted liberties of alien traders that they had enjoyed some of its privileges

The wine brought by the Gascon merchants was sold in large quantities and to a variety of persons, goldsmiths, butchers, woolmongers, dealers in iron, as well as taverners and vintners being recorded as purchasers In London aliens traded under severe restrictions which the City maintained to have been prescribed by the Great Charter The Gascons, however, as dealers in a favoured commodity, appear to have evaded them very largely Thus although they were forbidden to retail or sell to other aliens, (fn. 86) the Gascons in 1292 resisted the attempts of the City to enforce these restrictions, and claimed (fn. 87) freedom of sale as a right, having enjoyed it, in practice at least, since the suspension of the City's franchise in 1285 Aliens were also under the obligation not to remain in England more than forty days, at the end of which time they must dispose of such wine as remained unsold, since wine could not be exported from England without the King's special licence It is certain that the Gascons evaded this obligation also, for the action taken against them by the City in 1292 gave rise to a struggle upon this issue which continued with little cessation for thirty years, often, if not generally, in the Gascons' favour By means of extending their stay beyond the limit of forty days, and by disposing of the wine which they were unable to sell to natives or to other of their countrymen in England, the Gascons escaped the necessity of selling at a reduced rate the wine they imported With the same object they gave some perpetuity to their visits by trading as partners, (fn. 88) visiting England in turn and appointing one another as attorneys, (fn. 89) to represent them during their absence from the country, while the services of such attorneys were also very useful in the recovery of debts

Such was the nature of the dealings of the Gascons in London during the earlier portion of the reign of Edward I As yet the English vintners, who in later days were to be their competitors, were both few and feeble They were indeed rarely distinct from the taverners, both names being frequently applied interchangeably to the same person (fn. 90) With the exception of Rokesle and Waleys, who, as has been seen, united in one person the characters of merchant and official, they were men of no wealth, as is proved by the modesty of their bequests and the small scale (fn. 91) of their transactions The sphere in which their activities as yet lay is shown in a quarrel which arose in 1285 between the City and the Gascons with regard to the fee for brokerage of wines Rokesle and Waleys, the former of whom was then Mayor of the City, appear to have been almost alone in supporting the Gascons in their demand for the lower fee The quarrel ended with a compromise, the rate being fixed at threepence per tun, but it illustrates the exceptional nature of the position of these two and how small as yet was the number of English merchants who imported This was not, however, the only occasion on which Rokesle and Waleys supported the importer In 1301, and on this occasion with the support of native merchants as well as Gascons, they obtained (fn. 92) from the Crown a decision against the barons of the Cinque Ports and the mariners of Yarmouth awarding to merchants compensation from the shipmaster in cases of loss by jettison The fact that on this occasion they were supported by native merchants indicates some development of the interests of these in over-sea trade By the middle of the reign, however, little advance had been made in this respect and native vintners confined their efforts to enforcing the traditional restrictions upon the activities of aliens after their arrival in this country In this they could depend upon the support of Waleys and Rokesle, since these, if as importers they had interests with the Gascon aliens, as native merchants had interests in common with those of the home vintner in opposing the liberties of the alien in England

In 1288 an attack was made (fn. 93) by the city upon the liberties of stay and of sale enjoyed by Gascons both in London and without But despite the representations (fn. 94) of Waleys and William de Hereford in 1292 the Gascons next year obtained a recognition (fn. 95) from the Crown of the liberties they claimed, and the quarrel was not again renewed until the year 1300 The motives with which the city was now actuated may be gathered from the fact that in the meantime it had attacked the liberties of Winchelsea while in the year 1300 it extended its opposition to the Teutonic and Portuguese merchants as well as the Gascons In 1298 during the mayoralty of Waleys, it was declared by the mayor and aldermen of London that merchants of Sandwich (fn. 96) should not trade with foreigners, while at the same time the right of selling wine in London was restricted (fn. 97) to freemen of the city The barons of the Cinque Ports, thus deprived of their chief source of wealth, found a strong supporter of their rights in Archbishop Winchelsey, who condemned the city's action as contrary to the Great Charter, confirmed the preceding year, and threatened Waleys with excommunication, declaring that it was unworthy of the Mayor's dignity to injure others in order to gain popular favour Two years after this event, in April, 1300, the freemen of London, intensely dissatisfied that since 1293 the Gascons in virtue of their possession of the King's permission, had enjoyed the same privileges of residence and of sale as themselves, determined to enforce their claims of their own accord In that month a number of aliens of influence who kept hostels received notice to quit and were informed that henceforth they were to lodge with freemen and that for a period of not more than forty days within which they must dispose of their wines The petition of the Gascons for permission to reside in cellars in which they kept their wines was also promptly refused (fn. 98) Among the aliens thus expelled were many of great influence and favour with the King, as the Portuguese merchant Gerard Dorgoyl, and William Trente, the vintner of Bergerac, who in the following year became the King's Chamberlain, Taker of Wines, and Coroner in the City This success of the City was, however, merely temporary In August, 1302, Edward made a "Convention" (fn. 99) with the merchant vintners of Guienne the terms of which six months later were to form the basis of the more general agreement with alien merchants known as the Carta Mercatoria (Feb 1st, 1303) By this "convention" or "charter," which had no parliamentary sanction, the Gascons, in return for an agreement to pay increased customs, received a promise that no unjust prises of their goods should be made, and were accorded freedom to sell in gross to natives or aliens, and to lodge where they wished and for as long as was the pleasure of those into whose inns or houses they were received Thus after two years' enjoyment of the exclusive rights it had asserted the City found the alien admitted to the same liberties of trade as were enjoyed by natives with the single exception of the right to retail, and this condition of affairs it held to be contrary to Magna Carta and the Charter of the City, and as having been produced by the illegal collusion of the King and the aliens The dissatisfaction of the Londoners remained without effective expression until the reign of Edward II It was then maintained, (fn. 101) probably with truth, that the increased customs with which the aliens had purchased these privileges enhanced prices, and the King, in consequence of the need he then felt of conciliating opinion with the unauthorised return of Gaveston, suspended (Aug 20, 1309) the exactions for twelve months with the alleged motive of observing their effects on prices It was during this period that the hostility of native and Gascon in London was fiercest In March, 1310, regulations were issued for brokers of wine, the most important of which forbade brokers to act as hosts to merchant strangers and prohibited them from bringing strangers together for purposes of trade In May, in reply to a writ from the King, brought forward by the Gascons, the City strongly maintained that the immunity of aliens from murage and portage enjoyed by virtue of their payment of the new custom ceased with its suspension Thus with the suspension of the additional customs the aliens lost the liberties they had held The protests of the Gascons led to outrages committed against them, and these were followed by the arrest of many citizens at the King's command, and a confirmation (fn. 102) of the grant of royal protection to Gascons coming to trade The crisis did not pass until the Gascons purchased (fn. 103) a confirmation of the Carta Mercatoria at the price of £600 advanced by five vintners of the Duchy who afterwards received the King's permission to recover the sum by a levy upon wines imported. The new Customs, together with the privileges of aliens, were therefore renewed in August, 1310, the King alleging that the suspension of these dues had been of no effect in reducing prices

Thus the City failed for the time to break down the agreement by which the Gascons, in return for increased customs, had received from the King the full liberties of trade enjoyed by natives, with the single exception of the right to retail This branch of trade, commonly regarded as the rightful monopoly of the native, the Gascons, with few exceptions, appear to have been content to leave for the exploitation of their less wealthy rivals The liberty to stay at will, and the freedom to sell in gross, to aliens as well as to natives relieved the Gascon of the obligation to dispose of his wines at a less rate at the end of forty days These privileges, which he purchased by payment of the New Customs, together with the advantages he possessed in his own country, rendered him at least equal as a competitor with the native for the wholesale trade As a result the merchants of London, and even the consumers, believing that it was at their expense that the King and the aliens enriched themselves, gave support to the active opposition to the Crown which now began, and for the rest of the reign the economic status of alien and native varied with the fortunes of the King and those who opposed him

The triumph of the King's opponents resulted in the ordinances of 1311, and these included provisions which closely affected the wine trade, and are the more important as they remained in force until 1322 It was ordained in 1311 that the charters should be observed, and the new custom abolished (fn. 104) With the abolition of these customs the liberties of aliens, which they had received by the Carta Mercatoria, were revoked The old restrictions as to length of stay and freedom to sell to other aliens were strictly enjoined, (fn. 105) and the Gascon importer was exploited by the native dealer The opposition to the alien was not conducted merely as it had been before New measures were taken which reveal at once both the power which native interests had now acquired and the identity which was believed to exist between their cause and that of the City and the ordinances New taxation was devised, which was imposed upon resident aliens, while with a view to better regulation citizens were compelled, (fn. 106) under penalty of fines, to reside within the City The opposition extended beyond this The instability which had characterised the conditions under which in recent years the Gascons had traded had caused many to seek enfranchisement as the only way of securing lasting economic liberty Dorgoyl (fn. 107) and Trente (fn. 108) had been among the earliest of these and had kept hostel by right of citizenship The severity of the conditions by which this right was obtained indicate at the same time its value and the disadvantages under which the Gascons had often pursued their activities It is also significant that citizenship was sought most during the abeyance of the Carta Mercatoria In October, 1309, Peter Caban, a Gascon merchant, had obtained (fn. 109) the citizenship but only upon payment of the sum of one hundred shillings, while in Lent, 1310, Elyas Peres, who had been deputy butler in Gascony to the King, was only admitted (fn. 110) upon payment of 22/6 and the security of Walter Waldeshef, the King's butler, and William Trente So intense was the hostility to the Gascons that in March, 1312, even this narrow way to economic equality was virtually closed by a petition (fn. 111) of the Commonalty of the City, who urged that aliens should not be admitted to the citizenship except with their consent in full husting As reason for their action they declared that enfranchised aliens avowed (fn. 112) the goods of others It was for this reason, as well as for selling to other aliens the wine he had thus harboured, that Dorgoyl was deprived (fn. 113) of the citizenship he had acquired, it being frankly admitted that by this means the alien obtained a higher price Thus the ordinances may be seen to have had a deep effect on the economic life of London, but the disturbances they produced were not without a parallel elsewhere At Ravenser (fn. 114) in Yorkshire complaint was made in 1313 that the burgesses made ordinances "against the King and his State" in consequence of which foreign merchants coming to the town were not permitted to sell their goods at their true value, while at Bawtry, in the same year, disturbances resulted in the death of a Gascon merchant

So successful was the opposition to the Gascons and so great the disgrace which overwhelmed the King in 1314 that nothing was heard of the liberties of aliens for some years It is strange that they should then be revived as an indirect result of the war with the Scots which in 1314 had contributed to keep them in abeyance Like other military enterprises of the middle ages the siege of Berwick in 1319 occasioned a demand for wine which now seems surprising The King, already heavily burdened with debts (fn. 115) owing to Gascon vintners for wine, had great difficulty to procure supplies He was assisted by grants and purveyances in Gascony, but was helped most by an agreement with the Gascons of London and Bristol In June of that year the mayors and sheriffs of London and Bristol received mandates from the King (fn. 116) "upon petition of the Gascons" to permit them to take their wines to the King in the north for the "hosting" of the war with Scotland At the same time the King took the part of the Gascons in a dispute that had arisen respecting their liberties, and granted (fn. 117) that until next parliament they should have freedom to sell in gross to whomsoever they wished, native or alien, since a "greater abundance" would be made by freedom of sale, and this it behoved him to encourage at a time when he was at war with the Scots These concessions were won for the Gascons by their proctor Arnold de Ispannia, who afterwards received (fn. 118) permission to recover from those who benefited the sum of eighty pounds expended in the prosecution of this business In December 1320 these liberties were confirmed (fn. 119) with the omission of all restriction as to the period of their operation, and the Gascons received also liberty of export conditional upon their not taking wool to Brabant, Flanders or Artois contrary to the laws of the Staple Thus, in consequence of their ability to assist the royal cause which for the moment was not distinct from that of the nation, the Gascons, not indeed without the oppositon (fn. 120) of London but with the royal consent, recovered the more important of the liberties they desired by a temporary grant which was afterwards confirmed without restriction

This success was the signal for the reopening of the whole contest, which for some time was carried on with more advantage to the Gascons than formerly With the fall of the Ordainers in 1322 and the resumed exaction of the new customs the Gascons successfully claimed the old liberty of stay It was the period of the triumph of the Despensers and the Court party, and they appear to have favoured the demand of the aliens

In April 1323 the Gascons in England received authority (fn. 121) to levy contributions on their fellow-countrymen importing wine in order to defray expenses, amounting to two hundred marks, incurred "in the prosecution of affairs of common utility" The nature of the liberties they then received is probably revealed in a petition (fn. 122) of the first parliament of Edward III, when it was urged that foreign merchants should be restricted to a stay of forty days within which they must dispose of their goods It was complained that the liberty they had of late possessed had been granted to them by the evil counsellors of the late king without the consent of prelates and nobles, and that it had resulted in making goods "outrageously more dear" It is not difficult to see what interests prompted this petition The fiscal interests of the Crown and the economic interests of the City merchants had brought the two into rapidly increasing antagonism In consequence of this the King had in 1322 suspended the City mayoralty, but as a result of the rebellion of Isabella and Mortimer and the proclamation of the Regency in October 1326 he was compelled to restore (fn. 123) it in December At the same time the City seized the opportunity to carry a demand which fully reveals the exclusiveness of their designs All foreigners who had obtained the freedom of the City, it was ordained, (fn. 124) should be deprived excepting only the merchants of Amiens, Corbie and Nesle, and henceforth no foreigner should be admitted to enfranchisement excepting in full husting, with consent of the Commonalty, and on the security of six reputable men of his trade The violence to which the City was moved was exhibited in the murder of the reforming bishop Stapledon, who during the rule of the Despensers had served the King as Treasurer and Chancellor of the Exchequer That the exclusiveness of the City was not in agreement with the real interests of the Crown is evident from the temporising reply (fn. 125) made in the first parliament of Edward III to the demand for the enforcement of the forty days' restriction, and it is still more evident in the confirmation of the Carta Mercatoria in the following year (1328)

From this time until 1335 no general change took place in the relative standing of the two interests competing for mastery in the wine trade, which during this period was carried (fn. 126) on under the conditions restored by the reconfirmation of the Carta Mercatoria in 1328 The relations existing between the two were however by no means amicable, and the old hostility of the native broke (fn. 127) out in 1334 in Bristol and London in acts of violence of which the Gascon traders were the victims The avowed cause of these outrages was the privileges which aliens enjoyed by the restoration of the charter of Edward I The general withdrawal of the Gascons from the country which followed inconvenienced all, and not least the King, who at all times had an interest in maintaining in England a good market for wine It was largely in consequence of these disturbances, and partly from an appreciation on the part of the Crown of the increase of customs that would accrue from this course, that in the Parliament of York (1335) freedom of trade was conferred upon aliens by statute What was the precise extent of the liberties the aliens then received it is impossible to state No mention was explicitly made of any right of retail, though this was conferred by a similar enactment (fn. 129) of 1351 It is, however, certain that the liberties conferred by the Carta Mercatoria, and more especially the right of aliens to sell to aliens, then received parliamentary sanction The importance of the statute of 1335 lies in this that the liberties accorded to aliens by charter were now established by statute so that it was no longer possible for natives to regard them as only existing by a doubtful exercise of the royal prerogative No measures appear to have roused greater opposition in London than the statutes of 1335 and 1351, and in March, 1337, the citizens recovered (fn. 130) what they claimed to be the full exercise of their franchise, though the liberties of aliens in other parts of the country were not withdrawn

It remains to observe what causes produced this sudden reversal of policy in regard to the wine trade in 1337 The hostility aroused by the act of 1335 played a considerable part, but the fiscal situation created by the French declaration of war in 1336 contributed most to the result Immense funds were needed, and it was imperative that they should be raised without delay The recognised sources were exploited to the full, including repeated grants on moveables made by the towns, but they were inadequate and yielded too slowly The means adopted by Edward I in 1297 were therefore applied, and the Crown secured a monopoly of the wool crop as well as loans from Italian, Hanseatic, and English merchants The towns therefore acquired a new importance to the Crown, especially London, where the capitalists of the City, among whom many vintners were now conspicuous, took a great part in financing (fn. 130) the King It was natural in these circumstances that they should recover their ancient privileges

During the period of the struggle of Gascon and native in London (1288-1337) the native vintners had made great advances in status both as individuals and as a class At the beginning of the period, as has been seen, lack of capital had confined them, with two exceptions, almost entirely to the retail trade In the first decade of the new century, however, indications of growth became visible, and fairly large dealers were to be found among their number The record of debts is evidence of this In 1302 Ralph of Honey Lane owed a sum of two hundred marks to a Gascon merchant, in 1306 sixty pounds to John de Wengrave, in 1307 nineteen pounds to a 'corder,' and at death five hundred (fn. 131) marks to a goldsmith Ralph Hardel was an alderman of the City and the owner of several tenements (fn. 132) in the Vintry and elsewhere The reign of Edward II, as might be imagined from the success with which the native opposed the united efforts of the Crown and the alien, witnessed a remarkable rise in the wealth and influence of the native vintner It was in this reign that Reginald atte Conduit, John de Oxenford and Richard de Rothyng, capitalist vintners, rose to prominence as financiers, and their use was accompanied with that of many others Whereas the name of no vintner was to be found in the highest class of tax-payer in 1319, the names of four occurred (fn. 133) in 1332 Such a comparison, however, does not indicate the real greatness of their wealth or the extent of their activities This can only be realised by an examination of the debts due to them, and from these it appears that the wealthy were frequently creditors in sums of £1,000 and upwards The dealings of Oxenford involved an extraordinary amount of capital, and though his activities were frequently those of the financier he was doubtless the greatest vintner of his time His transactions were frequently carried on in partnership with Rothyng, who can perhaps be ranked next as respects the extent of his commercial and financial undertakings Conduit, though always a vintner, assumed more and more the character of an official, and devoted most of his energy to the service of his mistery, the City, and the Crown All three occupied high civic office, serving the City as sheriff, alderman, and representative in parliament Both Rothyng and Conduit attended the famous parliament of York in 1322, while the latter was also present at those equally important in 1327 and 1335 Conduit and Oxenford held the Mayoralty of the City, the former in 1335, the latter in 1342, while Conduit received knighthood in the same year in which he was mayor The names of all three are prominent in the records of the doings of the vintners' mistery, and appear first among those of the thirteen elected for its government in 1328, while Oxenford and Rothyng so far identified themselves with its interests as to join the taverners in closing their taverns and refusing to sell when general dissatisfaction prevailed among them in consequence of the assize of wine in 1331 The financial assistance of such men was earnestly sought by the Crown at the outbreak of war in 1337, and was given in many ways Conduit and Oxenford were among the most important of those to whom was entrusted the provision of revenue for the Crown by the seizure of wool in 1337

In 1336, the year which intervened between the enactment of the Statute of York and the reconfirmation of the liberties of London, the merchants of the City made gifts to the King These included 1200/- each from Oxenford and Rothyng, 40/from John Fynche and 20/- each from Michael Mynot and Nicholas Ponge, as well as smaller sums from other vintners (fn. 134) In 1340 the King after seeking in vain to raise £20,000 in the City, received a grant (fn. 135) of £5,000 for which the Mayor was assessed at £100, Oxenford at £300, Rothyng at £200, Conduit at £60, Mynot at £40, Fynche at £10 and Ponge at £5 The grants of the vintners thus enumerated were but a part of the total financial assistance afforded at this time by the City It was this rise of the City as a factor in the successful prosecution of the war which won it fourteen years' unbroken enjoyment of the liberties for which it had so long struggled, while in the provinces the alien enjoyed the privileges he had acquired by the Carta Mercatoria which had received confirmation by statute in 1335

While the vintners of London thus strengthened themselves against aliens they also attained high place among the misteries of the City They regularly made scrutiny (fn. 136) of wines, thus acquiring some powers of supervision over their sale, and in 1321, along with the fishmongers, petitioned (fn. 137) to be allowed to govern their mistery and 'redress faults therein according to ancient usage' Their petition was granted, and in 1328 they elected (fn. 138) thirteen members of the government of their mistery Their increasing influence as a body is also shown by the decree by which in June, 1331, the burgesses of Oxford lost (fn. 139) their liberty to sell by retail in the City, and were forbidden to make wholesale purchase of wine in London from merchant strangers if intended for resale

As the interest of the vintners had brought them into opposition to aliens and provincials they too now found opposition within the City In 1311 complaint (fn. 140) was made of the growing dearness of wine. Retail prices were therefore regulated at five pence per gallon for wines of the best quality, fourpence for those of the next, and threepence for those of least value At the same time it was also ordained 'that no merchant, an engrosser of wines keep a tavern himself, neither privily by any other person nor yet openly,' nor should any taverner be an engrosser, but for long this ordinance was not strictly enforced Thus in 1319 Thomas Drynkewatre entered into an agrement to keep tavern for James Beauflur, vintner, whose wines he was to sell It is also certain (fn. 141) that in 1311 Oxenford, Rothyng, and other vintners of influence had taverns in Vintry, while even later (fn. 142) no clear distinction can be made between the two classes of dealers Along with these attempts to define by legislation the activities of those engaged in the trade, the regulation of prices and conditions of sale became gradually more frequent, and to the taverners more oppressive In 1321 petition was made (fn. 143) to the King and Council against the assize of wine In 1330 it was enacted (fn. 144) that assize of wines should be made twice yearly at Easter and Michaelmas, and in other towns as well as in London In 1331, at a time when, it is important to remark, Pulteney, (fn. 145) a wealthy draper, was mayor, and mercers, pelterers, and members of kindred misteries had great influence as aldermen, the assize proved so little satisfactory that a large number of taverners of Vintry and Cheap closed (fn. 146) their taverns rather than sell at the price ordained Despite minor difficulties of this nature, however, the vintners of London, in possession of the great advantages secured in 1337, continued to prosper until by the middle of the century they had won for themselves such a position as made them the object of the greatest jealousy and aroused general opposition on the ground that they used their power to 'corner' the supply of wine and thus raise prices by artifice

From this time (1337) until the year 1351 no event affecting the vintners as a body is recorded, and interest passes from their struggles for status to changes in customs, duties and conditions of navigation produced by the war These, which constituted to a large extent, the most vital conditions of trade, affected native merchants more closely than before, as by this time they too were actively engaged in the work of importation The exigencies of war directed the attention of the Crown to the customs as an important source of revenue, and a means of exerting political influence At the same time their manipulation closely affected traders in wine since this was the chief article of common consumption imported from abroad, and therefore the chief subject of prise and purveyance The customs on wine varied according as the importers were freemen of favoured towns such as London, York, and the Cinque Ports, natives of other English towns and districts, or alien merchants Among the last named were the Gascons, as is made clear by the Carta (fn. 147) Mercatoria, while further evidence of the same fact may be found in the temporary (fn. 148) exemptions of the Bayonnese in 1341 from a levy of threepence in the pound on merchandise imported by aliens, as also in the refusal (fn. 149) in 1356 to exempt Gascons from the custom of 21d levied upon 'every whole cloth of assize' exported by alien merchants Only in the ordinances of the staples were they ever regarded (fn. 150) as other than aliens, and the exceptional nature of their position there was expressly recognised in the statutes

The customs levied upon the goods of aliens in the years immediately succeeding the grant of the Carta Mercatoria were higher than those to which the goods of native traders were subject. It was only to be expected that the Crown in granting to aliens liberties which aroused the greatest opposition among natives should demand higher customs from those on whom it thus conferred benefits That this was the nature of the new customs, as these levies upon aliens were called, is clear, but this inequality, at least as regards the customs on wine tended to disappear as the century advanced. As the value of wines increased from year to year the butler's takings by prisage acquired greater value, while butlerage, as the custom of two shillings per tun levied on the wines of aliens was called, remained the same It was partly for this reason that in the reign of Edward III the struggle regarding the customs, so persistent in the reign of Edward II, no longer existed, while for the same reason the King, who benefited more from natives than formerly, was the more willing to restore to the Londoners their old liberties of trade

The chief exaction to which the wine of native importers was subject was the Recta (fn. 151) Prisa by which the King's Butler or his deputy took two tuns for the King's use from each ship bearing twenty tuns or more, and one tun from those bearing ten tuns and less than twenty, a sum of twenty (fn. 152) shillings being paid by the Crown as freight for every tun thus prised From this custom, however, the 'barons' of the Cinque (fn. 153) Ports were exempt as early at least as 1278, while the citizens of London (fn. 154) acquired the same immunity in the first year of the reign of Edward III, and those of York (fn. 155) in 1376 The merchants of Bordeaux also had long enjoyed virtual exemption from the same custom, for in 1254, by a charter which they purchased for two thousand marks, they became exempt (fn. 156) from all Crown customs except the Recta Prisa, while it was agreed that for the wine thus taken they should receive the price In 1302 the Gascons as a whole obtained exemption (fn. 157) from this custom as well as from levies for murage, pontage, and pannage in the City of London, (fn. 158) but agreed to pay instead the "New Custom" of two shillings on every tun brought to port and landed for sale (fn. 159) It was this agreement which was extended to other aliens next year, thus becoming part of the Carta Mercatoria In addition to these customs natives and aliens alike paid the 'ancient customs', (fn. 160) which consisted of a small money due 'levied at the ports, not only by the Crown as of its prerogative but also by certain franchises as a port or harbour toll, while they were also subject to purveyance or 'pre-emption' 'ad opus regis,' though for wine thus seized the King's Butler was supposed to recompense the owners Only one other due levied upon imported wine remains to be mentioned This was the gauger's fee, which in London in 1356 was at the rate (fn. 161) of a penny per tun, half being paid by the buyer, half by the seller On other goods imported the Gascons paid poundage, though in some cases, as in that of the Bayonnese, this was not always exacted On exports, chiefly of wool and cloth, they paid the higher rates to which the goods of aliens were subject

In addition to these customs which were regularly exacted throughout the reign of Edward III there were also special subsidies which were frequently levied during the same period to defray the expenses of the armed (fn. 162) convoys which in consequence of the increased piracy that accompanied the Hundred Years' War, were often needed to escort the annual wine fleet in its voyage to and from Bordeaux They were sometimes levied only on wine actually convoyed, (fn. 163) but not infrequently they were exacted on all that was brought to England and sometimes on all that left Bordeaux, whatever the port to which it was consigned, so that Gascons and other aliens were obliged to contribute equally with the English towards protection from which they clearly derived less benefit Heavy as the subsidies were, however, they at first occasioned little complaint either among English or Gascon merchants, as the convoys rendered important and necessary services, and the levies usually ceased 'promptly whenever a truce was made Thus when a levy of twelve pence on every sack of wool and sixpence on each tun of wine was imposed in 1340, to repel pirates and safely convoy ships crossing with merchandise,' the order (fn. 164) for its cessation was made within a fortnight after the conclusion of hostilities by the truce of Esplechin It is also noteworthy that in this case protection was accorded to 'ships of the realm' while the levy was 'granted' by alien merchants In 1347, during the guardianship of the Kingdom by Lionel of Antwerp, the Council of magnates, lay and clerical, imposed (fn. 165) a tax of two shillings per tun on wine and sixpence in the pound on merchandise for the protection of merchant shipping These levies were repealed in Michaelmas of that year, but in 1350 a new levy of two shillings on the sack of wool, twelve pence on the tun of wine, and sixpence in the pound on merchandise was imposed (fn. 166) In this year the subsidies were unusually heavy, for the levy of twelve pence per tun on wine had only been repealed (fn. 167) in June, when in October an exaction of fortypence (fn. 168) per tun was imposed upon all wine leaving Gascony to defray expenses that were expected to arise for the protection of commerce from the depredations (fn. 169) of the Spaniards On this occasion though the tax was collected, no protection was given, and the Commons in the next parliament petitioned (fn. 170) for the return of the money received A convoy was again necessitated by the hostilities which took place during the period which elapsed between the Treaty of London (1359) and the Treaty of Bretigni (1360) On this occasion, however, no new levy was made, but a subsidy of sixpence in the pound on imported wine which was already being taken was replaced (fn. 171) by one of two shillings per tun-an exaction of somewhat similar rate but easier to collect and greater in yield This levy also was promptly abolished (fn. 172) when peace was made, but was reimposed in 1371 (fn. 173) and the following year On the latter occasion it was exacted only on wine actually convoyed, and it was provided (fn. 174) that should the convoy during the voyage take any goods from enemy ships at sea or make any profit from freightage of wine or by trading, such profit should be deducted from the tax for convoy It was believed that convoys engaged in other activities than those for which they nominally existed and there now arose among the Commons a growing dissatisfaction with the levies for their support This is evident in a petition which they presented in 1373 on again granting the two shilling subsidy for a period or two years in which they also asked that the money should be spent on the war and on that only From this time the two shilling subsidy on wine, or tunnage, 'became (fn. 175) with some variations of rate a regular parliamentary grant'

In addition to the customs taken in England wine was also subjected to numerous dues as it was brought to port down the rivers of Gascony, in the City itself, and in earlier times as it passed to the sea down the estuary of the Gironde Scarcely a castle did it pass whose lord had not some claim (fn. 176) to a levy upon it, and in the proceeds of these the King had usually an interest, (fn. 177) while Gascon ecclesiastics, as the Archbishop of Bordeaux, (fn. 178) the Archprior of Perrefitte, (fn. 179) and the Chapter (fn. 180) of Agen enjoyed rights to highly remunerative river dues In the time of Edward III, moreover, the number of levies made in Gascony was increased (fn. 181) in no small degree for the purpose of defraying the cost of fortifications and their repair Bordeaux exacted a custom for municipal purposes upon wine descending from the inland towns, while not even corn (fn. 182) was allowed to pass to the interior duty free The customs levied in Bordeaux were exceptionally high (fn. 183) In their passage (avalage) (fn. 184) through the city three distinct local customs were taken on wines in addition to the "Great Custom" and dues for keelage, (fn. 185) the gauge, (fn. 186) and the "cypress (fn. 187) branch" They were known as the customs of Royan, Mortagne, and Montendre Of these the most important was the custom of Royan It is held (fn. 188) to have been levied for protection afforded to shipping at the mouth of the Gironde where it was at one time exacted, but its collection was transferred later to Bordeaux and taken along with the Great Custom In 1287 definite regulation (fn. 189) was made of the greater customs The Great Custom of Bordeaux, the issues of which were exclusively the King's, and which was levied upon wine exported from Gascony, was then fixed at 5 sols 4 deniers tournois or 6 sols 5 deniers 1 obole in Bordeaux money per tun, and that of Royan at two deniers 1 obole tournois, one pipe out of twenty tuns being allowed free from all customs The citizens of Bordeaux moreover by a charter of John were exempt (fn. 190) from all customs both in the City and on the Gironde upon wine obtained from their own estates, exception (fn. 191) being made only in the case of the wine purchased by them from the Gascons On these the usual levy was at the rate of 13 sous 4 deniers per tun, though it was temporarily raised by Edward III to 20 sous, only to be reduced to its old rate in 1369 Edward III was not so favourable as his predecessors to the fiscal immunities and advantages of the Gascons, and after first confirming the charter of John to the citizens of Bordeaux he reduced (fn. 192) the number of those to whom its advantages were conferred The customs paid in Bordeaux alone on the wine carried by the English wine fleet of 1380 amounted (fn. 193) in the sum to nearly one-third of a pound Bordeaux money per tun It is therefore not incredible that wine nearly doubled (fn. 194) its value as it passed from the Gascon cultivator to the English consumer

Unhappily for trade, the customs of wine in Gascony, apart from those collected in Bordeaux, were conspicuously variable throughout the reign of Edward III The King, it is true, was not without an eye to commercial advantage when this was consistent with his political designs Of this there is evidence in the promptitude with which he acted upon hearing that the King of Fiance, contrary to the liberties of Gascony, levied an impost (fn. 195) of ten shillings of Tours upon every cask of wine brought down the Gironde to Langon by merchants of lands subject to the English Crown In general, however, the Gascon customs were manipulated for the attainment of fiscal and political ends Thus in 1343 by a charter (fn. 196) of 'great fee' Bordeaux received permission to exact two shillings of Tours on every tun of wine brought from St -Macaire The case is the more noteworthy as it was only in 1338 that this town had received (fn. 197) exemption from the customs of wine at Bordeaux, and this had been confirmed (fn. 198) in 1340 This want of stability which characterised the customs became more marked when the charter of 1343 was annulled (fn. 199) shortly after, only to be renewed (fn. 200) with its application extended to the wines of both St -Macaire and Libourne in 1348 That the motives which produced these changes were political is probable from the later history of St -Macaire In 1373 its wines became subject to a levy (fn. 201) of two "sous petits tournois" per tun levied in Bordeaux for the repair of the walls and towers of that city, while the wines of the Bazadais and Agenais, then hostile to the English Crown, were to pay not less than four sous It is still further significant of the nature of the policy pursued that with the object of precluding enemies from "première vente" it was decreed (fn. 202) in the same year that even if it were found that the wines of these districts were already under prohibition from passing to Bordeaux before the feast of St Martin they should not in future so long as rebellion continued, descend before Christmas In the case of Bazas a policy not really dissimilar in motive had been tried (fn. 203) in 1342, and again twenty years later, when its wines had been exempted from the customs taken at Bordeaux castle "to make the citizens more ready to assist the King," the manipulation of customs for political as distinct from commercial purposes being in this case obvious

Like Bordeaux, the town of La Réole was of considerable political importance, with great commercial privileges, and between the two the keenest commercial jealousy (fn. 204) existed In the struggle which took place between them even Bordeaux could maintain no real superiority In 1347 La Réole received confirmation (fn. 205) of a privilege by which it exacted twenty pence per tun on wine passing on the Garonne, while in 1355 it obtained exemption (fn. 206) from the "custom" of Bordeaux, a privilege which sufficiently indicates its great bargaining power In 1406 further evidence of the same fact occurred, for in the year upon complaint being made that Bordeaux exacted one tun of wine from cargoes of ten tuns or more descending from La Réole, and from other merchandise two sous (shillings) in the pound, the latter city was authorised (fn. 207) by the Duke of Berry to make a similar levy upon the goods of the citizens of Bordeaux

The case of other towns whose political importance recommended them to royal favour was very similar In 1337 St -Emilion was urged (fn. 208) to be faithful against France, while in 1341 the appeal was followed by the exemption (fn. 209) of the inhabitants of that town from all tolls and customs both in Gascony and in England At the same time they were assured (fn. 210) of immunity from unjust arrest for debts, while next year they received exemption (fn. 211) when the rest of Gascony was made subject to an imposition of a halfpenny in the pound levied upon merchandise for the repair of the frontier fortresses The temporary nature of the privilege of Caudrot, which in 1349 received permission (fn. 212) to exact for ten years fifteen pence Bordelais on every tun of wine descending from Toulouse, Albi, Cahors, Agen, and other parts outside the dominion of the Crown is suggestive of a like motive

It is thus clear that great instability and a general tendency to increase both in severity and in number characterised the customs as they existed in the reign of Edward III These conditions, both of them due to political circumstances for which the Crown was mainly responsible, would in themselves have presented a serious obstacle to the development of the wine trade The manner in which the customs were collected, however, was perhaps an even greater impediment Efforts had been made, it is true, to remedy (fn. 213) this branch of the administration in the reign of Edward II, but it was still so unsatisfactory in the reign of his successor as frequently to occasion (fn. 214) the threat on the part of Gascon importers never again to visit certain ports For this there is no doubt that the frequency with which the English customs were farmed (fn. 215) or assigned (fn. 216) was largely responsible, but the removal (fn. 217) of the Butler's deputies in 1333 and the prohibition (fn. 218) in 1339 and again in 1345 of extortions committed by that official under pretence of purveyance shows that they were great offenders Merchants, however, continued to be thus annoyed throughout the reign, and in 1351 and again in 1369 it was found necessary to forbid (fn. 219) by statute the evil practices of the King's butler and his deputies From this statute it appears that these officials, and with them the Constable (fn. 220) of the Tower, took more wine than the satisfaction of the King's needs demanded, delivered to him the worst and either made profit on the rest or demanded a fine as a condition of its being restored to its owner It was this fraud which was known as the 'malaprisa'

Besides deliberate extortion, the errors and delays occasioned by the King's officers caused further injury to many traders Not infrequently it happened that enfranchised Gascons and natives resident in Gascony were regarded (fn. 221) as aliens and required to pay the higher duties exacted from these In other cases by an infraction of the ordinance that customs should only be charged upon goods landed for sale, merchants who touched at a port on their way to their true destination or who landed goods from the same ship at two different ports, had frequently occasion to appeal (fn. 222) against a double demand for customs on the cargo or portion of cargo landed at the second port The same misfortune often befel the goods of ships putting to port from stress of weather even though they were not taken ashore, and to the end of the reign the cargoes of ships bound from Gascony to Flanders suffered (fn. 223) from illegal exactions of this nature So great was the disregard for the rights of traders that even when goods were landed before reaching the port to which they were consigned, in consequence of the arrest of the ship for the King's service customs were often demanded (fn. 224) A last illegal demand for customs on imported wine was the exaction (fn. 225) of threepence in the pound in addition to that of two shillings per tun On exports, too, customs were frequently illegally demanded In the case of ships for the King's service, danger of attack at sea, or other reasons for which the Crown was responsible, the return of the customs paid was always subject to lengthy delays, (fn. 226) while they were sometimes demanded (fn. 227) a second time upon re-exportation when the receipts of the first levy had not been returned

Not inferior to the customs in its influence on the trade with Gascony was the condition of the seas, a fact which was fully recognised when it was ordained that municipal authori ties making assize of wines should have regard to the peril of the seas when fixing retail prices. In the case of the Gascon trade this condition was of unusual importance not only because, according to fourteenth century ideas the voyage to and from Gascony was long, but also because it was always attended with great danger Throughout the Hundred Years' War traders suffered not only from piracy which was then unusually rife, but, during the periods of actual warfare, from the attacks of the armed fleets of France and Spain which awaited them off the coast of France

In the early days of the wine-trade it was the Gascons who had been most actively engaged in the work of importation, and even to the end of the reign of Edward III they brought (fn. 228) the purchases of English vintners from Gascony to England The numerous shipowners of Bayonne provided freightage (fn. 229) for the wines of Bordeaux merchants who wealthy as they often were, disliked to expose their capital unduly to the risks of the sea It is probable that few (fn. 230) of the ships which sailed from Bordeaux were owned by inhabitants of that city, who preferred either to sell their wines to the English or to pay freights By the reign of Edward III no small proportion of the wine of Gascon and English merchants was conveyed in English ships whose owners suffered with the Bayonnese from the increased dangers at sea It has indeed been maintained (fn. 231) that if the English created the demand for Bordeaux wine, the wine trade of Bordeaux assisted in the creation of the English strength at sea In early times Irish merchants traded with Gascony through England Later they gained permission to trade direct, but were often at some disadvantage, especially, as has been seen at the time of the institution of the Calais staple Even greater disadvantages hindered the Scots, who, owing to the enmity of England, were for long almost excluded from the Gascon trade These therefore suffered at sea to a less extent than the English and Gascons, whose risks are sufficiently reflected in the fact that the freights (fn. 232) from Bordeaux to the various English ports were from ten shillings to a pound per tun

The most constant danger to shipping was the ceaseless piracy which prevailed at sea, and from the responsibility for this none of the seafaring nations of the age can be considered free. The attacks of seamen were not directed against the ships of other nations only, they regularly attacked and plundered those of their own countrymen Even the King's merchants (fn. 233) were not spared by the inhabitants of the English coast, who lost no opportunity of pillaging stranded vessels, despite a law (fn. 234) of wreck which declared illegal the appropriation of goods from such vessels if any person or animal escaped alive

Still more piratical than the English were the Bayonnese. An energetic people, actively engaged in shipping, with interests conflicting with those of their neighbours the French and Castilians, they did great damage to the shipping of both, who in turn made reprisals not only upon the Bayonnese but also upon English merchantmen The extent of the injuries committed by the Bayonnese was very great, as they were intensely devoted to this form of plunder, while their shipping, which contributed substantially (fn. 235) to English seapower, was a powerful instrument to this end The prominent part which they took against the French marine and their exposed position on land gave occasion for the undertaking (fn. 236) made by Edward III at the beginning of the Hundred Years' War that they should be indemnified for all losses and no treaty should be made with the French in which they were not included Like the English, the Bayonnese did not confine their attacks to enemies. In the reign of Edward II they had taken part in bitter disputes with the men of the Cinque Ports, and not infrequently in the reign of his successor it was found advisable that they should be notified (fn. 237) of royal grants of letters of safe conduct and protection

The reign of Edward III was not marked by any real improvement in the conditions of the seas The efforts that were made to remedy the evils that existed did no more than counteract the increased anarchy that the war tended to produce The system of reprisals merely perpetuated piracy, and little improvement was made when in 1327 the merchants and mariners of English towns became responsible (fn. 238) for the doings of their fellow townsmen The mere assertion of a claim to the "Sovereignty of the Seas" was of little actual assistance to the traders, though the victories of Sluys and Espagnols sur Mer doubtless did much to afford temporary relief in those parts of the sea near Calais and Brittany, where traders with Gascony were most molested A number of treaties made with Castile, Arragon, and Portugal, having for their object the mutual suppression of piracy, appear to have had some effect, and were persistently published in the Gascon ports In 1347 a tribunal (fn. 239) was established in Bayonne, consisting of the Lord of Albret, the Mayor and Constable of Bordeaux, and other lieges of the King, together with the commissary of the King of Castile, their purpose being to hear complaints of men of Castile, Gascony, and England, and to do justice By these efforts some little order at sea was secured during the middle years of the reign, but it was only for a short period after which traders again became exposed to their former risks, which were yet to continue for more than a century

The war not only hindered trade by encouraging piracy, it also increased the frequency with which ships were arrested for the royal service Arrests were often made considerably (fn. 240) before the service of the ships concerned was strictly necessary, and cargoes were forcibly discharged before reaching the port to which they were consigned (fn. 241) Wines for Hull, Yarmouth, and Harwich were frequently brought to shore at the ports of the south coast, and in this way the east coast towns suffered not indeed alone but most heavily from the increased number of arrests in this reign

There was yet another direction in which by its effect on shipping war proved harmful to the traders with Gascony At the beginning of Edward's reign the importation of wine had been carried on both in annual (fn. 242) fleets and in ships voyaging alone The military value which merchant shipping acquired in time of war during an age when there was little difference between the mercantile marine and the navy led to the discouragement of the latter mode of trading During the later years of the reign of Edward III the ships trading with Gascony often appear to have had the dual (fn. 243) character of merchant ship and ship of war, and carried both seamen and armed forces In periods of actual warfare, when the armaments of the French were at sea, attempts were made to restrict the trading with Gascony to the visit of the fleet, which was accompanied by an armed convoy (fn. 244) Thus it became usual in making grants of letters of protection and in issuing trading licences to require (fn. 245) that the journey to and from Gascony should be made in company with the fleet These attempts to concentrate English shipping with Gascony into the passage of the fleet were strengthened by an important statute (fn. 246) of 1353 and by the proclamation (fn. 247) that the vessels of shipmasters refusing to join the fleet would be forfeited

The fleet sailed with royal licence at the end of summer or the beginning of autumn, and deprived the country of so great a portion (fn. 248) of her naval strength for so long a period that its sailing was a matter of national concern The naval value of the wine fleet became increasingly important in the reign of Edward III In 1336 and 1338 upon licence for the fleet being granted it was ordained that it should be equipped for war, part of its duty being 'to repel (fn. 249) and destroy the galleys and ships of war gathered at sea for the King's annoyance' The officer in charge was empowered to imprison those disobeying his orders, an essential condition of command, since the seamen of the Cinque Ports and Yarmouth were ever ready to break out into dissensions, while the presence of the Scots, Welsh, and Spaniards tended to make control still more difficult They were to keep together under pain of forfeiture of those separating themselves, and in case loss was sustained by the flight of some members, the fugitives were to make satisfaction (fn. 250) according to the size and value of their ships

The economic difficulties which resulted from this restriction of trade to one season made themselves felt most after the year 1350, when other difficulties of the same character also began to appear Between the years 1337 and 1351 no statute had been passed making any general change in the conditions under which the wine trade was carried on, but there was a great development in the power and wealth of the vintners and a great extension of their activities in Gascony In this connection we hear the name of William Talbot, (fn. 251) while Vincent of Barnstaple (fn. 252) and William of Wakefield (fn. 253) were citizens of Bordeaux during this period In Toulouse, Saintonge, Périgord, and the Agenais there were many English subjects, (fn. 254) while the Gascon town of Libourne was a great resort of English merchants If other evidence were wanting an important statute (fn. 255) of 1353 affords ample proof that by that time English merchants had settled in Gascony in such numbers as to raise grave suspicion at home

At no previous time had the vintners included among their number so many persons of such influence as John Malewayn, John Stodeye, Henry Picard, John Michel, Henry Vannere, Henry Palmere, William Clapitus, Henry del Strete, John and Richard de Rothyng, and Richard Chaucer The magnitude and variety of the enterprises of these and other vintners of this time were very remarkable Picard, in addition to his work as a vintner, was a merchant of the Staple at Bruges and served the City of London as alderman, (fn. 256) mayor, (fn. 257) and sheriff (fn. 258) The King also profited by his services as butler, (fn. 259) merchant, (fn. 260) and financier, (fn. 261) and it was probably as a reward for these that he received knighthood and a life annuity of fifty pounds upon the customs of London As a financier he advanced to the Crown enormous sums which were devoted to the prosecution of the war, receiving payment from the tenths and fifteenths granted by parliament, the subsidy on wool, and by licences for its export free of custom On occasion he and his fellows advanced loans of as much as 35,000 marks, (fn. 262) while the Crown (fn. 263) is known to have been offered to him as a pledge for repayment His dealings with private merchants were also large, as when in company with Stodeye and Wesenham he became indebted (fn. 264) to two merchants of Bristol to the extent of £1,614 Stodeye, who also was a knight (fn. 265) and a vintner, occupied the same posts (fn. 266) in the service of the Crown and the City as Picard He was one of the merchants appointed (fn. 267) in 1349 to see that the new coinage was of the standard ordained As in the case of Picard (fn. 268) the intimacy of his relationships with Gascony may be inferred from the frequency with which he was chosen to be attorney (fn. 269) in England for influential Gascons Thus his services were secured (fn. 270) by the Gascon executors of the will of the Lord of Albert for the settlement of the affairs of the deceased in England His debts to the Archbishop (fn. 271) of Canterbury and Sir Walter Manny (fn. 272) afford some evidence of the variety of his dealings, while their extent is indicated by numerous recognisances made by persons who were indebted to him for merchandise in sums frequently amounting (fn. 273) to £400 The extensive nature of his premises (fn. 274) in the City is further evidence of the same fact, while his gift (fn. 275) to the vintners of the site of their Hall affords some sign of the wealth he derived from his transactions Malewayn too continued in the service of the Crown with dealings in wine Like most vintners (fn. 276) he had interests in the wool trade also previous to 1363, and for a time held the ferm (fn. 277) of the King's customs of wool in London, in 1349 he received for life the office (fn. 278) of the tronage and pesage of wool in London, in 1359 he was governor (fn. 279) of the liberties and privileges of English merchants in Flanders, Holland, and Zeeland, and in 1360 obtained a like office (fn. 280) in Bruges He was also the King's alnager, (fn. 281) and served the City as alderman Though his dealings in wine were not on the scale of Stodeye and Picard, they were not inconsiderable (fn. 282) A remarkable instance of the great capital of some merchants at this time is that of William of Wakefield, who during a truce with France lost wine to the value of £5,000 at the hands of the latter (fn. 283) Another London vintner of great repute at this time was William Clapitus, who with Henry del Strete became creditor (fn. 284) in 1346 to Walter de Chiriton and his fellows in the sum of £1,027 6s 8d, while the assessment (fn. 285) of the latter in 1345 and 1346 in connection with the collection of the fifteenth at ten marks sufficiently indicated his wealth In 1346 Richard Chaucer became creditor (fn. 286) to Walter de Chiriton to the extent of £420, while John Osekyn, at one time (fn. 287) a vintner of comparatively small importance was able to join (fn. 288) a London Spicer in 1347 in lending Thomas Flemyng of Newcastle on Tyne £500 Richard Lyons was another merchant who, if not exclusively a vintner, frequently traded in wine He played a great part in the financial affairs of the Crown and in the civic life of London at this time In 1373 he obtained (fn. 289) the lease of the subsidy of two shillings per tun on wine, and sixpence in the pound on merchandise, while in February, 1374, in company with Richard Franceys, he lent (fn. 290) the King 8,354 marks, and in August (fn. 291) of the same year, with John Pyel, £10,000 He rented (fn. 292) from Picard's widow the cellars which Picard had once used, and shared for a time a monopoly (fn. 293) of the sale of sweet wine in London He was at one time sheriff (fn. 294) of the city, and in 1371 was one of the lieutenants (fn. 295) of 'the King's fleet toward the west' The nature of the dealings of John Michel, a merchant who appears to have been exclusively a vintner, may be seen from the fact that he was on one (fn. 296) occasion debtor to three Gascons in £666 13s 4d, and on another (fn. 297) owed a Bristol trader £200 Not to add to the number of examples, the very numerous loans, (fn. 298) debts, and purchases of quit rents, (fn. 299) manors, (fn. 300) and rights (fn. 301) in land made by the vintners at this time clearly testify to the growing wealth and influence of the vintners

It was doubtless in opposition to the activities of these, especially in London, that in 1351 a series of commercial enactments was initiated which affected the wine trade during the remainder of the reign In that year the Statute of York (1335) was re-enacted (fn. 302) and it remained (fn. 303) in force until 1376, despite repeated demands for its repeal Moreover, on this occasion its operation was not restricted by any exceptions in favour of London, so that full liberty of trade throughout England was accorded to all, aliens as well as natives, and even in their own City the merchants of London were to enjoy no advantage over aliens In producing this change many causes acted together, the most important of which was the high price of wine at this period, and the consequent popular demand for such legislation In November, 1342, an ordinance (fn. 304) had been made that wine should be sold at what had become in London the usual rate of fourpence per gallon, but in 1353 the necessity arose for a royal injunction (fn. 305) to limit the price to sixpence The public became alarmed at the rise in prices, and in 1349 complained (fn. 306) that the vintners and fishmongers forestalled the market, while in March, 1351, outcry (fn. 307) was again raised against victuallers, wholesale and retail, who advanced the price of victuals It cannot be doubted that the free-trade enactment of 1351 was the result of the same popular outcry

Two years later this enactment was followed by others equally important Early in 1353, despite frequent petitions (fn. 308) in the City for its repeal, the Statute of 1351 was confirmed, (fn. 309) together with an ordinance forbidding all exportation of wine from England, as this it was stated was carried on with the specific purpose of raising the price of what remained The same year moreover witnessed the enactment (fn. 310) of what was probably the most important and certainly the most lasting (fn. 311) of all measures affecting this branch of trade In this statute prohibition was made against the engrossing and forestalling of wine in Gascony by English merchants, and in order to prevent this more effectually it was declared that no English merchant nor any acting on his behalf should visit Gascony for the purchase of wine before the time of vintage, when common passage was made for that purpose, none should reside there, nor should any bargain for wine save in the ports of Bordeaux and Bayonne On the other hand, Gascons were permitted and indeed encouraged to import wine from all parts of the Duchy

The statute of 1353 was suggested by much the same considerations as produced that of 1351 Like that enactment it was an endeavour on the part of the consumers of wine to check the rise in prices by restricting and regulating the activities of English vintners who, it was believed, were the cause of it (fn. 312) In 1351 the attempt had been made to lower the price of wine by emancipating the Gascon trader in London and preventing forestalling at home, in 1353 an attempt was made to secure the same result by restricting and regulating the operations of the English trader in Gascony and by preventing the forestalling of the Gascon market (fn. 313)

Taken together the two statutes by granting freedom of trade in England to Gascons and by restricting the liberties of English traders in Gascony appeared to produce a transfer of the balance of privilege from the latter to the former, and in 1357 complaint (fn. 314) was made to this effect But though the Gascons as a whole thus obtained advantages over English merchants, the citizens of Bordeaux and Bayonne gained doubly, an effect which was in full agreement with the diplomatic needs of the Crown, its recent policy and that of the two cities The facility with which Bordeaux obtained privileges as regard the customs has already been noted (fn. 315) Further, of all the natives of the Duchy, its inhabitants had the greatest liberty (fn. 316) of trade within Gascony, and they acquired a little later a strict monopoly of the right to retail wines (fn. 317) in their own city from Easter to Michaelmas annually In 1366 they received (fn. 318) from the Duke of Lancaster the offer of this monopoly for the whole year, and in 1373 they secured an ordinance (fn. 319) forbidding the sale of wines of the Haut Pays in their city even by the porters of Bordeaux castle The natives of Gascon towns of the interior, La Réole, Bergerac, Ste-Foy, St-Emilion, and Libourne, had occasion in the next century to complain (fn. 320) of the action of the Boidelais who opposed the entry into their city of the wines of other Gascons, while they denounced (fn. 321) as intolerable the action of certain wealthy merchants of Bordeaux, who not content with this, engrossed wine with the object of obtaining a monopoly of its sale In 1351 the municipal authorities had obtained from Edward III an ordinance (fn. 322) forbidding the loading of wine for foreign parts at any place between Crebat and Castillon other than at Bordeaux, and it was but the culmination of this policy and of the influence of that city when in 1353 even the right of the English to bargain in Gascony was restricted to the two towns of Bordeaux and Bayonne

By these means, the emancipation of the Gascon trader in England, and the more rigid regulation of the dealings of English merchants in Gascony, it was sought to restiain the enhancement of prices which, it was believed, was artificially effected That these suspicions were justified appears certain, though doubtless other causes also contributed to this result A general rise in prices occuired after 1349 as a result of the Black Death, and the debasement of the coinage The war too, as has been seen, produced a rise in prices by entailing upon merchants the cost of convoy and by restricting importation to England to the passage of the fleet, thus enabling the Gascons to make great gains from their English customers, who after so long and costly a voyage would not return without purchase Moreover, this tendency towards an abnormal demand in Gascony during vintage was only confirmed by the Statute of Wine, 1353, and though its ill effects were recognised some years later, (fn. 323) even then relief was not sought in a repeal of the statute Still another cause of the enhanced prices is to be found in the deplorable condition of the Gascon coinage at this time An attempt to deal with the evil was made in 1351 when it was ordained (fn. 324) that all Gascon coins should be of the same weight and alloy as those of Bordeaux This measure, however, did not effect a remedy, and the evil was still great (fn. 325) in 1354 Accordingly in this year it was ordained (fn. 326) that the pound and not the florin should be used in all dealings in Aquitaine, and that any persons conducting transactions contrary to this decree should forfeit the goods involved Next year a new coin, the silver leopard, was instituted, (fn. 327) and of this a fresh issue was made in the following year, (fn. 328) but it is improbable that these measures were more effective than those of 1351-and monetary conditions in Gascony appear to have been equally chaotic in 1361 (fn. 329) and 1367 (fn. 330) There can be no doubt but that this evil was a real cause of the difficulties merchants experienced, and consequently of the high price of wines in England Not only is this made highly probable by the persistence of the agitation respecting the coinage and mint of Gascony at this period, it is explicitly stated in the records (fn. 331)

There is no reason to suppose that the statute of 1353, with its twofold policy of liberating the Gascon and regu lating the activities of the native trader, achieved any considerable success It is however certain that the restriction of English trading activity in Gascony to two cities was injurious to several small Gascon towns Thus as early as May, 1355, the people of Libourne, a town which had been founded by Edward I in 1269 (fn. 332) and was a centre for English traders, complained (fn. 333) that since the passing of the statute of 1353 they had been reduced to destitution Their whole living, they declared, consisted in the sale of wine, for the most part to English exporters, and this commerce the statute of 1353 had destroyed As a result of this complaint it was found necessary to admit Libourne to equal privileges with Bordeaux and Bayonne The statute was, moreover, quite ineffectual to achieve its chief object, the lowering of the price of wine in England The ten years immediately succeeding its enactment were marked by repeated regulation (fn. 334) of prices, and in London wine sold at more than the regulated price was 'seised' (fn. 335) by the authorities, yet at the end (fn. 336) of that period a distinct rise in prices was noticeable, the retail price having doubled during a period of twenty years Even so early as December, 1354, it was found necessary to intervene on behalf of the consumer by royal proclamation, (fn. 337) limiting the price in London to sixpence, while so extensive did the evil of high prices become that the necessity arose, (fn. 338) apparently for the first time, for the specific regulation of prices by royal ordinance both in London and in several parts of the provinces In 1357 the Chancellor, Justices, and King's Council were empowered (fn. 339) to deal with the matter, but no remedy was to be had from them The fact that free-trade in wine had already existed in the provinces without disturbance for nearly twenty years suggests (fn. 340) that the restrictions now placed on native traders were the real cause of economic embarrassment at this time Regulation was not, however, confined to price alone It was ordained (fn. 341) that the purchaser should be allowed to see his wine drawn, and that new wine should not be mixed with old for the purpose of rendering putrid wines suitable for sale, an object which was also sought in more frequent inspection of taverns and by legislation (fn. 342) against the retention of this commodity from sale until unfitted for use Yet in spite of these precautions the King's Butler had occasion to license (fn. 343) the exportation of large quantities of wine of inferior quality, a proceeding which had been unnecessary or unusual at any previous time, while compulsion (fn. 344) was required to keep taverns open and to cause vintners and taverners to offer their wines for sale at the regulated prices A highly important precaution in view of the amount of wine taken from England to Flanders at this period was the more rigid prohibition (fn. 345) of exportation without special licence, while the object which underlay this policy was still further sought in a proclamation (fn. 346) made in London against the importation of wines of Gascony elsewhere than to England Even so late as 1444 the Commons petitioned (fn. 347) that English merchants should be allowed to buy Gascon wines at other towns of the Duchy as well as at Bordeaux and Bayonne

The difficulties under which the wine trade suffered during the years 1353 to 1363 may therefore reasonably be considered as resulting chiefly from the statute of 1353, which sought to control the activities of English vintners in Gascony, creating as it did an abnormal demand at one season annually This involved a stricter regulation of retail prices in England in order to prevent their making good their losses at the expense of the home consumer, while the decline in the importation of wine to England, the attempt to export wine once imported, and the refusal of retailers to sell at the regulated price, mark the dissatisfaction of dealers with this regulation It is to the interaction of these causes that we must attribute the growth of the vintners' mistery in the immediately succeeding years

The raising of the retail price of wine to eightpence (fn. 348) in 1363 was accompanied by renewed agitation on the part of the consumer Already in 1362 a confirmation (fn. 349) of the statutes and ordinances against the monopoly of wines and victuals had been obtained, but further measures were now suggested for the restraint of prices The Commons petitioned (fn. 350) for an investigation of the work of engrossers to be conducted by "foreign inquests," and carried a demand that importers should be required (fn. 351) to bring with their wine written evidence of then price in Gascony to aid local authorities in making the assize Of still greater importance, however, was an enactment (fn. 352) forbidding merchants to deal in more than one commodity, which though it related to all kinds of merchandise, had special reference to wine where it had already been the subject of a petition (fn. 353) by consumers Moreover, while these measures were being taken to prevent engrossing at home further action was taken to prevent its taking place in Gascony The statute of 1353 was confirmed, (fn. 354) and it was provided (fn. 355) that the Crown should be informed of persons who visited or remained in Gascony contrary to this enactment

The legislation of 1363 became the basis in the following year of a remarkable series of charters which accorded to several misteries exclusive powers of trade, each in a certain commodity, (fn. 356) the most important being those granted to the fishmongers, drapers, and vintners By the charter of the last named the right of natives to trade with Gascony or to engage in the sale of wine in England was severely restricted -in London to those free of vintners' craft, in the provinces to those who could show an equal intimacy with the trade Gascons might import wines as before, and sell them in gross to merchant vintners and others, chiefly nobles, who desired wine in large quantities for their own needs and not for resale, but they were strictly forbidden to retail them At the same time the right to supervise and regulate retail prices was given to the more capitalistic element of the mistery by a provision enforcing the annual election for this purpose of four (fn. 357) persons of the most knowledgeable of the craft not holding taverns in the City of London' The persons elected were to receive public recognition and were empowered to punish offenders with the aid, if need be, of the mayor, bailiff, or president of the town The prohibition against the re-exportation of wine without the King's licence already so often made was again repeated, and with the object of preventing the exportation of money, licence was given to native vintners to export cloth, and to Gascons to export cloth, herrings and dried fish of Cornwall and Devon with which they might purchase wines in Gascony This encroachment of the activities of the vintners upon those of the fishmongers and drapers was carefully retricted to the purchase of fish and cloth equal in value to that of the wines imported It was found necessary to make this exception in the vintners' favour in order to avoid the violation of a principle rapidly rising into prominence in mediæval economy-the retention of bullion (fn. 358) -and moreover it was peculiar to the vintners that of the three misteries then receiving charters theirs alone was concerned with a commodity imported from abroad

There can be no doubt that this charter was accorded at the instance and in the interest of the native vintners It conferred on the mistery, if not a monopoly, such a command of the whole trade in wines as was practically its equivalent Among natives they alone could import, while the Gascons, their only rivals in this respect, were deprived of the fruit of their enterprise by their inability to retail and the consequent obligation under which they lay of selling to vintners at the purchasers' price the wine they imported unless indeed they were fortunate enough to secure in some noble, or person of wealth a purchaser who required wine in great quantities for the needs of a large household Thus almost the entire wholesale supply of wine was at the command of the vintners, who could accordingly make easy purchases, while they possessed also the further advantage of controlling retail prices

To obtain the grant of this charter, and more especially of the clause restricting to them the right of seeking wines in Gascony, the vintners brought forward (fn. 359) many reasons They stated that there was no other merchandise in Gascony which was of profit in England, and hence English traders visiting Gascony under any but carefully regulated conditions placed both themselves and the trade in a disadvantageous position at the hands of the Gascon dealers, who saw how necessary for them it was to make purchases, and accordingly raised prices They affirmed that the mere presence in Gascony of great numbers of English people of divers trades afforded the Gascons the opportunity to enhance prices The manner of bargaining adopted by the non-vintner element, they declared to be even more harmful Large sums of money and 'earnests,' they said, were taken out by these, who being unable or unwilling to wait 'so as to employ them reasonably,' put a price on the wines by 'truk' or by exchanges which amounted to an excessive sum Moreover, it was argued by the vintners, these persons having other commercial interests besides those in wine, had no need to sell except at will, and therefore like the engrossers, whose activities so injured retailers, they could await a time when higher prices prevailed It was also said to be impossible for dealers of this character to be regulated as could those who made their living solely by the sale of wine, and prices were enhanced by commodities passing through many hands Finally it was maintained by the vintners themselves, that they had been 'disturbed' in their trade, and were unable to buy at a reasonable price, while the Gascons, being able to sell in their own country at so great a price, had no further need to visit England

Doubtless a prohibition of all but vintners visiting Gascony would enable these to buy more cheaply, but this need not, and in fact (fn. 361) did not, lead to greater abundance or cheapness of wine in England For the moment, however, the vintners were successful, and obtained the charter of 1363, and this the more easily as it also afforded the Crown better opportunities for the regulation of this branch of trade

Almost immediately it was enforced the charter produced difficulties, chiefly in consequence of its prohibition of the exportation of bullion The issue of licences permitting the violation of this rule were at once necessitated in order to render possible the mere continuance of the trade with Gascony Great importance attaches to these licences, as nothing, not excepting even the licences for the direct exportation of wool to Gascony granted after the establishment of the staple of wools at Calais in 1363 indicates so clearly as these the enormous extent to which wine was imported by the English, the different parts of the country to which it was consigned, and the variety of purchase by which it was procured From both, examples of the corporate or joint-stock undertaking may be given In May, 1364, just three months before the Vintners' Charter was accorded, the town of Plymouth received licence (fn. 362) to export to Gascony and Spain "two thousand cloths of colour, and two thousand packs of cloth of Devon and Cornwall" with which to procure wines and other merchandise Three months later, and as a direct result of the charter, a still more striking instance occurred Twenty-five vintners of the City of London, whose names included those of Sir John Stodeye, and William Stodeye, John Michel, John Rothyng, and William de la More, received licence (fn. 363) to take to Gascony two thousand pounds with which to purchase wines, the sum being divided among them "according to their estates by the advice of the whole mistery of vintners," while by a similar licence they were permitted to take one thousand marks to the Rhine and Eastland with which to make like purchases At the same time licences were issued for the exportation of cloth from the ports of Hull, Ipswich, and Colchester to Gascony and for the exportation of both cloth and fish from Plymouth, Fowey and Mousehole

The main provisions of the charter did not, however, remain long in force In little more than a year they were repealed "de facto," if not indeed "de iure" by the statute of 38 Edward III (1365) Already, apparently in November, 1364, the commonalty of London had claimed that enfranchised (fn. 364) persons should be free to sell wholesale any manner of merchandise upon which they could make a profit, though they should retail only those goods that belonged to their own mistery In short, the smaller tradesmen sought in their own interest to restrict the statute of 37 Edward III (1363) to the retail trade, and claimed the right to deal freely at wholesale in all commodities Their object was in part attained in the statute (fn. 365) of 1365, which, however, not only accorded to them full freedom of trade in all commodities, with liberty to seek wine in Gascony, but also conceded to Gascons freedom of sale in England By this return to the free-trade policy it was hoped to make greater abundance of this commodity in England

Thus within eighteen months of its being granted the vintners' monopoly was withdrawn, only the right to control taverns and regulate retail prices remaining of all the privileges conferred on them by their charter Yet even now complaint was not less frequent than before In November, 1365, in consequence of such complaint the Mayor of London was authorised (fn. 366) to examine cellars for putrid wine, while during the two years succeeding the enactment of the statute of 1365 Gascons frequently obtained permission (fn. 367) to export unsound wine Prices did not fall, as might have been expected, but rather continued to rise In June, 1366, in London the Mayor of the City was required (fn. 368) to summon the vintners and merchants of London to deliberate with a view to removing the serious clamour occasioned by the price of wine In October the same year similar dissatisfaction existed in Beverley (fn. 369) as a result of the price of wine in that town, being twelve pence per gallon while in Hull it was eightpence In February, 1368, so serious was the position in London that the leading vintners were required (fn. 370) to undertake before the Mayor and Aldermen that wine should be sold at a reasonable price, while they also promised to notify the price before the Black Prince on his return from Gascony if need be

By the statute of 1365 the conditions which had prevailed in the wine trade from 1353 to 1363 were restored All native merchants, excepting only artificers, became free to make the voyage to Gascony to purchase wine, while at the same time the Gascons received full liberty of sale in England The policy of 1353 and that of 1363 were directly in opposition to each other, but in the statute of 1365 the former again won acceptance From this time the policy adopted in regard to the wine trade was unstable in the extreme and admittedly tentative Prices still continued to rise, and neither the policy of 1353 which favoured the Gascon, nor that of 1363-4 which favoured the native merchant, had proved successful in arresting their advance Accordingly in 1368 a new attempt to deal with the difficulty was made It was enacted (fn. 371) that natives should not visit Gascony with a view to the purchase of wine nor should they depute aliens to bring it on their behalf, but wine should be imported only by Gascons and other aliens At the same time, moreover, the retail trade in wine was restricted to natives, and the Gascons thus lost, temporarily at least, what they had gained in 1365 Of the motives which produced this statute one of the most powerful was the desire to retain bullion within the country This was sufficiently clearly stated (fn. 372) in 1368, but the idea found even more explicit expression (fn. 373) in 1559, when it was made one of the chief reasons for a proposed revival of the statute of 1368 It was also thought that by thus imposing the necessity of voyage upon the Gascons they could be compelled to sell cheap by reason of the great loss they would incur should they return without having negotiated a sale

It was declared at the time of the repeal of this statute the following year (1369) that it had had good effects upon prices Two reasons only were openly alleged as grounds for its repeal The Black Prince, then Prince of Aquitaine, complained that by prohibiting the visits of English merchants to Gascony for the purchase of wine much remained unsold, while his receipts from customs had been much diminished The outbreak of war made both these results particularly undesirable at this time It was essential to confirm the bond between England and Gascony, and this could best be effected by economic changes which favoured the Gascons as a whole, since it was largely upon the economic tie that the loyalty of Gascony depended. Thus it became necessary to remove the restriction by which only the wealthier Gascons who could afford to export on their own account had direct access to the English purchaser, and to afford facilities for sale to the smaller dealers who obtained their best prices from the English merchants who visited Gascony At the same time, despite the alleged improvement of prices, there was a scarcity of wine in England, so that it was to the general advantage that wine should not remain unsold in Gascony for want of English buyers As however the new statute (fn. 374) required merchants to give security not to import less than one hundred tuns "of their proper goods and of others" the trade, while opened to natives generally, was still confined to the wealthier class of English merchants It cannot be doubted that this restriction was a real source of injury to native small dealers In 1371 the Commons petitioned (fn. 375) for a definite repeal both of the statute of 1368 and that of 1369, and complained that they had made wine dearer and had checked the growth of English power at sea Their petition was refused (fn. 376) in 1372, though both complaints appear to have been justified

The last year of the reign was marked by a return to those forms of hostility to the alien which had been so familiar in the reign of Edward II In 1376 complaint was made (fn. 377) by the civic authorities of London against the liberties of aliens who were said to be acting as brokers and retailers They had also become householders, and as such were accused of harbouring spies, while they were also responsible, it was believed, for the impairing of the navy These complaints were not unheeded, and in consequence the restriction under which they already lay of selling in gross only was made more severe by an ordinance (fn. 378) forbidding aliens to sell to aliens for resale, to act as brokers, or to hold hostel In December, 1377, the Gascons received (fn. 379) exemption from the prohibition of aliens to trade among themselves, though the obligation upon aliens to lodge with hostellers and not to keep hostel on their own account was once more confirmed, in 1378 This return to the old attitude towards aliens was, however, no more permanent than in earlier times Conditions still continued to vary, and in 1388 the citizens of London were deprived (fn. 380) by statute of the exclusive powers of trading they had sought to exercise to the prejudice of such as were not free of the City

F Sargeant


  • 1. I S Gironde, E Suppl, p 3, § 2,165, cf A M Bord, I, 224, 228 233, 321
  • 2. Riley, Mem 158, also Bk G, p 53
  • 3. Bk G, pp 41, 51
  • 4. C C R 1339-41, p 289
  • 5. C P R 1327-30, p 80
  • 6. C P R 1340-3, p 419, C P R 1232-47, p 44
  • 7. Foed, III, pt 1, 190
  • 8. I S Gironde, G Suppl, p 90
  • 9. E g C C R 1337-9, pp 455-6
  • 10. I S, Lot E, p 4
  • 11. I S Toul, A A, p 134
  • 12. A M Bord, I, 303
  • 13. Jullian, Hist de Bordeaux, ch XIV
  • 14. C P R 1350-4, p 382
  • 15. C C R 1354-8, p 482
  • 16. C P R 1330-4, pp 514, 544
  • 17. C C R 1337-9, p 372
  • 18. C P R 1350-4, p 313
  • 19. Ib 1343-5, p 186, C C R 1346-9, p 281
  • 20. C P R 1330-4, p 539
  • 21. C C R 1346-9, p 307
  • 22. Ib, 1327-30, p 186
  • 23. C P R 1345-8, p 291
  • 24. Ib, 1361-4, p 496
  • 25. C C R 1364-8, pp 74-5
  • 26. Ib 1343-6, p 22
  • 27. Ib 1339-41, pp 34, 68
  • 28. Ib 1339-41, p 63
  • 29. Ib, p 69
  • 30. C P R 1232-47, p 138
  • 31. A M Bord, I, 374
  • 32. Foed, R III, pt 11, 732, C C R 1364-8, p 8
  • 33. Ib 1360-4, p 542
  • 34. C P R 1348-50, pp 135, 193, etc, Ib 1361-4, p 496, et seq
  • 35. C C R 1360-4, p 475
  • 36. C P R, 1361-4, 485
  • 37. Ib 1338-40, p 19, Ib, 1334-8, pp 47, 349
  • 38. Bk A, pp 39, 82
  • 39. Ib, p 128
  • 40. C P R 1340-3, p 173
  • 41. Ib 1358-66, pp 231, 272
  • 42. C C R 1330-3, p 78
  • 43. C P R 1343-5, p 383
  • 44. C C R 1346-9, p 464
  • 45. Ib 1349-54, p 329
  • 46. Ib 1343-6, p 22
  • 47. Ib 1339-40, p 290
  • 48. C P R 1354-8, p 384
  • 49. Ib 1330-4, Aug 20 1333
  • 50. Ib, 1345-8, p 376, Ib, 1348-50, p 469
  • 51. Bk D, pp 49, 227
  • 52. C P R 1340-3, pp 173, 274, Bk C, p 153, Bk D, p 236
  • 53. C P R Oct 16 1331
  • 54. C C R 1333-7, p 287, C P R 1330-4, p 23
  • 55. Michel, Hist Bordeaux, I, 171 2
  • 56. Foed, II, 7
  • 57. C C R 1341-3, p 154
  • 58. C P R 1327-30, p 212
  • 59. Ib 1340-3, p 274
  • 60. C C R 1341-3, p 190
  • 61. C P R 1327-30, p 212
  • 62. Foed, III, pt 1, 190
  • 63. C P R 1232-47, p 44
  • 64. Ib 1340-3, p 419
  • 65. Ib 1350-4, p 241
  • 66. C C R 1349-54, p 288
  • 67. Ib 1279-88, p 127
  • 68. Bk C, p 189, C P R 1258-66, p 258
  • 69. Ib 1327-30, p 513
  • 70. Ib, p 212
  • 71. Ib 1348-50, p 150
  • 72. I S Gironde, G Suppl, p 122
  • 73. C C R 1360-4, p 408
  • 74. Bk A, p 176
  • 75. I S Gironde, G Suppl, p 1,561
  • 76. A M Bord, I, 152
  • 77. I S Gironde, G Suppl, p 90
  • 78. C P R 1345-8, p 403
  • 79. Ib 1334-8, p 568
  • 80. A M Bord, I, 289
  • 81. C P R 1258-66, p 477
  • 82. Ib, p 519
  • 83. Cal Wills, I, 153n
  • 84. C P R 1307-13, pp 16, 109, Bk B, p 190, Bk E, p 54
  • 85. Michel, op cit, I, 187, and C P R 1292-1301, pp 156, 398
  • 86. Bk E, p 45
  • 87. Rot Parl, I, 87a
  • 88. Bk A, pp 38, 40, Bk B, pp 32, 68, 137, 172 etc
  • 89. Bk A, p 6, Bk B, pp 68, 179, 192
  • 90. Bk B, pp 20, 22, 49
  • 91. Bk A, p 115, Bk B, pp 40, 49, 172, 222
  • 92. Bk C, p 86
  • 93. Bk A, p 122
  • 94. Rot Parl, I, 87a
  • 95. Ib, I, 99a
  • 96. Bk B, p 216
  • 97. Bk C, p 31
  • 98. Ib, pp 65, 75, 80
  • 99. C C R 1300-26, pp 29-31
  • 100. Liber Custumarum, I, 211
  • 101. C C R 1307-13, p 170
  • 102. Bk D, pp 219, 225, 228, 232
  • 103. C P R 1307-13, p 284
  • 104. 5 Edw II, c 11
  • 105. Bk D, p 282, Bk E, pp 42, 45
  • 106. Bk D, pp 58, 61, 75, 86
  • 107. Bk E, p 14, C P R 1307-13, p 229
  • 108. C C R 1313-8, pp 87, 513, Bk D, p 49
  • 109. Bk D, p 36
  • 110. Ib, p 49
  • 111. Bk D, p 283, Bk E, p 13
  • 112. Ib, p 281
  • 113. Bk E, p 14
  • 114. C P R 1313-7, p 63
  • 115. C C R 1313-18, p 551
  • 116. C P R 1317-21, p 355
  • 117. C C R 1318-23, p 144
  • 118. C P R 1317-21, pp 377, 379
  • 119. Ib, p 533
  • 120. C C R 1318-23, p 144
  • 121. C P R 1321-4, p 283
  • 122. Rot Parl, II, 9
  • 123. C P R 1324-7, p 337
  • 124. Bk E, p 214
  • 125. Rot Parl, II, 9
  • 126. C C R 1330-3, pp 142, 382, 556, 578
  • 127. Rot Parl, II, 74a During the same period (1327-1335) the City was hostile to the freedom of other English traders, e g case of Oxford, Bk E, pp 252, 253 They were not permitted to sell to each other, and were obliged to live with a host, e g Ib, p 262 Their position was much that of aliens
  • 128. 9 Edw III, St 1
  • 129. 25 Edw III, St 3
  • 130. C P R 1334-8, p 460, Bk F, pp 14, 15
  • 131. Bk C, pp 189, 246, 247, Bk E, p 45
  • 132. Cal Wills, I, 180, Bk C, p 198
  • 133. See page 58 above
  • 134. Bk F, p 5
  • 135. Ib, p 46-9
  • 136. Bk E, p 109
  • 137. Ib p 143
  • 138. Ib, p 232
  • 139. Ib, p 252
  • 140. Riley, Mem 81
  • 141. Ib, /?/, Bk E, p 38
  • 142. Bk F, p 19, Bk G, p 35
  • 143. Bk E, p 141
  • 144. 4 Edw III, c 12
  • 145. Riley, Mem, 180
  • 146. Bk F, p 9, C C R 1330-3, pp 410, 545, 557
  • 147. Foed, II, pt 11, 747
  • 148. C P R 1340-3, p 279, made permanent, C C R 1374-7, p 397
  • 149. C C R 1354-60, p 287
  • 150. C P R 1327-30, pp 98-9
  • 151. Liber Albus, trans Riley, 217
  • 152. C P R 1307-13, p 358, C C R 1358-61, p 124
  • 153. Atton and Holland, The King's Customs, p 8 Cf C P R 1272-9, p 22, C C R 1337-9, p 512, Ib 1339-41, p 216
  • 154. Atton and Holland, p 20
  • 155. C C R 1374-7, p 316
  • 156. C P R 1247-58, p 294
  • 157. A M Bord, I, 160
  • 158. Bk D, p 225, cf C P R 1258-66, p 519
  • 159. C C R 1302-7, p 127, cf C P R 1247-58, pp 278, 294
  • 160. Atton and Holland, p 5, Hall, Customs, I, 65-96, 25 Edw III, St 5
  • 161. Bk G, p 56
  • 162. Rot Scot, I, 467, 468
  • 163. E g, in 1372
  • 164. C C R 1339-41, p 643
  • 165. See article on the Estate of Merchants, p 217
  • 166. Bk F pp 203, 204, also C P R 1348-50, p 481
  • 167. C C R 1349-54, p 241
  • 168. Ib 1349-54, p 288, Foed, R III, pt 1, 206
  • 169. Foed, R III, pt i, 202, 206
  • 170. Rot Parl, II, 229, C C R 1369-74, p 263
  • 171. Foed, R III, pt i, 468
  • 172. Foed, R III, pt 1, 500, C C R 1360-4, p 49
  • 173. Rot Parl, II, 310, C P R 1370-4, p 204
  • 174. Ib, p 204
  • 175. Stubbs, Const Hist, II, 446, 557, Rot Parl, II, 317
  • 176. Often nominally for repair of roads, e g C P R 1232-47, p 7 The Crown had often to prohibit illegal exactions of this type, A M Bord, I, 188, A D 1343, where Edw III forbade barons to exact "unum scutum auri vel circiter pro quolibet dolio sic traducto" Such extortion was resumed later, cf A M Bord, I, 191, 214
  • 177. C P R 1345-8, p 560 Castle of Rochefort on the Charente Its lord to have 6d per tun on wine brought within the district of the castle, "whereof one moiety shall be for his own use, and the other moiety for the King" See also C P R 1361-4, p 18, also I S Gironde, E Suppl, p 359, § 3,105, for earlier times see C P R 1232-47, pp 7, 382, from which it also appears that the customs of Bordeaux were the King's exclusively
  • 178. See Miss Lodge, Estates of Arch of Bord, pp 20, 123 At end of the twelfth century he had all trading dues on the river between Mortagne and Langon, A M Bord, I, 416
  • 179. A M Bord, I, 422 (100 livres annually for the poor)
  • 180. Michel, I, 225
  • 181. A M Bord, I, 142
  • 182. I S Gironde, E Suppl, 3,105, p 359
  • 183. Neighbouring towns suffered keenly Thus I S Gironde, E Suppl, p 56, 1 July 1401, declaration du roi d'Angleterre touchant certains privileges accordes par lui a Bordeaux, il n'entend prejudicier a Bourg, Libourne, et St-Emilion Also Serie G (921-3156), p 98, Seigneurie de St-Seurin, "Lettre du prince de Galles portant que les habitants de Bruges, Eysines, et St Medard ne pourrant pas être soumis aux tailles de la ville de Bordeaux"
  • 184. Avalage in Bordeaux put to farm to the City in 1238 for five years for 3,000 pounds of Bordeaux (C P R 1232-47, p 187)
  • 185. Jullian, Hist de Bord, ch xiv, also Michel, I, ch 8
  • 186. A M Bord, I, p 157
  • 187. Michel, I, ch 8, Jullian, ch xiv Given to the master of the ship and for which he paid a due
  • 188. Michel, I, ch 8 Moreover, in the Arch de Bord Livre des Bouillons, p 416, is a complaint made in 1275 that the custom of Royan was levied twice-at Royan and at Bordeaux
  • 189. I S Haute Garonne, A A, p 31, § 179
  • 190. Liv des Bouillons, 156, 416
  • 191. Michel, I, ch 8
  • 192. Michel, with ref to Rot Vasc, 10 Edw III, m 5
  • 193. Simon Hist of English Wine Trade, p 122
  • 194. Jullian, Hist de Bord, ch xiv
  • 195. Foed, II, pt ii, 838 Also C C R 1330-3, p 561, 1332, p 561
  • 196. A M Bord, I, 189, C C R 1343-6, p 284
  • 197. I S Gironde, E Suppl, p 346, § 3,100
  • 198. Ib
  • 199. Michel, I, 218, with ref to Rot Vasc 17 Edw III, m 3
  • 200. Michel, I, ch 8
  • 201. A M Bord, I, 149
  • 202. Ib, I, 180
  • 203. Foed, Feb 28th 1342
  • 204. And this apparently from an early date, I S Gironde, E Suppl, p 191, § 2,774 (A D 1230)
  • 205. I S Gironde, E Suppl, p 263
  • 206. Ib, p 190
  • 207. Ib, p 191
  • 208. Ib, p 229, § 4,400
  • 209. Ib
  • 210. Ib, 25 Nov, 15 Edw III
  • 211. Ib, E Suppl, p 281, § 462
  • 212. Michel, I, p 219, with ref to Rot Vasc, 22 Edw III, m 11
  • 213. A M Bord, I, 169, cf C C R 1333-7, p 74
  • 214. Ib 1339-41, p 290 The greatest dissatisfaction was with London and Bristol
  • 215. E g, Ib 1327-30, p 141
  • 216. E g, C P R 1340-3, p 274
  • 217. C C R 1333-7, p 74
  • 218. C C R 1339-41, p 290, and Ib, 1343-6, p 492
  • 219. 25 Edw III, St 5 Confirmed in 1353 by 27 Edw III, St 2, c 2, also Rot Parl, II, 239, 242, and 43 Edw III, c 3
  • 220. C C R 1360-4, p 169
  • 221. C C R 1327-30, p 487
  • 222. E g, C P R 1338-40, p 328, also C C R 1341-3, p 617, Ib, 1364-8, p 227 (A good case with regard to exports is Ib 1339-41, p 180)
  • 223. E g, Ib Aug 16, 1333, p 74, C P R 1338-40, p 441, Ib, 1358-61, p 567, Foed, II, pt ii, 879
  • 224. C C R 1330-3, pp 42, 47
  • 225. E g, Ib 1364-8, p 334, Ib 1369-74, p 275
  • 226. E g, Ib 1346-9, p 307
  • 227. E g, Ib 1339-41, p 132
  • 228. C P R 1338-40, p 321, C C R 1369-74, p 404
  • 229. E g, Ib 1339-41, pp 304-5
  • 230. Jullian, Hist de Bord, ch xiv
  • 231. Ib, ch xiv
  • 232. The King paid £69 2s 6d freight on 112 tuns of wine from Bordeaux to London, and 19s 2d for the safe conduct of the same, Bk D, p 227, cf Michel, I, p 123
  • 233. C P R 1327-30, p 212
  • 234. Foed III, pt ii, 766, 937
  • 235. Ib, III, pt ii, 1,173
  • 236. C P R 1334-8, p 410
  • 237. Eg, Ib 1350-4, p 472, see also C C R 1343-6, p 257
  • 238. C P R 1327-30, p 98
  • 239. A M Bord, I, p 158, C C R 1346-9, pp 405, 690, Foed, III, pt i, 266, C P R 1358-61, p 255, Foed, III, pt 1, 229, 266, 270, Ib, pt ii, 600, 607, 611
  • 240. C P R 1334-8, pp 201, 567
  • 241. C C R 1360-4, p 17
  • 242. C C R 1337-9, pp 283, 526, C P R 1334-8, pp 2, 566, 567, 569
  • 243. E g, C C R 1369-74, p 51
  • 244. C P R 1370-4, p 204
  • 245. Ib 1334-8, p 339
  • 246. 27 Edw III, St 1, c vii
  • 247. Rot Scot, I, 467, 468
  • 248. C P R 1338-40, p 2, Ib 1350-4, p 376
  • 249. C C R 1337-9, pp 283, 526
  • 250. Rot Parl, IV, 85
  • 251. C C R 1333-7, p 42
  • 252. C P R 1340-3, p 162
  • 253. Foed, R III, pt i, p 432
  • 254. Ib, R II, pt 11, p 874
  • 255. 27 Edw III, St 1, c vii
  • 256. Bk F, p 205
  • 257. C P R 1354-8, p 490
  • 258. Ib 1345-8, p 388
  • 259. Ib 1348-50, p 570
  • 260. C C R 1346-9, p 66
  • 261. C P R 1345-8, pp 69, 70, 441, C C R 1343-6, pp 410, 600, 601, 627, Ib 1346-9, p 5, Ib 1349-54, p 128
  • 262. C P R 1345-8, p 69
  • 263. C C R 1346-9, p 40
  • 264. Ib 1343-6, p 551
  • 265. C P R 1370-4, p 161
  • 266. Ib 1345-8, p 253, C C R 1354-60, p 458, Ib 1369-74, p 536
  • 267. Ib 1349-54, p 63
  • 268. C P R 1361-4, p 25
  • 269. Ib 1354-8, p 95, Ib 1361-4, p 25, C C R 1374-7, p 114
  • 270. C P R 1354-8, p 274
  • 271. C C R 1343-6, p 667
  • 272. Ib 1346-9, p 416
  • 273. E g, Ib 1349-54, p 509
  • 274. "Winchester Selde"
  • 275. Herbert Twelve Great Livery Companies, II, 635
  • 276. E g, C C R 1354-60, p 116, C P R 1358-61, p 75
  • 277. Ib 1348-50, p 448
  • 278. Ib 1348-50, p 571
  • 279. Ib 1358-61, p 285, C C R 1354-60, p 592
  • 280. Ib 1360-4, p 10
  • 281. C P R 1358-61, p 283
  • 282. E g, Ib 1358-61, p 75
  • 283. Foed, July 16 1359
  • 284. C C R 1346-9, p 40
  • 285. Ib, p 130
  • 286. Ib, p 36
  • 287. For subsidy of 1339 he was assessed at 16d
  • 288. C C R 1346-9, p 240
  • 289. C P R 1370-4, p 382
  • 290. Ib 1370-4 p 411
  • 291. C C R 1374-7, p 41
  • 292. Ib 1374-7, p 415
  • 293. Rot Parl, II, 328
  • 294. C C R 1374-7, p 259
  • 295. C P R 1370-4, p 180
  • 296. C C R 1360-4, p 408
  • 297. Ib 1364-8, p 44
  • 298. Ib 1354-60, pp 60, 99, Bk F, pp 149, 235, loans to King
  • 299. Ib 1346-9, p 504, and 1364-60, pp 99, 224, 335
  • 300. Ib 1343-6, p 198
  • 301. Ib 1349-54, p 509, 1354-60, pp 99, 224, 308, and 1360-4, pp 399, 533, etc
  • 302. 25 Edw III, St 3, Rot Parl, II, 232a
  • 303. Ib, II, 347b
  • 304. Bk F, p 83
  • 305. Bk G, pp 4, 41
  • 306. Bk E, p 201
  • 307. Ib, p 230, Rot Parl, II, 232a
  • 308. Bk F, pp 229, 242
  • 309. Bk G, p 4
  • 310. 27 Edw III, St 1
  • 311. Rot Parl, II, 114b
  • 312. 27 Edw III, St I
  • 313. Rot Parl, II, 249a
  • 314. Bh G, p 86
  • 315. Vide supra p 286
  • 316. A M Bord, I, 25 June 1358
  • 317. Ib I, 196 (A D 1358)
  • 318. Ib, I, 268
  • 319. Ib, 20 March 1373
  • 320. I S Gironde, E Suppl, 2,899, p 294
  • 321. Ib
  • 322. A M Bord, I, 178 Crebat (Crevat) was the north western part of Bordeaux, on the left bank of the Garonne
  • 323. C P R 1364-7, pp 6, 7
  • 324. A M Bord, I, 272
  • 325. I S Gironde, G Suppl, 1-920, p 113, A D 1354 Also Foed, III, pt 1, 272
  • 326. Ib, 272
  • 327. I S Gironde, G Suppl, 15-920, p 114, A D 1355
  • 328. Ib p 117, A D 1356
  • 329. Ib, p 121
  • 330. A M Bord, I, 26 Jan 1367-7 The Black Prince fixed for five years the value of money as a concession to the three estates of Gascony when negotiating with them for a hearth tax
  • 331. Foed, III, pt i, 272
  • 332. Cunningham, I, 268
  • 333. Foed, III, pt 1, 300
  • 334. Bk G pp 35, 41, 42, 77, 149, C C R 1354-60, pp 37, 111, 112, 134, 299, 540, Ib 1360-4, pp 95, 446
  • 335. Bk G, pp 41, 42
  • 336. Ib, p 149
  • 337. Ib, p 42
  • 338. C C R 1354-60, p 299
  • 339. 31 Edw III, St 2, c 3
  • 340. C C R 1354-60, p 37
  • 341. Bk G, pp 102, 104, 138, 145
  • 342. Bk G, p 149, C C R 1354-60, p 37
  • 343. C P R 1358-61, p 44
  • 344. Bk G, p 137
  • 345. C P R 1358-61, p 44
  • 346. Bk G,p 52
  • 347. Rot Parl, V, 114b
  • 348. Bk G, p 149
  • 349. Rot Parl, II, 270b
  • 350. Rot Parl, II, 276b
  • 351. Ib, II, 279b, St 37 Edw III
  • 352. St 37 Edw III
  • 353. Rot Parl, II, 278a, C C R 1360-4, p 284
  • 354. Rot Parl, II, 279b, 282b, St 37, Edw III
  • 355. Ibid
  • 356. C C R 1364-8, pp 74 et seq
  • 357. By this time engrossers were not prohibited from retailing as formerly Riley, Mem, p 81, C P R 1364-7, p 687
  • 358. 9 Edw III, St 2, c i
  • 359. C P R 1364-7, pp 6-7
  • 360. C P R 1364-7, p 6
  • 361. Rot Parl, II, 287
  • 362. C P R 1361-4, p 496
  • 363. Ib 1364-7, pp 15
  • 364. Bk G, pp 179, 187
  • 365. St 38 Edw III, cf Bk G, pp 203, 206
  • 366. Foed, III, pt 11, p 778, C P R 1364-8, p 280
  • 367. Ib 1364-7, pp 1, 104, 107, 27, 3075, 310, 324
  • 368. C C R 1364-8, p 280, Bk G, p 208, Foed, III, pt 11, p 795
  • 369. C C R 1364-8, p 299, also Foed, III, pt 11, 811
  • 370. Bk G, p 222
  • 371. St 42 Edw III, c 8
  • 372. Rot Parl, II, 296
  • 373. Hist MSS Com Rep on Salisbury, MSS I, 163
  • 374. 43 Edw III, c 3
  • 375. Rot Parl, II, 206b
  • 376. Ib, II, 315a
  • 377. Rot Parl, II, 347b
  • 378. Bk H, p 53
  • 379. Ib, p 86
  • 380. Ib, p 90