Venice: February 1629, 1-5 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 21, 1628-1629. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1916.

Citation:

, 'Venice: February 1629, 1-5', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 21, 1628-1629, (London, 1916) pp. 511-524. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol21/pp511-524 [accessed 26 May 2024].

February 1629



Feb. 1. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni. Venetian Archives.	716. To the Secretary BUSENELLO at Mantua.
	Our ambassador in England on learning that the merchants of that kingdom were trying to export a quantity of grain from that kingdom to be taken to Genoa, presumably for the use of the Spaniards, did his utmost to prevent it. You will inform the duke of this.
	Ayes, 148.	Noes, 7.	Neutral, 8.
	[Italian.]
Feb. 1. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni. Venetian Archives.	717. To the Ambassador in England.
	We have just received your letter of the 5th ult. and the copies for Zorzi. We are glad to hear that you obtain good results from your offices for the peace, especially from your prudent representations to the Secretary Carleton, whose good disposition to the peace is very estimable, as we may hope that he will have a leading hand in the affair and will facilitate its success. At this moment we believe that Zorzi will have received decisions from the king suitable for the common advantage, as the edict in France pardoning the Huguenots who recognise their errors within two months and submit, shows that they mean to leave them at peace and to facilitate good relations with England. Letters of the 17th from that Court received yesterday, tell us the king had left Paris to see the force for Italy, and that he has declared that he means to relieve Mantua and save all this province. Chrichi by land and Guise by sea are to attempt to relieve Casale, where no reinforcement of moment is ready for the Spanish army, although at the Imperial Court they speak of sending large numbers and threaten to reduce Mantua and others as well. We must commend your efforts to prevent the export of wheat, intended presumably for this Spanish army. You will do well to advise those who have grain to send it to this city, pointing out the advantage owing to the high price, while it would be one of the most notable benefits you could render to your country in the present scarcity.
	We enclose the office of the English secretary about the pirate Digby. If Wake's letter has the effect he declares we may hope that further trouble from that man will cease. Nevertheless you will not desist from your offices until it is perfectly certain that his Majesty's orders will be fully executed.
	In regard to all that may happen in the present circumstances, we desire to be advised, in case we needed ships of war with troops and the other necessary provision, if we could obtain them in those parts, and what would be the best way to buy or hire them. We shall wait for the detailed information which you will supply.
	Ayes, 102.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 0.
	[Italian.]
Feb. 2. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	718. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	By my last I stated that I was on my guard against the devices of Carlisle to blow up my well advanced fabric. I now confirm my anticipations. The great hesitation which the coming of that nobleman caused your Excellencies will enable you to imagine my obligations for the warnings and information received beforehand. This obstacle would have been terrible. Thank God, while I can do but little more, the French need only avoid entangling themselves as they know the fact and can easily avoid it. I have done everything possible to defend myself in this intricate business, and at the cost of my reduced finances, for no one can sing without breath, especially in the present scarcity. You will see the necessity for the state to send speedy and positive orders to Turin, so that Cornaro may know how to treat with that prince. I beg you to let him have a copy of my letters, in case Wake show himself less diligent, as I have not the time to-night, when the ordinary leaves for Italy.
	Carlisle on finding things changed on his arrival, has altered his discourse, is satisfied with bland expressions, forbears acrimony and will, I hope renounce chimaeras, in order to attend better, if he can, to his own advancement in the post of favourite. The very evening of his arrival, though it was late, I sent my secretary to visit him, and next day I went there in person. We rivalled each other in compliments. In order to flatter him and to tickle his Scottish ardour, I told him that he had astounded Italy by his splendid displays. He magnified the grandeur of the most serene republic, agreeing with what is really said by all those of his suite. I displayed complete ignorance of the ideas he uttered on the journey, pretending that I was speaking to the most zealous partisan of the common cause. I merely added that on his embassy I supposed he had comprehended the necessity for a good understanding between France and England, as even so they will find it difficult to maintain the public liberty. He neither agreed nor dissented, but said they must be sure they were not deceived by the French as had happened before. He did not inveigh against them further, perhaps to avoid irritating the queen, if she knew it, her Majesty not being very well satisfied with him. As he had returned by Turin and treated with the duke, I begged him to tell me the hopes and opinions of that prince respecting the liberty of Italy, in which he is as much interested as the rest. He answered that the duke professed to be independent and not more bound to the Spaniards than to the French. His sole object was to keep what he has taken, and which he claims to be his by right. It is certain that he will ally himself where he thinks he may best realise this design, and more willingly with France, provided he can be secure. He said not a word about Ferrari's ballad or the bonfires at Turin, or about the republic's partiality except that the king had proclaimed special confidence in your Serenity, having placed this negotiation with France in your hands to the exclusion of the other powers, although he had pledged himself by word, and the republic was said to be leagued with France. I replied that in this particular he knew more than I did, but even if it were so, the republic was also leagued by affection and policy with his Majesty here, so that there is an end of all jealousy. I assured him of the trust always placed in his lordship, and so forth. In short I found him moderate, and it may be that he is making the best of circumstances.
	Together with Carlisle there came Sir [Thomas] Roe, the ambassador, who has returned from Constantinople, and is well known to your Excellencies through the reports of your ministers there, for his good will to the state. I sent to visit him immediately he arrived, and when passing his house I myself took him by surprise, as the most usual mark of intimacy here, and it pleased him greatly. He gave me letters from the Bailo Veniero, and I discovered that he would not disdain to be employed on his Majesty's affairs. He made me a long discourse about the absurdity of the war with France, of the heedlessness of compromising England with the Huguenots without firmer foundations, of the importance of the emperor's making himself master of the Baltic, of the hopes still placed in Gabor, of certain conversations at the Hague with the Prince of Orange, about uniting England and the States for the protection of Denmark, considering that king incapable of a adequate defence. Although I note that some of his views are not generally shared, yet I can say that I found him very well informed. He said that if enquiry was made of me by the king or the Council, he had no fear of being discredited. I was aware that this was to give me some idea of his leanings. I told him that I would second him for the public service.
	I hear that Wake would like to leave Italy, with some promotion, if possible. I do not know how he will manage it, as he relies on Carlisle, and every place is occupied. At all events I believe that Roe would willingly come as his successor. This would be much to the purpose at the present moment.
	Among other things he told me that the Spaniards, to bind Savoy to their allegiance, offer him all the salt of Ivica and other islands in the Mediterranean, to make a depot for it at Villefranche, thence by the Po to supply the Milanese, Lombardy and other places, which now contract with Venice. To effect this he wants the king here to allow him to send twelve English ships to sea, under his Highness's flag, during the present war between England and Spain. Roe, who understands matters of this sort, says it may answer, and will yield the duke great profit. I do not know whether there are obstacles to this scheme, but I report it because of the injury it would certainly cause to the mart of Venice.
	Carlisle was also accompanied by one Olivieri, who for the last two years has resided at Zurich, to transmit the news of those parts hither, and to Wake. He seems to have been very intimate with your Serenity's representative there, and to have been employed several times to facilitate the passage of a certain number of soldiers. He would now like to return with the title of resident, and if necessary I will help him because of the good opinions I understand he entertains of the most serene republic, provided I hear nothing to the contrary.
	The current advices will be found in the copy for France.
	London, the 2nd February, 1629.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Enclosure.	719. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to FRANCESCO CORNARO, his Colleague at Turin.
	Carlise has arrived by way of Holland, and the Secretary Barocio, in order to be here at the same time, but without making any display, stopped a fortnight at Dunkirk. They have brought fire, but found water with which to extinguish it. The king will not alter what has been settled with me and sent to France. Barocio says he has come as a courier to prepare a house for Scaglia on his return from Spain. Nevertheless he had audience of the king, making it appear that the duke of Savoy had undertaken the war on the word of this Crown, that peace should not be made with France, except to his advantage, or at least that he should be its mediator. These ideas and solicitations were backed to the utmost by Carlisle, who said with exaggeration that the French deceived all parties, that they had no thought for the affairs of Italy except to cajole the world, as being unable to have passage through Savoy, it was impossible to do any good. It was all in vain. The tide would again be turned against the Huguenots, and so forth. The king before deciding, sent for me to attend a conference with the commissioners who are treating about the peace with me, with the addition of Carlisle. They began to discuss with me very blandly about opening the passage through Savoy. They did this to see if I had willingly stumbled into some obligation, the king, on the other hand, being determined not to swerve in the slightest from the promise given to me. I maintained most positively throughout that it was not in my power to add or diminish one syllable about the peace, as the agreement had already been made, so that if the French choose, everything by this time may have been concluded. Carlisle could not stand this and said I would not hear the reasons, but he was at last obliged to take patience.
	At that conference we settled that the king in pursuance of the communication already made to Turin, continued in the same resolute disposition for the peace, and hoped that France would proceed at a good pace for the common weal. They added expressions to soothe that prince and induce him to grant the passage to the French, and make terms with them. They begged me to write to your Excellency accordingly. I said I would do so, but did not make any promise without commissions from the republic, to second the offices of Wake. As these are quite outside what I have negotiated about the peace, they will be very opportune. I pray God that you may have the good fortune to gain that prince. The commissioners gave the same reply to Barocio, who was satisfied, but again asked to speak to the king to-day before writing, though I am assured that his Majesty will not change his mind about the things already settled and sent to France. With regard to the future, if there is an opening, he lets it appear that he will have especial care for the duke's interests.
	I am writing this to you so that the French may not be allowed to embroil matters, as if there is no cavilling the matter is in their hands. Matters have not been at all disturbed. On the contrary, Carlisle's blustering has given some of his enemies cause to represent openly to the king that to support the interests of a friendly prince he should not sacrifice his own, that the inconstancy of Savoy must be considered, as he now seems no less averse from the common cause than he was zealous for it a few years ago. He boasted, only too truly of having led this kingdom by the nose, according to his caprice. This was verified by acquainting him with what had been negotiated before its conclusion, although his interests with France were more difficult to combine than those of England herself. I therefore repeat that the king remains firm, in spite of the offices of Carlisle and Barocio, though if the French send back the business imperfect, he might think of including Savoy, as he is in fact bound by promise. To resist this strong tide I had to erect a dike as solid as that of La Rochelle.
	I have sent all these particulars so that you may be accurately informed and also watch how Wake announces offices of this kind, which will displease the duke, while you are waiting for your instructions, and if necessary contradict him by telling the truth, which by his instructions from here he is bound to tell against his own views, and possibly against his obligations. I think that these decisions of England will induce the duke to make terms with the French more easily. That would be the best of all benefits, as the cabal for entangling matters fails here, and because it would be difficult for him to detach himself from England, because of his projects about Villefranche. It is also policy, and if the affair continues which parliament has set on foot already, for the formation of a West India Company, the peace with Spain will be at an end for ever and Scaglia's offices and journeys will have been thrown away. Exert yourself, for by co-operation with Zorzi you have a fine game in hand.
	This letter is consigned to Carleton the Secretary of State, who sends it in Wake's packet, together with Barocio's so that you may be among the first to receive the news. I shall be glad to know of its receipt. I must add that nothing is said to me about Ferrari's ballad or your bonfires for La Rochelle. Carlisle does not open his mouth, change of climate having made him change his language. The queen, who has heard of the ideas disseminated by him against France, will do him no good, and his wife has already begun to find this out. Though he wishes to render himself the king's first favourite I suspect he will not even be the fourth.
	London, the 2nd February, 1629.
	[Italian; deciphered; copy.]
Enclosure.	720. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to ZORZI ZORZI, his Colleague in France.
	The enclosed letter to Turin will enlighten you about my negotiations since Carlisle's return. He raised a great hurricane in the Court of Turin and increased it on the road by venomous conceits. I hope that at length it will be dissipated by my exorcisms. If the offices of Savoy have not shaken the foundations of my work, it is so solid that none but the French themselves can destroy it. As they have the peace in their hands, they ought to settle without cavilling, and not send back the business undecided, for Barocio remains here, Scaglia will arrive suddenly, and together with Carlisle they will keep on the watch to take advantage of any opening. By mutual agreement they possess the king with the idea that the French will act deceitfully, that they will do nothing and so forth. I alone contradict this, and so far have the upper hand, but unless decisions come from France everything will be upset. I speak clearly because if the business is sent back unsettled, Savoy will certainly enter into it, because they are bound to him here by promise. If he takes part in it, his views and interests will be more difficult to adjust than those of England herself. Besides, we know for certain that his object is merely to embroil or contravene the agreement, whereas, if the peace is settled, it will behove him to follow the fortune of these two crowns from despair of England making a diversion in his favour, as he hoped and desired.
	I rely on your prudence to resume the negotiation, if it is not quite concluded, and not to let Christofforo return until everything is settled. I hope there will be no hitch, for the States have sent copies of letters from France, dated the 31st December, to their ambassadors here, showing that pardon or peace for the Huguenots had been already signed by the king and delivered to the Parliament of Paris for registration. This will doubtless balance all accounts, the other points of the treaty being mere accessories, which will not give any trouble. If any trifle remains for adjustment, write to me by Calais, without sending Christofforo, as when he comes they will form new maxims and will be freed from their promises, and I shall not be able to break the spell, as I have done now.
	The King of England gives signs of the most constant good will towards the common cause and France, and he could not make greater demonstrations. I am free to admit that to obtain passage for France through Italy is not entirely from charity, but to pledge them in earnest, and to render the Huguenots perfectly secure. Yet the idea is profitable for us and perhaps the only way to win Savoy for the right side, as it is quite certain that he will always be on England's side from policy, past affection and his views about Villefranche. He hopes to gain more than a million a year there, and to allure the Protestants of Switzerland and perhaps even more distant parts to trade there, a thing he cannot achieve without England. I am therefore sure that the replies from here will displease him, and it will be the easier for the French to drop hints about a passage. But you must represent this in such a way that the French, while supposing Savoy almost deserted by England, may not impose upon him, as he will not stand it, and will become incensed, especially as it seems he is not far from turning French again. I say this because I have elicited that if a promise were given that he should keep what he has acquired, and that the Genoese should be compelled to give back the places they have taken, he would easily change his flag and enjoy having put a bone into the mouth of the Spaniards, which it breaks their teeth to gnaw, and gives him time to secure himself in what he has taken. If he changes his flag, the war will either cease or be confined to Montferrat and Piedmont. All this will enlighten you about these negotiations which are so important for our country.
	Opinion varies as to whether Scaglia will come straight by sea or return first to Italy. Porter brought little or nothing from that Court, though it is true he came away before the disaster to the the fleet was known. The Spaniards have changed their tune since then. They say that a Scottish friar has come, who is treating covertly with the Earl of Nithsdale, another Scot, who was formerly in the infanta's service, and that he proposed the restitution of what the Spaniards hold in the Palatinate, merely representing to England the great expense of holding the places and of marching into possession of two fortresses surrounded by the emperor and Bavaria; the Spaniards do not have it in their power to do more. Whether these arguments and offices are true or false I know that they captivate many, and those of the Spanish faction avail themselves of them.
	A Frenchman has been set at liberty, who was imprisoned at Portsmouth for bringing false advices, in order to delay the relief for Rochelle. (fn. 1)
	The belief in the queen's pregnancy continues, and consequently her influence with the king, who loves her dearly, and is always with her.
	The Dutch ambassadors have confirmed the safe arrival of the plate fleet telling the king that their masters have ordered them to light bonfires because at Antwerp it has been stated in print that this capture is of no value, to keep the people in spirits and avert rebellion. He expressed satisfaction at both announcements, and asked them to delay the bonfires for some days because of the death of the Palatine's son, which has grieved the whole kingdom, but his Majesty most of all. When ordering the whole Court to go into mourning, he said that on this occasion he should know who love him heartily, so everybody is in very deep mourning. His Majesty has appointed Sir [Robert] Carr, a Scot, gentleman of the Chamber, to go and condole with his sister. (fn. 2)
	The Dutch ambassadors pointed out the detriment of the negotiations between Denmark and the emperor, and the danger of that king being ill served by his own commissioners. They prayed his Majesty to encourage him by good offices and money, to deter him from such an unseasonable act. The king said he had already sent letters. It was one of my safeguards to protect me against Carlisle. No ambassador extraordinary will be sent because of the expense in the present scarcity of money, but they will despatch a new one to Anstruther, the English ambassador at Hamburg, that he himself may go to Denmark. The king said that he must await the decisions of parliament about money.
	Parliament is now sitting, and good results are hoped, the queen being pregnant, and the Palatine's son being dead, on whom the Puritans here had their eyes firmly fixed. There is no doubt but that the king will be more esteemed and feared with posterity than without it. They already offer the king the customs, which are all the duties, for his life, on certain terms, to which he will not agree. His Majesty, on the other hand, has had a survey made of 36 good ships, including some royal ones, that they may be repaired to guard the coasts. This may be a pretext for satisfying parliament, to induce it to contribute as is always customary in such cases.
	There is already talk about this West India Company, previously proposed in parliament but put aside by the duke, who as admiral did not want the shareholders to have any exemptions granted to them prejudicial to his office. It is now brought forward owing to the capture of the Plate Fleet by the Dutch. The plan is to keep fifty ships always in the Indies, and as many more, now being fitted out, to replace the others when under repair. If this is done, actum est for ever so far as peace with Spain is concerned, but there will be risk of a rupture with the Dutch, as two dogs at one bone must necessarily bite each other.
	The king has given a good ship to the Spanish captain who came with Porter, as compensation for his own, which sank off this coast. His name is Don Gioseffo Ortado, a sailor, not a diplomatist, and it is worth notice that the queen has not cared to see him.
	London, the 2nd February, 1629.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered; copy.]
Feb. 2. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Savoia. Venetian Archives.	721. FRANCESCO CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The Ambassador Wake has sent one of his men to Dauphinè. He pretends it is to visit the valleys of Pragalla and the people of the reformed faith. The man got as far as Ambrun. He reports some advance of the French troops, but says that the lack of food has made some turn back, though orders have been issued to provide food and munitions of war, but so far this does not suffice. He found the passes of Piedmont well guarded everywhere, but there is not much snow and the mountains can be crossed easily. There is no plague in Dauphine?, but a malignant fever, from which few die. I observe that Wake introduces some particulars to shew that he is not prejudiced. Yet now all hopes are lost of peace between England and France, I find him very anxious to discount the French arms. I therefore consider him very prejudiced, as he spoke very differently when Contarini's negotiations seemed to be prospering from what he does now. He says he feels sure that the King of France, by this journey, merely wishes to give reputation to the affairs of Italy; he really thinks of establishing the Count of Soissons as governor of that province, confirming his alliance with the cardinal and making war on the Huguenots with an eye to Geneva, and to uproot the Protestant faith in France. Wake thinks he can make this forecast, since France has interrupted all progress in the peace with them, and the French do not seem inclined to stop the war with the Huguenots.
	Turin, the 2nd February, 1628 [M.V.].
	[Italian; the part in italics, deciphered.]
Feb. 3. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Costantinopoli. Venetian Archives.	722. SEBASTIANO VENIER, Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	I do not know if the English have taken any further steps in the Aleppo affair. I have written to tell the Vice-consul what I have done here, in order to comfort him and so that whatever happens he may steadfastly refuse to agree to any interest that the ministers there may attempt to impose upon him or the nation.
	I am informed that the ambassadors of England and Flanders are instilling some idea of upsetting the peace into the leading men here. Although they do not find the response they would like, yet their grandees pretend to care little about the peace and some of them glory in the abuse which they pour on the imperial ambassador, fancying they are thus paying back the violence done them last year in the peace negotiations.
	The ambassador of Gabor has called on all the ambassadors. He took letters to those of England and Flanders.
	The Vigne of Pera, the 3rd February, 1628 [M.V.].
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Feb. 3. Cl. vii. Cod. 1927. Bibl. S. Marco.	723. ZORZI ZORZI, Venetian Ambassador in France to ALVISE CONTARINI, his Colleague in England.
	Christofforo on the 28th ult. with your despatch of the 2nd ult. I have only been waiting here to receive them. The cardinal must be quite 100 leagues away with the king and all the other ministers. I read your letters with great satisfaction. The question of the household is the Gordian knot. I think that the new article puts us in a worse position than before; and have therefore decided to send it back at once with all the objections which I know will rise the moment I see the cardinal, although I do not have them from his own lips. You can tell the English that many things are not done because people do not want to, and others cannot be abandoned even when it is desired. One of them and the principal is that the Most Christian, both with respect to the queen's household and the Huguenots is bound to have some regard to the very strict obligations by which he bound himself to the pope, when he had to promise many things for the marriage dispensation. That is why the king and ministers are somewhat stiff on these two points. I must also add that they are not unmindful of their own interests. I merely speak in general, without entering into particulars. Then there are measures on foot about the Huguenots and Catholics for forming a mixture of the two if possible, in which they would not fall out among themselves, with the twofold idea of encouraging and increasing our most holy faith in the English kingdom, and of proceeding at the same time, with all tact and due precautions, to annihilate the dissidents, but without violence and without monetary outlay in case they may wish to buy them for cash.
	I therefore think I can assure you of the pardon of Rohan and Soubise, and I would speak with more certainty if England would not prejudice the conditions beforehand (preposterar i termini), as these points ought to be dealt with after peace is made and the quarrel extinguished.
	I do not speak without book. I know that once the principal affair is adjusted the cardinal will do something in this matter also for the ambassadors of the Venetian republic and to please the English, but there is a time for everything and things ripen in their season. There are great hopes about the Huguenots, but if France is to accommodate these domestic troubles England must not interfere in the slightest, as the ministers here are too jealous about the dependence of that party upon the English Crown, which has been kept alive merely to incommode France. If the English touch upon religion at this stage it will be an abandonment of the basis upon which we two drew up the first nine articles, in which no mention whatever was made of it. If you say that England does not demand but merely asks as a courtesy, I reply that the queen mother only does the same about the St. Esprit, and yet the King of England is most resolute in his refusal.
	You will see the good intentions of the king and ministers from the king's declaration upon the general pardon, so the peace depends upon the Huguenots themselves, and they should show the world that they only desire one master. If after all this England remains suspicious, and refuses to believe that France is acting in good faith, we shall find it difficult to discover any pledge that will satisfy them, and there are none so deaf as those that won't hear.
	I know that the world must look for its safety at the present time to France alone. She should not be opposed but favoured by England, in spite of the differences of faith, because it is a question of healing the gaping wounds of all the other princes of the world. If they are inclined to think that the Spaniards will restore the whole or a part of what has been taken from the princes Palatine, once they make peace with the Catholic, not only the blind but the dead know that this is as remote from the truth as God is from a lie. The English must not give the last kick to the cause more for private than for public passion, but should set it on its feet now that fate seems propitious. It cannot be denied that France is the offended party, and unjustly so, although this is not the place to discuss it. The One who protects the right has decided the cause against all human expectation, and has prospered them here just as he has rendered every attempt of the others vain, and England has always come off the worse. It cannot be denied that the English have attacked France thrice, and England has not driven France from her shores, while a little delay might have diverted a great many disorders.
	A consideration of these truths ought to dissipate all their turbulent ideas over there, especially as it all began with the folly of an individual who thought he would measure the world by the astrolabe of his chimaeras. If England would consider the matter dispassionately, and take the blame on herself, she would lay aside nice distinctions and with this most just pretext, she might with a good conscience rid herself of all her obligations. I speak frankly to you, but I know I must speak differently in public from what I do in private.
	I thought that I had disposed of the French claims about Toras' ship, and I hope I am not wrong, as although the cardinal does not strike me as a St. John the Evangelist, yet I know that I build upon a pledge of great security.
	The question of the queen's household is in a deplorable condition. I beg you to try and induce the English to allow some pre-eminence to the queen mother, as her merits deserve. It is only a trifle although required as a compliment, and they really ought not to object. If you can manage this I consider the peace made, but if not I shall begin to doubt and fear that our labours will all be in vain.
	I will try and see that the King of England is gratified with respect to the Duke of Chevreuse. I will do my best especially as I think I am better situated than you, for where you are obliged to offer excuses and he has to do the same, I only have to suggest the inclusion, which is less obnoxious and much easier.
	I am now sending back Cristofforo so that you may know all that I think and what I may expect from the cardinal. I shall remain here from four to six days longer, and you may still send letters to me at Paris. I will make arrangements for them to be sent on, if I have left.
	I do not and will not send you what is hopeless, but merely say what I think and what I do not expect to achieve. The dispute turns on the 3rd article; we must concentrate on that. I do not think it is very good to extend it, as the second form is not considered here any better than the first, and a third might be worse than the second. I promise to do my duty and I leave the rest to you.
	Paris, the 3rd February, 1629.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Feb. 3. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Spagna. Venetian Archives.	724. ALVISE MOCENIGO, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	I am assured that an English minister is here, and that he is the Secretary Cottington, who negotiates frequently at night time, at the palace.
	The Abbot Scaglia has frequently met the English minister and the other gentlemen of the Duke of Rohan; I cannot, however, learn of any resolution so far.
	Madrid, the 3rd February, 1629.
	[Italian; deciphered.]
Feb. 4. Cl. vii. Cod. 1927. Bibl. S. Marco.	725. ZORZI ZORZI, Venetian Ambassador in France, to ALVISE CONTARINI, his Colleague in England.
	I am greatly obliged to you for looking out the Greek books I asked for, even though you did not find them, as the labour was the greater. I shall take it as a great favour if you will obtain for me in England three suits (vesti) of black cloth, two of that of Spain and one of the English. I should like 10 Venetian braccia of the Spanish, that is about 5½ French ells. You will use your judgment about the English, as I do not know what the size is. I give you this trouble because the Spanish cloth obtainable here has risen in price from 20 to 30 or 35 francs the ell and is very ugly. I also ask you to bring me a cap of beaver skin, for which they ask 60 francs each here. Let the wing be large and the style French. I should also like three dozen of their white summer gloves, without any embroidery, as plain as possible (schietissimi), but cut and pointed, and above all let them be white and thin. You can also spend 15 or 20 francs for me on silk ribbons of various colours. I want these ribbons to take as presents to our ladies at Venice. I shall esteem it a singular favour and beg you to forgive me for troubling you, and to let me do as much for you.
	I enclose a letter from the queen mother in reply to the one sent to me by the Queen of England.
	Paris, the 4th February, 1629.
	Postscript.—Since Cristofforo arrived I have had to take to my bed, with a thousand ills, aggravated by my journeys and hardships at La Rochelle.
	[Italian.]
Feb. 5. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Signori Stati. Venetian Archives.	726. GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	No letters have come from London, although the wind has been steadily fair of late. The longer they tarry the more they are desired, as they are anxious to have fuller and more authentic particulars from that Court about the very important negotiations with the Spaniards. They are much alarmed about that here, because as they observe no progress is made with France they think that England may not stick to it, while the Spaniards cannot approve, seeing the Most Christian is resolved to help Italy, and at the same time the Spaniards are very short of everything and consequently are compelled to relieve themselves of some of these complications. I have heard recently one who maintained that the peace with Spain is already established, and that the Palatine's interests are included, the Catholic having agreed to restore the portion of the Palatinate which he holds. I have no confirmation of this, except that the Prince of Orange told me he had heard the same, and that the Spaniards are very uneasy about the intentions of the Duke of Bavaria, and by means of this restitution they propose to give him a counterpoise, and assist the Palatine in some way, so that he may trouble that duke by the just claims he has to the return of the large portion of the Palatinate that Bavaria holds.
	Personally I think that the more they talk about the restitution of the Palatinate, the less likely it is to happen, and that these reports come from those who wish to encourage misgivings about an agreement between England and the Spaniards, which could not have stronger confirmation than such a restitution, just as without it no treaty between those crowns seems possible. The Agent Carleton, with whom I recently had a long conversation about these matters, wished to maintain that the conclusion of this peace was impossible, not only because of the Palatinate, but of Denmark also and the dishonour to the King of Great Britain. He added that while the war with France continued we should always hear talk of peace with Spain but it would never take place for the reasons given.
	I asked him if his king would make war on the Spaniards and the French; he replied very decidedly yes, because they could not hurt him, and although inferior to both he could keep a fleet at sea to harry trade. I see they are reduced to a tight place and I am not surprised because it is known that England is very unprotected just now, as all the troops which were in the fleet have been dismissed, and the ships are in port, very much battered, and need a great outlay before they can sail. They are waiting for the decisions of parliament, which met on the 30th ult., and if the members are at one with the king, the English can speak more haughtily, otherwise there will be nothing upon which to base their professions of making war on France and Spain too. They are much afraid that the French will not find a ready passage through Savoy, and that this may drive the duke into the arms of the Spaniards, and even if this talk about peace between Spain and England is not true, he may encourage it and create a union between himself, England and Spain against France, which would greatly check the Most Christian, especially as the Huguenots might be included. I hear, however, that Savoy inclines to a reunion with France.
	The Hague, the 5th February, 1628 [M.V.].
	[Italian.]
Feb. 5. Cons. di X. Parti Comuni. Venetian Archives.	727. In the Council of Ten.
	That permission be given to Zuanne Pasqualigo to treat two or three times with the secretary of England, as much as his interests require, with respect to his ship, which was taken by pirates to Barbary when returning from Crete, and whose cargo was bought by English merchants.
	First vote: Ayes, 8.	Noes, 2.	Neutral, 4.
	Second vote: Ayes, 8.	Noes, 3.	Neutral, 4.
	Pending as it requires two thirds.
	[Italian.]
Enclosure.	728. Memorial of Pasqualigo.
	My ship was taken by Barbary corsairs when coming from Crete with muscat wine and other things for Venice. They took it to Susa near Tunis, and there English merchants bought the cargo, bringing a ship from Leghorn to take it to England. The Senate wrote to the ambassador at Turin to get the English ambassadors there to write to his Majesty to have the goods restored. The English ambassador wrote to his secretary here, who went into the Collegio and told his Serenity that he would like to speak with me, in order to obtain all the necessary information. I ask the Council to permit this.
	[Italian.]