Memorials: 1356

Memorials of London and London Life in the 13th, 14th and 15th Centuries. Originally published by Longmans, Green, London, 1868.

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'Memorials: 1356', Memorials of London and London Life in the 13th, 14th and 15th Centuries, (London, 1868), pp. 280-294. British History Online [accessed 25 June 2024].

. "Memorials: 1356", in Memorials of London and London Life in the 13th, 14th and 15th Centuries, (London, 1868) 280-294. British History Online, accessed June 25, 2024,

. "Memorials: 1356", Memorials of London and London Life in the 13th, 14th and 15th Centuries, (London, 1868). 280-294. British History Online. Web. 25 June 2024,

In this section

Regulations for the trade of Masons.

30 Edward III. A.D. 1356. Letter-Book G. fol. xli. (Latin and Norman French.)

(fn. 1) At a congregation of the Mayor and Aldermen, holden on the Monday next before the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary [2 February], in the 30th year of the reign of King Edward the Third etc., there being present, Simon Fraunceys, the Mayor, John Lovekyn, and other Aldermen, the Sheriffs, and John Little, Symon de Benyngtone, and William de Holbeche, Commoners, certain Articles were ordained touching the trade of Masons, in these words.—

(fn. 2) "Whereas Simon Fraunceys, Mayor of the City of London, has been given to understand that divers dissensions and disputes have been moved in the said city between the masons who are hewers, on the one hand, and the light masons and setters on the other; because that their trade has not been regulated in due manner, by the government of folks of their trade, in such form as other trades are; therefore the said Mayor, for maintaining the peace of our Lord the King, and for allaying such manner of dissensions and disputes, and for nurturing love among all manner of folks, in honour of the said city, and for the profit of the common people, by assent and counsel of the Aldermen and Sheriffs, caused all the good folks of the said trade to be summoned before him, to have from them good and due information how their trade might be best ordered and ruled, for the profit of the common people.

"Whereupon, the good folks of the said trade chose from among themselves twelve of the most skilful men of their trade, to inform the Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs, as to the acts and articles touching their said trade, that is to say;—Walter de Sallynge, Richard de Sallynge, Thomas de Bredone, John de Tyryngtone, Thomas de Gloucestre, and Henry de Yeevelee, on behalf of the masons hewers; Richard Joye, Simon de Bartone, John de Estone, John Wylot, Thomas Hardegray, and Richard de Cornewaylle, on behalf of the light masons and setters; the which folks were sworn before the aforesaid Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs; in manner as follows.—

"In the first place,—that every man of the trade may work at any work touching the trade, if he be perfectly skilled and knowing in the same.

"Also,—that good folks of the said trade shall be chosen and sworn every time that need shall be, to oversee that no one of the trade takes work to complete, if he does not well and perfectly know how to perform such work; on pain of losing, to the use of the Commonalty, the first time that he shall by the persons so sworn be convicted thereof, one mark; and the second time, two marks; and the third time, he shall forswear the trade, for ever.

"Also,—that no one shall take work in gross, (fn. 3) if he be not of ability in a proper manner to complete such work; and he who wishes to undertake such work in gross, shall come to the good man of whom he has taken such work to do and complete, and shall bring with him six or four ancient men of his trade, sworn thereunto, if they are prepared to testify unto the good man of whom he has taken such work to do, that he is skilful and of ability to perform such work, and that if he shall fail to complete such work in due manner, or not be of ability to do the same, they themselves, who so testify that he is skilful and of ability to finish the work, are bound to complete the same work well and properly at their own charges, in such manner as he undertook; in case the employer who owns the work shall have fully paid the workman. (fn. 4) And if the employer shall then owe him any thing, let him pay it to the persons who have so undertaken for him to complete such work.

"Also,—that no one shall set an apprentice or journeyman to work, except in presence of his master, before he has been perfectly instructed in his calling: and he who shall do the contrary, and by the persons so sworn be convicted thereof, let him pay, the first time, to the use of the Commonalty, half a mark, and the second time, one mark, and the third time, 20 shillings; and so let him pay 20 shillings every time that he shall be convicted thereof.

"Also,—that no one of the said trade shall take an apprentice for a less term than seven years, according to the usage of the City; and he who shall do to the contrary thereof, shall be punished in the same manner.

"Also,—that the said Masters, so chosen, shall oversee that all those who work by the day shall take for their hire according as they are skilled, and may deserve for their work, and not outrageously.

"Also,—if any one of the said trade will not be ruled or directed in due manner by the persons of his trade sworn thereunto, such sworn persons are to make known his name unto the Mayor; and the Mayor, by assent of the Aldermen and Sheriffs, shall cause him to be chastised by imprisonment and other punishment; that so, other rebels may take example by him, to be ruled by the good folks of their trade.

"Also,—that no one of the said trade shall take the apprentice or journeyman of another, to the prejudice or damage of his master, until his term shall have fully expired; on pain of paying, to the use of the Commonalty, half a mark, each time that he shall be convicted thereof."

Appraisement of the goods and chattels of Stephen le Northerne.

30 Edward III. A.D. 1356. Letter-Book G. fol. xlv. (Latin.)

The goods (fn. 5) and chattels of Stephen le Northerne, underwritten, were found in the house of John Leche, in the Parish of St. Michael Cornhulle, in the City of London, on the 6th day of June, in the 30th year of King Edward the Third etc., and appraised on the oath of William Sunnyng, carpenter, Robert de Blithe, brasyere, Robert Russe, brasiere, Henry Clement, lokyer, (fn. 6) Stephen Basham, lockyer, and Adam Wayte, upheldere, (fn. 7) namely.—

In the first place,—one chest, value 2s. 6d.; one wooden bedstead, 2s.; 5 carpets, 7s.; 5 bankeres, (fn. 8) 12 quyshynes, (fn. 9) and one dosere, 3s. 9d.; 3 tablecloths, and one towel, 21d.; one surcoat, 8s.; 2 ridels, (fn. 10) and 2 painted cloths, 18d.; one aumbrey, (fn. 11) and one small chest, 18d.; 2 Psalters, and one Gradal, 3d.; one balance, called an "auncere, (fn. 12) 12d.; one tablet and table, (fn. 13) and one cofre, 3s.; one pair of iron gauntlets, and one pair of bracers, (fn. 14) 6d.; 20 pounds weight of pewter, 2s. 11d.; one leaden lavatory, 13d.; one wooden bedstead, and one chest, 3s.; one chest, 16d.; 2 quernestones, (fn. 15) 18d.; 2 small cofres, 8d.; 3 brass pots, 2 pitchers, and one basin, with two washing-ewers, (fn. 16) 7 brass plates, and 9 pieces of holdshrof, (fn. 17) 19s. 11d.; one wooden bedstead, and 2 wooden testers for a bedstead, 2s.; one feather-bed, 3 carpets, and 3 sheets, 9s. 6d.; one striped gown with 2 hoods, and one paltoke, (fn. 18) 5s.; one pair of plates, (fn. 19) one bacinet, one dagger, and one buckler, 5s.; one wooden bedstead, 18s.; 10 chests, old and worn out, 12s.

Also,—all the rough timber found there, value 10s.; 4 plaunkes, (fn. 20) 3 feet long, 2s.; 2 balances, called "aunceres," (fn. 21) 6s.; one good triwet, (fn. 22) and 4 iron slegges, (fn. 23) 3s. 6d.; 2 plonchones, (fn. 24) and 4 cartstrokes, (fn. 25) 3s. 8d.; one spadierne, (fn. 26) and 2 iron auugeres, (fn. 27) 12s.; one pair of pynsouns, (fn. 28) one iron rungepyn, (fn. 29) one iron bolt, and 2 strakes, (fn. 30) 20d.; one pair of irons for the Eucharist, (fn. 31) 5 firforkes, (fn. 32) 4 heyngges, (fn. 33) one tynpan, (fn. 34) 2 shiphenges, (fn. 35) 6 latches for doors, 4 small anfeldes (fn. 36) for goldsmiths, and 2 kerfsheres, (fn. 37) 5s.; 8 pairs of kemstercombes, (fn. 38) and one boweshawe, (fn. 39) 11d.; old iron, in all, with an old iron balance, 6s. 8d.; one woman's furred hood, and one rouel, (fn. 40) 2s.; 2 iron spits, and one iron for a bedstead, 5s. 8d.; 15 battle-axes, 7s.; 4 hatchets, worn out, and 9 pairs of great heynges, (fn. 41) 6s.; one herce (fn. 42) for a fireplace, and 14 pairs of heynges, (fn. 41) 3s. 2d.; 2 grates, 2 small aundernes, (fn. 43) 12 hatchettes, 5 pikeyses, (fn. 44) 7 carpenters' axes, old and worn out, 3 twybilles, (fn. 45) 3 wodbilles, (fn. 46) 4 masons' axes, worn out, 6 small hammers, one pair of shears for gurdelers, one pruning-knife, one garnet, (fn. 47) one guspanne, (fn. 48) one pair of pynsons, (fn. 49) and one flesshoke, (fn. 50) 10s. 4d.; one lock fitted, one peel of iron, (fn. 51) one firrake, (fn. 52) one pair of garnetes, (fn. 53) and one lock, 2s. 6d.

Also,—one auger, and one aundern, (fn. 54) worn out, 5d.; 12 dozens of heynges, (fn. 41) 5s.; 10 pairs of lynses, (fn. 55) and 9 pairs of barrokes, (fn. 56) 6s.; one iron grate, one spadierne, (fn. 57) and one anfeld, (fn. 58) worn out, 2s. 3d.; 33 pairs of okees, (fn. 59) 6s.; 20 bolts and 20 stokes (fn. 60) for bolts, 6s.; 12 pairs of uttgarnettes, (fn. 61) 11 pairs of almarigarnettes, (fn. 62) and 10 platelokes, (fn. 63) 8s. 6d.; 5 laches (fn. 64) for doors, and one iron chisel, 120 keys, and 12 cartecloutes, (fn. 65) 3s.; 2 gleywes (fn. 66) and one pikstef, (fn. 67) 4d.; 60 columns for wheels, (fn. 68) 3 bareles, and 2 fates, (fn. 69) 2s. 3d.; one anfeld, (fn. 70) and 4 bokles, (fn. 71) 2s. 4d.; one pikfork, (fn. 72) and one great bolt, 2s. 8d. Also, in firewood 5s.; one pair of mustarde quernes, (fn. 73) 6d.; and one bolle (fn. 74) for mingeing into, and one horn for shoes, 1d.

The sum total of the goods and chattels above-written, is 9l. 14s. 2d.

Afterwards, on Saturday the Eve of St. Barnabas the Apostle [11 June], in the 30th year abovementioned, all the goods and chattels aforesaid, together with one tenement, 3 shops, and one alley, with their appurtenances, belonging to John le Leche, in the Parish of St. Michael Cornhulle, which were valued in full at 14 shillings yearly, were delivered to Simon le Palmer, pelterer, and William Sunnyng, carpenter, by Simon Fraunceys, Mayor, Richard Lacer, Roger Depham, and other Aldermen, and Thomas de Waldene, Chamberlain, safely to keep the same, to the use of Alice, daughter and heiress of the said John le Leche, and to make answer to her for the same when she shall come of full age etc. (fn. 75)

Committal to Neugate for rebellious conduct to the Masters of the King's works.

30 Edward III. A.D. 1356. Letter-Book G. fol. xliv. (Latin.)

On Thursday next before the Feast of St. Barnabas the Apostle [11 June], in the 30th year etc., John Symond, shipwright, was attached by Antony, the serjeant, by precept of the Mayor, and committed to the Prison of Neugate; for that he was rebellious (fn. 76) against the masters of the works of our Lord the King, and refused, in conformity with an agreement thereon made among themselves, to serve in doing the said work of our Lord the King.

Letter of Edward, Prince of Wales, announcing his victory at Peytiers.

30 Edward III. A.D. 1356. Letter-Book G. fol. liii. (Norman French.)

(fn. 77) Letter of Edward, (fn. 78) Prince of Wales, sent to the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty, of the City of London, as to the battle fought near Peyters.—

"Very dear and very much beloved.—As concerning news in the parts where we are, know that since the time when we certified unto our most dread lord and father, the King, that it was our purpose to ride forth against the enemies in the parts of France, we took our road through the country of Peregord and of Lymosyn, and straight on towards Burges in Wene, (fn. 79) where we expected to have found the King's son, the Count of Peyters; (fn. 80) and the sovereign cause for our going towards these parts was, that we expected to have had news of our said lord and father, the King, as to his passage; and seeing that we did not find the said Count there, or any other great force, we turned towards Leyre, (fn. 81) and commanded our people to ride forth and reconnoitre if we could find a passage anywhere: the which people met the enemy, and had to enter into conflict, so that some of the said enemies were killed or taken; and the prisoners so taken said that the King of France had sent Grismotoun, who was in that company, to obtain for him certain news of us, and of our force; and the said king, for the same purpose, had sent in another direction the Sieur de Creon, Messire Busigaut, the Mareschal de Clermount, and others. And the same prisoners declared that the King had made up his mind for certain to fight with us, at whatever time we should be on the road towards Tours, he meeting us in the direction of Orliens.

"And on the morrow, where we were posted, there came news that the said Sieur de Creon and Busigaut were in a castle very near to our quarters; and we determined to go there, and so came and took up our quarters around them; and we agreed to assault the said place, the which was gained by us by force, and was quite full of their people, both prisoners and slain, and also some of ours were killed there; but the said Sieurs de Creon and Bursigaud withdrew themselves into a strong tower which was there, and which occupied us five days before it was taken; and there they surrendered. And there we were certified that all the bridges upon Leyre (fn. 81) were broken down, and that we could nowhere find a passage; whereupon, we took our road straight towards Tours; and there we remained four days before the city, in which were the Count d'Angeo (fn. 82) and the Mareschal de Clermount, with a great force of troops. And upon our departing from thence, we took the road so as to pass certain dangers by water, and with the intention of meeting with our most dear cousin, the Duke of Lancaster, of whom we had had certain news, that he would make haste to draw towards us. At which time the Cardinal de Peregort came to us at Monbezon, three leagues from Tours, where he spoke to us fully as to matters touching a truce and peace. Upon which parley we made answer to him, that peace we had no power to make, and that we would not intermeddle therewith, without the command and the wishes of the King, our most dear lord and father; nor yet as to a truce were we at that time of opinion that it would be the best thing for us to assent thereto, for there we were more fully certified that the King had (fn. 83) prepared in every way to fight with us.

"Whereupon, we withdrew ourselves from thence towards Chastel Heraud, by passage over the stream of the Vivane; (fn. 84) where we remained four days, waiting to know for greater certainty of him. And the King came with his force to Chaveny, (fn. 85) five leagues from us, to pass the same river, in the direction of Peytiers. And thereupon, we determined to hasten towards him, upon the road along which he would have to pass, so as to have a fight with him; but his battalions had passed before we had come to the place where we intended to meet him, save a part only of their people, about 700 men-at-arms, who engaged with ours; and there were taken the Counts de Sousseire and de Junhy, the Sieur de Chastillon, a great number of others being both taken and slain, both on their side and ours. And then our people pursued them as far as Chaveny, full three leagues further; for which reason we were obliged that day to take up our quarters as near to that place as we could, that we might collect our men. And on the morrow we took our road straight towards the King, and sent out our scouts, who found him with his army; [and he] set himself in battle array at one league from Peiters, in the fields; and we went as near to him as we could take up our post, we ourselves on foot and in battle array, and ready to fight with him.

"Where came the said Cardinal, requesting very earnestly for a little respite, that so there might parley together certain persons of either side, and so attempt to bring about an understanding and good peace; the which he undertook that he would bring about to a good end. Whereupon, we took counsel, and granted him his request; upon which, there were ordered certain persons of the one side and the other, to treat upon this matter; which treating was of no effect. And then the said Cardinal wished to obtain a truce, by way of putting off the battle at his pleasure; to which truce we would not assent. And the French asked that certain knights on the one side and the other should take equal shares, so that the battle might not in any manner fail: and in such manner was that day delayed; and the battalions on the one side and the other remained all night, each one in its place, and until the morrow, about half Prime; (fn. 86) and as to some troops that were between the said main armies, neither would give any advantage in commencing the attack upon the other. And for default of victuals, as well as for other reasons, it was agreed that we should take our way, flanking them, in such manner that if they wished for battle or to draw towards us, in a place that was not very much to our disadvantage, we should be the first; and so forthwith it was done. Whereupon battle was joined, on the Eve of the day before St. Matthew [21 September]; and, God be praised for it, the enemy was discomfited, and the King was taken, and his son; and a great number of other great people were both taken and slain; as our very dear Bachelor Messire Neele (fn. 87) Loereng, (fn. 88) our Chamberlain, the bearer hereof, who has very full knowledge thereon, will know how more fully to inform and shew you, as we are not able to write to you; to whom you do give full faith and credence; and may Our Lord have you in His keeping. Given under our Privy Seal, at Burdeaux, the 22nd day of October."

Endowment of a Chantry in the Chapel of St. Mary, near the Guildhall.

30 Edward III. A.D. 1356. Letter-Book G. fol. l. (Latin.)

"Know all persons, present and to come, that we, Peter Fanelore, Adam Fraunceis, (fn. 89) and Henry Frowyk, have given, granted, and, by this our present deed indented, have confirmed, unto William de Bramptone, Chaplain, Keeper of a certain Chantry, by us, Peter, Adam, and Henry, newly founded at the altar of St. Mary, in the Chapel of St. Mary, near to the Guildhall of London, and to the four other Chaplains who shall there celebrate Divine Service daily, according to our ordinance thereupon to be made, one messuage, together with the shops and sollars thereto adjoining, and all other the appurtenances thereof, in the Parish of St. Vedast, in the Ward of Farndone, in London; which same tenement is called'Hor'shed' (fn. 90) and 'Sarazineshed,'v and is situate between the tenement late belonging to John de Gloucestre, on the West, and the tenements of William de Caustone and John de Gentele, on the East; and of which messuage one head (fn. 91) abuts upon the highway of Westchep, to the North, and the other upon the tenement late of the Earl of Gloucester, to the South. We, the aforesaid Peter, Adam, and Henry, have also given and granted unto the said Keeper and Chaplains of the Chantry aforesaid, eight marks of rent, with the appurtenances, issuing from the messuage aforesaid, which Mar e> garet, who was the wife of Geoffrey atte Lee, holds of our inheritance for the term of her life, and which are to revert unto us after the death of the same Margaret; the same to remain, after the death of the said Margaret, unto the said Keeper and Chaplains of the Chantry aforesaid, and their successors, Chaplains thereof. We, the aforesaid Adam and Henry, have also given and granted unto the Keeper and Chaplains of the Chantry aforesaid, one messuage, together with the shops, sollars, and cellars thereto adjoining, and with all other the appurtenances thereof in the Parish of St. Giles without the Gate of Crypulgate, in London: which messuage, the shops excepted, the said Peter holds for the term of his life of our inheritance, and which, after the death of the said Peter, unto us, the said Adam and Henry, ought to revert; the same to remain, after the death of the same Peter, unto the said Keeper and Chaplains of the Chantry aforesaid, and their successors, Chaplains thereof; which same messuage, together with the shops, sollars, and cellars thereto adjoining, is situate opposite to the same Gate of Crepulgate, between the tenement of Henry Denecombe, on the East, and the tenement of the Prior of Newerk, on the West. We, the aforesaid Peter and Adam, have also given and granted unto the said Keeper and Chaplains of the Chantry aforesaid, one messuage, with its appurtenances, and a piece of ground adjoining to the said messuage, in the Parish of St. Laurence Jewry, near to the Chapel of St. Mary at the Guildhall of London aforesaid, with free ingress and egress between the same messuage and the said Chapel; which messuage, with the piece of land thereto adjoining, contains in length 19 King's ells, and in breadth 17 ells and three quarters; together with a certain fountain (fn. 92) there, and also, one moiety of a certain latrine, with free ingress and egress to and from the same; the said fountain and latrine being situate between the said messuage and Chapel; as in the charter of the Mayor, and Aldermen, and Commonalty, of the same city, made to the same Peter and Adam thereupon, more fully appears; which same messuage is situate between the said Chapel near to the Guildhall, to the North, and Bakkewellehalle to the South; and of which messuage the head (fn. 93) extends towards Bakkewellehalle to the East, and the other end towards the street which runs towards the said Guildhall of the said city, to the West—To have and to hold all the aforesaid tenements, with the shops, sollars, and cellars, and all other their appurtenances, together with the reversion of the messuage aforesaid, which the said Peter holds for the term of his life, and also, the reversion of the aforesaid 8 marks of rent which the said Margaret atte Lee holds for the term of her life, and also, free ingress and egress to and from the said fountain and moiety of the said latrine, to them, the said Keeper and Chaplains of the Chantry aforesaid, and their successors, Chaplains, in aid of their maintenance for ever, and according to the force, form, and effect, of the charters of licence (fn. 94) of our Lord the King obtained, as to the said messuages and shops, made thereupon unto the aforesaid Peter, Adam, and Henry, and also to the said Keeper and Chaplains, and as in the same is more fully contained; and also, as according to the form, rule, ordinance, and composition, of them, Peter, Adam, and Henry, in this behalf made, more fully may appear. In witness whereof, to one part of this deed indented, remaining with the aforesaid Keeper and Chaplains of the Chantry aforesaid, we, the said Peter, Adam, and Henry, have set our seals. And to the other part of this deed with us remaining, the said Keeper, with the assent and consent of the Chaplains of the Chantry aforesaid, has set his seal; Simon Fraunceis being then Mayor of London, Walter Forester and Thomas de Brandone, Sheriffs of the said city. These being witnesses hereto, Thomas Leggy, Richard Lacer, Simon de Worstede, Aldermen, John Osekyn, vintner, Thomas Cheyny, mercer, Adam Chipsted, vintner, John Frowyk, apothecary, and many others. Given at the Guildhall of London, on the Sunday next after the Feast of All Hallows [1 November], in the year from Our Lord's Incarnation 1356, and in the 30th year of the reign of King Edward, after the Conquest the Third.

Receipt of the ransom of a Knight of Burgundy, by a Citizen of London, on behalf of an English Knight.

30 Edward III. A.D. 1356. Letter-Book G. fol. lviii. (Norman French.)

"Know all persons who these letters shall see or hear, that I, Simon de Worsted, mercer and citizen of London, do acknowledge that I have received, the day of the making hereof, in the name and behalf of Messire William de Welesby, Knight, of England, from Messire Thomas de Voudenay, Knight, of the Duchy of Burgundy, by the hands of Turel Guascoin, merchant of Lucca, 300 golden florins of Florence, and a goblet with covercle, of silver, and a ring of gold without stone; in the which the said Messire Thomas was bound unto the said Messire William for his ransom, from the time that he was taken his prisoner at the Battle of Poiters, where the King of France was taken. In the which 300 florins of gold, goblet with covercle, of silver, and ring of gold, aforesaid, I do hold myself to be well and fully paid; and the said Messire Thomas of the same florins, goblet, and ring of gold, and of his said ransom, I do, by these my letters, for ever acquit. In witness of the truth whereof, to these letters I have set my seal, in presence of Henry Pykard, Mayor of the City of London, Thomas Dolsely and Richard de Notyngham, Sheriffs of London, and Roger de Depham, Recorder of the same city, witnesses hereunto especially called and required. Given at London, in England, on the Eve of Christmas, in the year of Grace 1356."

Order for the collection of moneys at the City Gates, for the repair of the Roads.

30 Edward III. A.D. 1356. Letter-Book G. fol. lviii. (Norman French and Latin.)

(fn. 95) "Forasmuch as all the folks who bring victuals and wares by carts or horses to the City, do make grievous complaint that they incur great damage, and are oftentimes in peril of losing what they bring, and sometimes do lose it, because that the roads without the Gates of the City are so torn up, and the pavement so broken, as may be seen by all persons on view thereof; therefore, the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty, have agreed, for the common profit of all the people, that every cart entering the City, that brings victuals or wares for sale, shall pay one penny on entering, and every cart going forth, laden with victuals or with wares for sale, one penny; and every horse that brings victuals or wares for sale, one farthing, and every horse going forth so laden, one farthing. And carts that bring sand, gravel, and clay, shall pay 3d. per week; and carts that bring wheat and flour from Stratford to the City, shall pay 3d. per week; and carts that bring firewood for sale, one farthing; and carts that bring charcoal for sale, one penny. But for the carts and horses of great people and other folks, that bring their own victuals or other goods, for the use and the consumption of their own hostels, nothing shall be taken. We do therefore command and charge you, that you cause the moneys aforesaid to be collected in manner abovementioned."

(fn. 96) This order was delivered to Thomas atte Crouche, for Ludgate; to William Saltere and Walter Raven, for Neugate; to Thomas Longe, tawyer, and Henry Peintour, for Aldresgate; to John le Chaundeler, and Nicholas the Bedel, for Crepelgate; to Nicholas Ponge, John Chaundeler, John de Northe, tawyer, and Walter the Bedel, for Bisshoppesgate; to William atte Hale and John Flecchere, for Algate; to Thomas Gandre and John Clerk, for the Bridge.

Ordinances of the Farriers.

30 Edward III. A.D. 1356. Letter-Book G. fol. cxxx. (fn. 97) (Norman French.)

"The year of Grace 1356. To Henry Pycard, Mayor, and the Aldermen of the City of London, shew the good folks, the Master Farriers of the same city, that whereas many offences and great damages had been committed as against persons of the Court, and the commonalty of the same city and of all the realm, by people not wise therein, who kept forges in the said city, and intermeddled with works of farriery, which they did not understand how to bring to good end; by reason whereof, many horses had been lost, to the great damage of the people:—therefore the said Mayor caused to be summoned before him all the farriers of the said city, and to be chosen from among them two Masters, the most sufficient men, and the best knowing; that is to say, Richard de Hertele and John de Oxenford; whom the said Mayor caused to be sworn, and gave them full power to oversee and govern the said trade, and to espy into the defaults thereof, if any such they should find, at all times that they might think proper. And after that, the said folks, not wise therein, were found making false work, such as shoes and nails, and of false metal, and of this were convicted before the Mayor in the Guildhall of London, in the year aforesaid.

"And therefore, the said Mayor doth will and doth grant, by assent of the good folks of the said trade, that all those who shall be found or proved to be making false work in shoes or nails, or works of false metal, shall pay 40 pence, the first time, to the Chamber of the Guildhall; the second time, half a mark; the third time, 13s. 4d.; and the fourth time, they shall forswear the said trade within the City for ever. And that no one from henceforth shall take any forge in the said city, until he shall have been admitted by the Masters of the said trade, so as to be known as able and skilled in his trade, to the profit of the commonalty of the said city, and of all the realm.

"And also,—it is agreed between the said Masters and the good folks of the said trade, that they will well and loyally advise all those who shall ask counsel of them, as well in the purchase of horses as in their cure; and that this they will not fail to do for any brokerage or gifts, (fn. 98) whereby the said trade may be scandalized. And if any such shall be found or proved to be, that then such person shall be accused before the Mayor and Aldermen, and at their discretion be punished.

"And that no one of the said trade shall commence or undertake any great cure, if he does not reasonably see at the beginning that the same cure will be brought to good end. And that if any person shall undertake any great cure, and shall fear in his conscience that the same will take a disastrous turn, then, in such case, he shall come before the Masters and other wise men of the said trade, to ask their counsel and aid, for the saving of the horse, and for the profit of him to whom the horse belongs, and the honour of the trade. And if the contrary thereof shall in any manner be found, or it shall be proved against any person, that through conceit, (fn. 99) or through negligence, he has let such horse perish, then he shall be accused thereof before the Mayor and Aldermen, and be punished at their discretion, in the way of making restitution for such horse to the person to whom the same belongs.

"And also,—it is agreed between the said Masters and the good folks of the said trade, that they shall not take from henceforth more than they were wont to take before the time of the pestilence; (fn. 100) that is to say, for a shoe of 6 nails or 1½d.; for a shoe of 8 nails, 2d.; and for taking off a shoe of 6 nails or 8 nails, one halfpenny: for putting on the shoe of a courser, 2½d.; the shoe of a charger, 3d.; and for taking off the shoe of a courser or charger, one penny; which points aforesaid the said Masters and good folks of the said trade agree well and lawfully to keep and perform, to the best of their power, and have sworn thereto on the Holy Evangelists.

"And also,—it is agreed between the said Masters and the good folks of the said trade, that no one of them shall commence or follow the trade or work of a smith, or any other than the trade which they follow, and by which they live, that is to say, horse shoeing and farriery of horses. And further, that no one of them shall withdraw, take, or set to work, any smith, or any servants of smiths, or any serving-man of any other trade, if he be not a skilful man, and well versed in horse-shoeing and farriery; whereby the said trade might be slandered, and the commonalty deceived or endamaged. And the said Masters and good folks, the farriers, have agreed that, in like manner, no smith, or other worker in iron or in steel, shall withdraw, take, or set to work, any servingman of the said trade of farriery, during the term that he is staying with his master, a farrier, in disturbance of such trade of farriery; and to the damage which might ensue to the commonalty of all the realm, through such disturbance by the smiths aforesaid."

(fn. 101) And because that in the said Articles all the grievances of their trade were not fully set forth, the good folks the said farriers presented a plaint unto John Notte, Mayor, and the Aldermen of the said city, on the morrow of the Assumption of Our Lady [15 August] in the 38th year of the reign of our Lord the King of England, and prayed that the same might be added, in form as follows, to the Articles aforesaid.—

"To the honourable Lords, the Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London, pray the good folks of the same city, farriers, that whereas many persons, as well denizens as foreigners, are served by the same farriers, some by tally, and others on credit without tally; the same persons, for malice, not caring to pay them for their labour, do go away to others of the same trade, in deceit of those who have served them beforehand, so as to delay them of payment of their debt;—may it please your high Lordships, as a work of charity, to grant that if the said creditors, to whom the debt is due, shall warn the other folks who shall serve such their debtors, that such sum is so due to them, then, in such case, if after the said warning they shall serve them, the farriers who shall have been so warned, shall be bound to pay the debt to such creditors, in case the debtors shall not give security to the said creditors for the debt that to them is so due."

Which Article, in their plaint contained, was granted and ratified unto the said farriers by the Mayor and Aldermen, for the common profit of all the farriers of the said city. And hereupon, the said farriers chose Richard de Westminster and John Beverle, farriers, to govern their trade, and the defaults that should be found in their trade loyally to present to the Mayor and Aldermen; and this the aforesaid Richard and John were sworn well and loyally to do.


  • 1. In Latin.
  • 2. In French.
  • 3. Wholesale, or by contract.
  • 4. Meaning, the contractor.
  • 5. A full account is here given of the stock of an Ironmonger's shop.
  • 6. Locksmith.
  • 7. Upholder, or undertaker, at the present day; though Stow says, a fripperer, or dealer in secondhand clothes and furniture.
  • 8. See page 44 ante, Note 11, and page 179, Note 1.
  • 9. Cushions: dosseres were tapistry hangings, probably placed as high or low as the back (dorsum).
  • 10. Curtains.
  • 11. Or small portable cupboard.
  • 12. Probably, the same as an auncel, a primitive kind of weighing-machine, forbidden by Statute.
  • 13. Probably, a chequer-board and table.
  • 14. Armour for the arms.
  • 15. Mill-stones.
  • 16. lavacra.
  • 17. Qy. as to the meaning of this.
  • 18. A doublet, or cloak, descending to the middle of the thigh; perhaps the forerunner of the "paletot" of the present day. It was much worn by priests.
  • 19. Armour for the neck and shoulders.
  • 20. Planks.
  • 21. See Note 5 above.
  • 22. Trivet.
  • 23. Sledges, or sledge-hammers.
  • 24. Probably for "ponchons," puncheons, steel or iron punches, for drilling holes.
  • 25. Or "cart-strakes;" the iron tires of wheels.
  • 26. Spade-iron; the iron part of a spade.
  • 27. Augers.
  • 28. Pinchers.
  • 29. Probably, a pin for laying the rungs, or boards of a ship's deck.
  • 30. See Note 18 above.
  • 31. Probably, for preparing the holy wafer.
  • 32. Fire-forks.
  • 33. Hinges.
  • 34. Tin pan.
  • 35. Ship hinges.
  • 36. Anvils.
  • 37. Chaff, or hay, shears.
  • 38. Combs for kempsters, or woolcombers.
  • 39. Probably, a "bow-shave," an implement for shaving bows.
  • 40. Probably, the clasp of a girdle. See page 216 ante, Note 4.
  • 41. See Note 26 in page 283.
  • 42. An iron framework, for confining the fuel.
  • 43. Andirons.
  • 44. Pickaxes.
  • 45. Twibills; implements somewhat resembling pickaxes.
  • 46. Wood-bills.
  • 47. A kind of hinge, probably with ornamental work. The name is still used.
  • 48. Perhaps a pan for cooking geese, or poultry.
  • 49. See Note 21 in page 283.
  • 50. Flesh-hook.
  • 51. Probably the baker's implement, still so called.
  • 52. Fire-rake.
  • 53. See Note 8 above.
  • 54. See Note 4 above.
  • 55. Probably, linch-pins.
  • 56. Probably, "bar-hooks"; hooks to hang from the bars of a grate, or berce, as above.
  • 57. See Note 19 in page 283.
  • 58. Anvil.
  • 59. Possibly for "ogees"; ornamental mouldings in metal, like the letter S.
  • 60. Stocks, or sockets.
  • 61. Garnets, or hinges, fastened on the outer part of a door. See Note 8, above.
  • 62. Garnets for aumbries, or cupboards.
  • 63. Plate-locks.
  • 64. Latches.
  • 65. Cart-clouts: iron plates for the axletree, to keep it from wearing.
  • 66. Or glaives. A glaive was a cutting blade, used at the end of a lance shaft.
  • 67. Pike-staff; the shaft of a pike.
  • 68. Probably, axletrees.
  • 69. Fats, or vats.
  • 70. See Note 19 above.
  • 71. Buckles.
  • 72. Pitchfork.
  • 73. Mustard-mills.
  • 74. Bowl.
  • 75. A room or rooms in the house, late of John le Leche, on Cornhulle, were shortly afterwards burnt, and in folio xlv.b of this Letter-Book, there is a detailed account of the expenses incurred in rebuilding.
  • 76. See the Royal order for Proclamation, page 271 ante.
  • 77. This introductory passage is in Latin.
  • 78. More generally known as the "Black Prince."
  • 79. Bourges in Vienne.
  • 80. Now Poitiers.
  • 81. The river Loire.
  • 82. D'Anjou.
  • 83. se tailla.
  • 84. The Vienne.
  • 85. Chauvigny.
  • 86. Half past seven A.M.
  • 87. Or Esquire.
  • 88. Or Lorraine.
  • 89. Mercer, Mayor in 1352, 3.
  • 90. Horse's head, and Saracen's head.
  • 91. Or gable-end.
  • 92. This spot is probably marked by the pump in Guildhall Buildings, opposite to the Sheriffs' Court.
  • 93. Or gable end.
  • 94. To hold in mortmain.
  • 95. In French.
  • 96. In Latin.
  • 97. There is another copy of these Ordinances in fol. lviiib. of the same volume, the year of the Mayoralty of Henry Pycard; but reference is made there, in the margin, to the present, as being the preferable copy.
  • 98. Probably a percentage on the purchase-money, (which it would be their apparent interest to make as high as possible), is meant.
  • 99. orgoyl.
  • 100. Of 1349.
  • 101. An addition of later date.