State Papers, 1655: January (4 of 4)

A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 3, December 1654 - August 1655. Originally published by Fletcher Gyles, London, 1742.

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'State Papers, 1655: January (4 of 4)', in A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 3, December 1654 - August 1655, (London, 1742) pp. 117-134. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/thurloe-papers/vol3/pp117-134 [accessed 19 April 2024]

In this section

January (4 of 4)

General Monk to the protector.

Vol. xxxiv. p. 621.

May it please your highness,
Some of the honest party of the ministers of Scotland called remonstrators haveing (on behalfe of themselves and the rest of that partie) desired, that they may have leave to meete, to consider of, and represent to your highness, something concerning the government of the churche of Scotland, and to noe other purpose; and they declaring to me, that they hope what they shall soe represent may bee conduceing to settlement; I could doe noe less in their favour, then to present their desire to your highnesse's consideration. I humbly take leave and remaine,

Dalkeith, Jan. 22, 1654.

My lord,
your highnesse's most humble servant,
George Monck.

City of Bristol. The information of George Cowlithay, of the city aforesaid, ironmonger, taken Jan. 22, 1654

V. xxii. p.415.

Who informeth upon his oath, that in the month of September last this informant had some discourse in Bristol with one mr. Coppinger, an Irishman, formerly a school-fellow of his, who came thither purposely for his passage into Ireland, and told this informant, that he had lived in Rome and Italy these eight or nine years, and taken upon him the order of a frier of the Franciscan company; and he told this informant, that he had been at London lately for some months, and whilst he was there, he had been at all the churches and meetings, publick and private, that he could hear of, and that none came so near him as the quakers; and being at a meeting of the quakers, there he met with two of his acquaintance in Rome, that were now become chief speakers among the quakers, and he himself had spoken in London among the quakers above thirty times, and was well approved of among them; the which two aforementioned persons are two of the same Franciscan order and company. And this informant farther faith, that the said mr. Coppinger asked him, what kind of opinions in religion there were in Bristol ? and this informant told him, there were several opinions and judgments; and not naming any of the opinions of the said quakers, the said Coppinger asked him, whether there had been any of the quakers in Bristol ? and this informant then answered him no. Whereupon the said mr. Coppinger told him, this informant, two or three times, that if he did love his religion and his soul, he should not hear them. Whereupon this informant told him, he thought none of them would come to Bristol; who presently replied, that if this informant would give him five pounds, he would make it five hundred pounds, if some quakers did not come to Bristol within three weeks or a month then following; and on the morrow following the said mr. Coppinger departed from this city to Ireland, his native place; and about 18 days after, there came to this city two persons that did bear the name of quakers.

Cardinal Mazarin to Bordeaux, the French embassador in England.

Paris, February 2, 1655. [N. S.]

In the possession of the right honourable Philip lord Hardwicke, lord high chancellor of Great Britain.

My Lord,
I have nothing to add to those letters, which were sent you the last week; whereby you will be fully informed of the intentions of the King. I hope that at present you will have the more facility to conclude the accommodation, since I perceive your commissioners do begin to be more moderate about the article of arbitrage.

We have done all that we can to facilitate your negotiation for the speedy bringing of it to a conclusion; and we do look upon our condescensions for the obtaining of a peace, as a sufficient declaration to the world of the sincere intentions of his majesty to live in peace with his neighbours; being that, which is so much beneficial to the good and welfare of each nation in particular, and all Christendom in general.

The Genoese embassador to the protector.

V. xxii. P. 439.

Serenissimo Signore,
Doppo di haver hauvto l'honore (rivendo V. A. serenissima) di esseguire i comandamenti della mia republica sono andato meco stesso meditando se una cosi buona, e reciproca correspondenza vasse ridursi in qualche srutto di benesitio commune, et invitato delle generose maniere con quali si e degnato V. A. serenissima di honorarmi prendo l'ardire di riferirle senza alcuno artificio di ministro un semplice mio sentimento. I trasichi, e richezze de nostri cittadini impiegati ver longhi anni ne i stati di quei principi che il tempo ci ha fatto conoscere poco legali, sono. Stati finalmente a noi materia di disgusti, et a loro ben spesso di grandezza, e sempre della propria conservatione.

Crederei che per benefitio della mia republica sosse salutare consiglio d'andare voltando altrove queste richezze, e traffichi, per che ubi bonum, ibi cor, ne parte alcuna mi soviene piu a proposito, che questa d'Inghilterra, e paesi ad essa sogetti. Posciache trassicando con natione amica senza sospetto alcuno di gelosia, et con eguale correspondenza conservarebbe. Se stessa, et le fortune de suoi Cittadini.

Crederei parimente che reciproco ne dovesse fortire il benefitio alla natione Inglese attrahendo ne proprii stati trasichi di molta consideratione, che il tempo anderà sempre via piu augmentando, con sermar del pari nel Mediterraneo, e nell oceano il stabilimento de loro negotii.

Suppico donque V. A. serenissima de rissletere, se facendosi un decreto, che per l'avenire la natione Genovese sii trattata in tutti i stati d'Inghilterra, e provincie a lei sogette come Inglese, et con le istesse prerogative in testimonio della reciproca affettione di queste due nationi. Se si come io stimo che questo decreto inanimerà i cittadini Genovesi ad inanimare le loro facultà per questa strada, con benefitio della mia republica, e sua libertà; cosi debba l'stesso decreto essere di utile e benefitio alla natione Inglesa, per le molte, et evidenti ragioni, che non dubito soueniranno all' infinita prudenza di V. A. serenissima.

Io espongo questo mio pensiere in abozzo alla generosa bontà di V. A. serenissima supplicandola a darle forma, se lo troverà di qualche sosistenza, ò cancellarlo se non lo crederà tale. Mentre in me non vive altro desiderio, che del ben commune di queste due nationi.

V.

Deliver'd Jan. 23. 1654.

Humillissimo et devotissimo servitore,
Ugo Frelco. L.

To his highness the lord protector of the commonwealth of England and Ireland, &c.

The humble remonstrance and petition of the merchants adventurers of England residing at Hamburgh.

V. xxii. p.547.

Your highness's most humble petitioners, having received your highness's most gracious letters, being dated Dec. 22, 1654, directed to their deputy and company, do acknowledge it to have been their duty to have presented their humble answer, as deputy and company, in a court way, according to your highness's favourable directions and their obligation; but being denied that liberty, by a restraint imposed upon them, contrary to their constitutions (which they made bold to make known unto your highness by their late humble supplication) and perceiving little hopes of being restored to their privilege of acting in a court way in this affair, without your highness's special commands unto their deputy, they have found it necessary, in discharge of that dutiful satisfaction, which they are obliged to tender unto your highness, for prevention of the mischief intended by the restraint laid upon them, to wit, by their silence to render them more and more obnoxious unto your highness's displeasure, to make their humble address in the best way, that is left them, to give your highness an account of the counsels and actions of their court in those late proceedings, which they find by your highness's most gracious letters to have been misrepresented and complained of unto your highness.

In the first place, the petitioners desire, according to their bounden duty, most thankfully to acknowledge your highness's gracious inclinations to promote the welfare, and protect the government of their fellowship, so freely expressed to the company in general upon several occasions; which their brethren at London have made bold to present unto your highness and to this residence in particular, by that special protection and those extraordinary letters of grace, which your highness hath been pleased of late to vouchsafe unto them; wherein they find such bountiful emanations of your highness's favour continued unto them, notwithstanding the obstructions, which the misrepresentations of their actings in court in the settlement of their government might justly have occasioned, that they cannot sufficiently admire the patience and goodness, which your highness hath been pleased to exercise toward them, in those tender expostulations and most favourable constructions of their proceedings. The petitioners desire in all humility to acknowledge their unworthiness, and to look up unto God, and to give him the glory of this your highness's gracious disposition; and shall endeavour to give your highness the testimony of their sincerity herein, by their dutiful and obedient conversation.

In the next place, they humbly crave leave to wipe off that malignancy or disaffection to your highness and the commonwealth, wherewith they find their persons, their counsels, and their actions, especially in the late choice of their deputy, to have been aspersed unto your highness. To this end they hold it their duty briefly to represent the truth of their proceedings in that election; whence it may appear unto your highness, that their counsels and actions therein did no way proceed from any root or spirit of malignancy, neither was promoted by any particular persons influenced by your highness's prosessed enemies, as hath been suggested unto your highness (though very uncharitably and wrongfully) but took their rise from an honest and careful provision for the orderly government of the fellowship, and were carried on in a court way by the generality of the company.

According to the ancient practice of the fellowship, agreeable with their charter and privileges, in June last, the brethren of the fellowship being assembled to settle the government of the several residences, when they came to the election of their deputies, they found it expedient, and generally declared it by their hands to be their judgment for that time, to make choice of a martly deputy for this residence; in which election, as they gave mr. Bradshaw the preeminence, so they chose him with much unanimity and respect, and seconded their choice with their earnest intreaties for his acceptation; but mr. Bradshaw, contrary to their expectation, was pleased to decline their choice, yet shewed himself so far from being offended at their resolutions for a martly deputy, that he continued amongst them as a member of their court, and vigorously acted with them in the nomination of another person for that service. Thereupon the assembly were constrained, for the upholding of the government even of the whole fellowship, which otherwise must have fallen to the ground, to make choice of some other person; and accordingly pitched upon mr. Francis Townley, an ancient and orderly brother of the fellowship, and eminent amongst them for his good affections to the commonwealth, and in especial manner under your highness's most happy government.

That it is in the breast of the company orderly assembled, without declaring their reasons any other way than by erection of hands, to make choice of a martly deputy, or for what other term or continuance they shall find convenient, is that, which hath the warrants of their charters, the direction of their orders, and hath been the constant and frequent practice of the company in this and in other their residences. That the petitioners did, at their election in June last, make choice of a martly deputy, they do not only all in general, but each man in particular, ingeniously prosess, and solemnly protest, in the presence of Almighty God, that their proceedings therein did not in the least arise from any disaffection or disrespect to your highness's resident, or any influence, or intended prejudice or dishonour to your highness or the commonwealth, but merely from a necessary provision to prevent the presumptuous irregularities, which they found to be incroaching upon them, striking at the very root and foundation of their government; for some persons amongst them having by subtil insinuations and extraordinary obligations obtained an over-ruling interest in mr. Bradshaw, concluding him a perpetual, rather than an elective deputy, by reason of his publick character from your highness, which they observed the company most affectionately inclined to respect and reverence, began to introduce an extrajudicial jurisdiction, to the violation of their privileges, and perturbation of the peace and good government of the company; for the correction of which enormity, they judged it to be the most moderate way, and of least reflection or offence to mr. Bradshaw, for that one time to elect him deputy for the ensuing mart, having therein continued unto him the same preeminence, authority, and orderly jurisdiction, to all intents and purposes as fully as formerly, and only set a shorter time for the resuming of their election, in order to the aforementioned reformation; a remedy not only practicable by the prescriptions of this fellowship, but that which hath been approved and generally put in execution through all the councils of the nation upon the like occasions; to wit, by quickening the elections, and altering the sessions of those in the chair, to disappoint the introduction of arbitrary and illegal innovations.

Nevertheless some short time after the petitioners perceiving, that these their proceedings had been represented to your highness, as also to their brethren at London, with such sharp reflections upon their affections and respects to your highness in your publick minister, that it hath occasioned your highness to declare unto a committee of their brethren your resentments of their disrespects to your resident, in the unhandsom laying of him aside from the place of deputy; and likewise made their brethren themselves modest and backward in presenting to your highness their intended vindication of this court's proceedings, agreeable to their letters of approbation, which they prudently upon advice of that election wrote unto this court; the petitioners had no sooner notice of that your highness's displeasure, but forthwith, having ordered letters of vindication unto your highness and unto their brethren at London, without the least delay or hesitation, mr. Townley the deputy resigned his place; and the court, out of their most dutiful observances to your highness with much affection and chearfulness made choice of mr. Bradshaw to be their standing deputy for the year ensuing; which when the committee appointed to attend him made known unto him, and their entreaties for his acceptation, he was pleased upon the motion of the said committee very lovingly and readily to promise the remedy of those particulars, wherein he found the company aggrieved, and to endeavour the company's vindication to your highness to their general content and satisfaction. But mr. Bradshaw was no sooner set in the chair, but the aforementioned persons began to revive their aspersions and disorderly proceedings, to the great disturbance of the peace of the company; and never gave him rest, untill by their specious pretences they had again set on foot their former practices, and in an extrajudicial way caused a restraint to be laid upon the company's seal, impeding the sending forwards of those letters, which the court had prepared and ordered for your highness and their brethren at London's satisfaction.

The court notwithstanding at several conventions afterwards continued their desires and importunities for the sending forward of the said letters; and when they found, that they could not prevail for those, they proposed, that a committee might be appointed for the writing of some others, that so they might some way or other make known to your highness the truth of their proceedings, and thereby put themselves into a capacity of being discharged from your highness's resentments, and restored to a favourable good opinion; but the opposition of these persons was so violent, and their influence upon the deputy so prevalent, that the court could by no means obtain to have their desires ordered, nor so much as to be put to hands, though pressed by the major part, yea by the generality of the company.

The petitioners being reduced to this sad exigence, though it might very well have directed them to put in execution those remedies, which their orders had provided them; yet being sensible how boldly their most orderly actings had been lately misrepresented, and what strange ways had been used to cloud their respects to your highness's resident, and thereupon to engage him by his recommendation and prosecution to make these representations effectual to the provoking your highness's displeasure against the company; and finding a continued disposition and design in those persons, having obstructed all applications unto your highness from this court, and facilitated their own by their success in their late addresses through the resident to oppose and traduce all the actions of the court, which tended either to the justification of the court's proceedings, or the dishonour or correction of their disorders; the petitioners resolved a while to deny themselves in their just rights and principles, rather than to hazard your highness's farther resentments, through false and malicious informations, hoping withal, that this their patience and moderation might prove a means to allay the heat of those distempered spirits, and by degrees convincing them of their misapprehensions and misproceedings reduce them unto their due obedience to the order and government of the fellowship, and to a loving, peaceable and christian like union and conversation with the rest of their brethren.

Upon the receipt and publication of your highness's most gracious letters, the petitioners perceiving your highness's pleasure therein expressed, to have taken its rise, not from the chusing of a martly deputy, according to their privileges, but from the proceedings of particular persons therein, upon a principle of malignancy and disaffection to the affairs of the nation, to the dishonour of your highness and the commonwealth, and influenced by your highness's prosessed enemies, to the prejudice of the publick interest at home; and therefore commanding, that those persons (whom your highness, by the information that hath been given, concluded to have been the disturbers of the peace of the company) should be removed from amongst them; the petitioners, as they could not but stand amazed at these accusations, which they found to have been given in unto your highness, so that they might perform their duties with a suitable obedience to your highness's commands (to which they declared themselves most readily and affectionately inclined) it was proposed, that there might be a discovery made of those persons, that they might immediately and effectually proceed against them; but neither the resident deputy, nor any one of those discontented persons, no nor any member of the fellowship, could be found, that would charge any person or persons amongst them with the least malignancy or disaffection to your highness or the commonwealth. Nevertheless the deputy, and those discontented persons, declared it to be their judgments, that the having had a hand in the choice of a martly deputy was sufficient ground to deprive such members of their privilege in court; and thereupon proposed and pressed it with much violence, not only that some of those persons (which the deputy had been pleased to nominate) but that all the members of the fellowship, except themselves (being but 8 persons) should be turned out of the court, and so the government of this residence, and consequently of the whole fellowship depending upon it to remain in their hands, to be carried on in an arbitrary way, and to be left unto their pleasures to extend mercy to such of those their created delinquents, as should in the most humble and submissive manner apply themselves unto them for their grace and favour. The assembly, judging this proposition unreasonable and mischievous to the very being of the fellowship, and no ways agreeable with the tenor of your highness's commands, were forced to declare their judgments against it; and thereupon (for the prevention of any farther misunderstanding) they desired presently to consider of an answer unto your highness, and to give an account of these proceedings, that had passed upon the publication of your highness's most gracious letters. But their motion was most peremptorily contradicted by these 8 persons, and not suffered to put be to hands by the deputy. The government likewise denied to be settled, to the great prejudice of the affairs of the fellowship, and the assembly broke up and threatned to be represented disaffected and disobedient to your highness, for that they had refused to comply with them in their unjust and imperious proposition.

The petitioners having by this short and impartial narrative given your highness an account of their counsels and actions in their late choice of their deputy, together with the consequent designs and practices, that have been on foot ever since to misrepresent their proceedings therein under the notion of malignancy and disaffection, and thereby to occasion your highness's displeasure against them; they do humbly hope, that as your highness will now more clearly discern, who have been the disturbers of the peace and quiet of this society, so that your highness will graciously be pleased to be satisfied and assured in the good affection and sincere obedience of the petitioners unto your highness and the present government; wherein, as they have solemnly protested in the presence of the great God of heaven, that they have not in the least faultred in their late election, so they do most faithfully promise and engage their lives and fortunes, and all that is near and dear unto them, that their counsels as a court, and their actions as particular persons, shall be carefully and constantly disposed to as dutifull and affectionate conformity to your highness's gracious protection vouchsased unto them, and to a ready and chearful obedience unto your highness's pleasure and commands upon all occasions.

In consideration of the premises, the petitioners make bold humbly to pray;
That your highness will most graciously be pleased, not to leave it arbitrary in the power and breast of mr. Bradshaw to expel whom he shall please out of court upon a general charge of disaffection (occasioned many times from but differing from him in judgment, in debating the civil affairs of the fellowship) but that, if any such complaint have been made, or shall at any time hereafter be made, of any member of the fellowship here residing, that your highness will be pleased to cause a particular charge to be given in against the person accused, and a time set him to answer his accusation before your highness, or whom your highness shall appoint, before he be deprived of his privilege, and expelled the court; for that besides the severity of the proceedings, the disgrace of such an expulsion will so highly prejudice him in his reputation among strangers with whom he converseth, being a merchant, and living upon his credit, as that it may prove his ruin, yea his principals also, though never so well affected, and that probably beyond all reparation. That your highness will be pleased to countenance the company in the free exercise of their jurisdiction in court, according to their ancient practices and privileges (the best remedy, as they humbly conceive, for the present distempers amongst them) and in particular, that those propositions, which shall at any time be made in court, and judged by the major part of the members to be in order to the publick good of the fellowship in general, or this residence in particular, may not be disappointed, upon some few men's misconstructions, but orderly put to hands by the deputy, and concluded by the majority of votes, and accordingly put in execution.

And lastly, that your highness would be pleased to pardon the boldness of this their necessary address, to restore the petitioners to your highness's gracious and favourable apprehensions of them, and to continue unto them the irradiations of your highness's grace and goodness, which they shall make use of to enlighten and enliven their abilities, more and more to approve themselves, your highness's, in all humble, dutiful, and sincere obedience, the merchants adventurers of England residing in Hamburgh,
Fra. Townley
Tho. Ashwin
Leonard Scottt
Clement Clerke
Thomas Farrington
Henry Waynewright
William Edlin
Edward Halford
Thomas Scott
Isaac Cooke
Thomas Ruggells
Rich. Cluttterbooke
Daniell Milward
Edmond Starkey
Samuel Cooth
Thomas Walker
Richard Jenkinson
John Pococke
Francis Orange
Thomas Bennet
George Francklyn
Thomas Harington
Francis Anderson
Charles Andrews
Thomas Stanley
Thomas Dangerfield.

J. Bingham to secretary Thurloe.

Vol. xxxiv. p. 647.

Sir,
I was at Whitehale this afternoone to have kist his heighnes hand, was told he was ride out, and that you were not to be found; therefore puts me on this to you at present. The folloeing is a letter just now come to me; the coppy I have taken the boldnes to send you, and thus: syr, the caveleers whisper the plot soe loudly talkt on at court is nothing but a tricke of great Oliver's to affright the parliament into a compliance with the court. Truely whilst this is spread abroad, and very maney beleeve it, they meet, dance, feast, drinke, and act a knavish part in these parts. I thanke you for chiding me out of security, and surely you'le gaine by it. Syr, at col. Laurance's at the Grang in Isle Purbecke was col. Raymund, with others of Somersetsheire of note, where they had a cabal every neight. 'Tis newly whispered, if the pretender were in, and the crowne setled on's head, how sweetly he would governe, give a just and due consciencious liberty, and tak of taxes, and raise the price of land and al commoditys, and suffer no beger in the land; whereas the present goverment must be kept up by the sourd, and that sourd is and must be a vast charge to the peopel. These things have ben asleepe these divers years in these parts, but I remember the ould politicke vers, Regnabit sanguine multo regis ad imperium veniens ab exilio. Another sourte whisper, that the pretender's freinds have made an overture to marry the lord protector's daughter. These fine bables take amounst us. The caveleers have kept great christmases after the usuall time with sets of fidlers; a fine way to draw in the peopel in time of need. Major Uvedale, you know the man and his estate, he keept an open house for al comers; ne'ere did soe before. Major Butler kept noe house, but hath's meetings in seecret at mr. Thimbelbe's house, a papist by Minchington neere Cashmore 4 miles and a halfe from Blandford, and at Cashmore in, is now gon to Hatch by Buckland, as good as the other places. At yong squire Hid's at Horton, 8 miles from Blandford, is one Bragg, a parson, put in by Gyles Grene. He it was, that betrayed Portland castel to the caveleers at the first of our wars; at this fellow's house is tabled King Gardner, you know him, and one Thornehull; I wish I knew whither it be that man spoaken of in the news booke, taken up as one of the plot, at the aforesaid Thimbelbee's house met on tuesday night last John Fitz-James, Mathus of Wodsford, sir John Web's son of Canford, three other unknowne yong blades, well horsed, habited, and each a man waiteinge on them; yong Willowbey, the laddy Capel's butler, a notabel rogue for parts and courage, and ould Willoughby of Chetered, with blads which came from about Bemister, and, as in my last, several meetings and drinkeings at that Cashmore in, whose faces the neighbours ne'ere saw before. Every tuesday we must have a cocke match at Winburne, and the head of that game is your cuzen Litchett, which wil be made a stale by wiser then himselfe, if not prevented. Divers unknowne blads frequent that cockeing game. It's neere Poole, which would be made an isle you know in a short time. Our association is broaken into Somersetsheire. I hope it wil not goe beyond church matters. Wee have had lately bellum episcopale. I hope we shall ne're see that of clericale. Our ould scout T. L. is not yet returned from Blackemore, but ther's rogery to certainty, and soe there is about Bemister. One tells me just now, col. Lawrence's house is a wicket place; if that be true, that's now whispered me, we ar here betraied: I durst not yet affirme it; and that is that at Lulworth was a barque brought in armes and powder, and soe as to the other end of the isle of Purbecke neere Corfe towne, and all landed by night. I'll ride about it myselfe. By next you shall know more, if soe. For God's sake, syr, let's not be undun in an instant. If they ar as busy in other countys as in these parts, we ar like to have a sweet time speedily, had they armes. We hope the protector looks farther than after the debats in parliament. Excuse this troble, sent you by, syr,
Your's faithfully.

Thus much of the coppey of the leter, mr. secretary,
Youre faithful freind to serve you,
Jo. Bingham.

Vaux Hale, the 23d January, at 10 at neight, 1654.

Bordeaux, the French embassador in England, to count Brienne, secretary of state in France.

V. xxii. p. 427.

My lord,
The letter, which my express brought me to day, nor the present condition of my negotiation do not permit me to add any thing to my foregoing letter. I have demanded this day a conference to reform some novelties, which do appear to me to be in the article, which the secretary of the council hath sent me. The one doth concern the liberty, which the English do pretend to have, not to unlade their cannon at Blaye; and in the article concerning the ratification, therein the protector is mentioned before the king; and they have qualified the treaty with the title of peace; but I make no doubt, but all these manners of speaking will be altered, when we come to speak of them.

February 4, 1655. [N. S.]

Bordeaux to cardinal Mazarin.

V. xxii. p. 431.

My Lord,
I have received by the return of my express, who arrived here to day, the two letters, wherewith your eminence hath honoured me, bearing date the 27th January. My letter to mr. de Brienne will serve in answer to one of them. I will only add one thing concerning my negotiation, that the secretary of state sent me word to night, that he would come on saturday with my commissioners to finish the treaty, which was sent unto me to day, with some new clauses, upon which I do not believe here will be insisted. I will also take the liberty to tell your eminence, that I have always believed, that your opinions and judgments being most advantageous to the service of the king, and the interest of the people, would prevail above those of many persons, who under pretence of some false generosity do prefer vengeance before an accommodation. This constancy hath served for a rule to my conduct; and I hope it will be honoured by your approbation. If one do consider the condition of affairs of this country, and the quality of the minds with whom I have treated, they do seem disposed at present to unite more closely with France. And I will not fail to invite them to it, nor to speak unto them in the terms which your eminence hath prescribed. I will also omit no occasion to persuade the lord protector to restore those two ships, as soon as the agreement is perfected.

Your eminence will not yet see any bad consequence of the dissolution of the parliament, although the people here are very much troubled at it, when they think upon it, and there doth not appear any other motive of this action, than the reduction of the army.

I cannot yet get the speech of the protector. It is said, that he is agreed with the anabaptists, whom he will be forced to favour a little, since he hath distasted the presbyterians. Here is a new sect on foot, whom they call quakers. Their number is considerable throughout the provinces. They do pretend here, that it is for the advantage of the present state, that there are so many divisions in their religion, to the end that no one body should grow very considerable; and also the discourse of the lord protector doth hint, that he never fought against monarchy, but rather for liberty of conscience.

Here is no other discourse amongst the merchants than of the commerce to America, as if the fleet of England have made some conquest there already; and it is very certain, according to the relation of some come from the Barbados, that they were in expectation of the fleet there.

February 4. 1655. [N. S.]

Brienne to Bordeaux, the French embassador in England.

Paris, February 5, 1655. [N. S.]

V. xxii. p. 403.

My Lord,
I send you here inclosed the power, which you have sent for. It is transcribed upon that, which you have communicated to the commissioners deputed to enter into conference with you, and to resolve upon the conditions of the treaty. It hath only this difference, that no mention is made in it of mr. de Baas.

You may be pleased to observe all former orders mentioned in my last letters by the post, and that which I sent you by the express. I will tell you sincerely, that my joy will be extraordinary, when this important business shall be determined by you, to whom all the glory will redound. I shall add nothing more at present, having not yet received your letters.

Bordeaux, the French embassador in England, to Chanut the French embassador in Holland.

V. xxi. p. 462.

My lord,
It must needs be, that the post-masters upon the road have failed to send my letter; for I never omit to write by every ordinary. It doth seem now, as if the lords here are inclined to a peace, and an end is like to be put suddenly to my negotiation; but since I have been so often deceived in my conjectures, I will not engage to secure it from some small remisses. The Lord Nieupoort came this morning to make a compliment of congratulation upon that subject, presupposing, that all was concluded; but without doubt his chief design was to learn some news of me, which I did not conceal from him. He gave me an occasion to make some reproach to him of the lord Beverning; and I found by his discourse, that you should have sent to have welcomed him home, as the other foreign ministers at the Hague did observe. An Italian would not have stood more upon a formality. My lord protector hath not observed so much on the behalf of the parliament, whom he hath fairly dismiss'd, after five months turmoil to no purpose. Many differ in opinion about this business; some suppose, that it may cause new commotions, it being very much against the humour and affections of the people here in general, who do seem to affect parliaments; and that it had been more advantageous for him to have had his lawful title from them to have settled him. Others believe it as convenient for him to dissolve them, thereby to maintain his authority. I will send you his discourse as soon as I can get it; all those that heard it, did take notice of many curious passages in it.

February 5, 1655. [N. S.]

Cardinal Mazarin to Bordeaux the French embassador in England.

February 6, 1655. [N. S.]

In the possession of the right honourable Philip lord Hardwicke, lord high chancellor of Great-Britain.

My lord,
Your letter of the 28th of January doth confirm what I writ you in my foregoing of the facility, which you would find to conclude the accommodation, according to the last instructions, which were sent you; since I perceive some inclination in those, with whom you treat, to be willing to yield in the point of arbitrage. We expect to hear what you have done in pursuance of those instructions; and I am very desirous to know what col. Lyon will do in the business, since mr. Talmont doth refuse to give security for the said colonel. It is more than time, that that business was determined, that I might know what to trust to. I pray be very inquisitive into that proposition, that hath been made you of raising the like number of English.

Mr. Thomas Herbert, clerk of the council in Ireland, to secretary Thurloe.

In the possession of the right honourable Philip lord Hardwicke, lord high chancellor of Great-Britain.

Right honorable,
I am comanded by my lord deputie and councel, to acquaint you, that upon some notice they had from the diurnalls received by the last week's pacquet, that collonell William Eyre was a complotter in the late conspiracy in England; and consideration they had of his former levelling principle, they thought fitt to secure his person at his landing yesterday at Dublin. Hee is in safe custody with the sergeant at armes, untill his highnes the lord protector's pleasure be signified, how hee shall further be disposed of; which yow are desired to represent so soone as may be thought convenient. Divers, that came over with him, have been examined. Capt. Draper, one of them, saith, that hee was informed by one Penniworth a chandler in Black-friers, where coll. Eyre lodged, that a party of the horse had been in search for him there the day after his departure. I have but this from my self, that I am

Dublin, Jan. 27. 1654.

Your honor's
humble servant,
Thomas Herbert.

The examination of Nicholas Bagenall, esq; taken Jan. 27. 1654:

[Taken by secretary Thurloe.]

V. xxii. p. 449.

Who faith, that about three or four months since, he being in Wales, had a commission delivered unto him, signed Charles Stuart, for a regiment of horse to consist of about 1000 horse. And being asked, who delivered the same unto him, he faith, he will not discover now who he was. And being asked, if he did not at the last time he was before his highness say, that he had it from mr. Nicholas Bailey, there being also several other persons by, faith, that he will not say what he then said, nor will now discover him to save his own life, for that he had rather die himself than be a witness against him, because he is his friend; but faith, that if his highness will promise unto him the life of the said Nicholas Bailey, he will then confess the whole matter. He being farther asked, whether the said Bailey had not another commission for himself for a regiment of foot, he faith, he can make no answer thereunto.

Nicholas Bagenall.

V. xxii. p. 451.

Memorandum,
That Nicholas Bagenall, esq; being examined before his highness, concerning some commissions, which he and others had from the king, said, that he had a commission himself from the king, for a regiment of 1000 horse; and that he had that commission delivered unto him by mr. Nicholas Bailey, his kinsman; and that the said Nicholas Bailey had another commission for himself for a regiment of foot; and that he was to raise his horse in Wales, and was to rise, when the king did land in England.

Nicholas Bagenall.

The farther examination of Nicholas Bagenall, esq; taken Jan. 27, 1654.

[Taken by secretary Thurloe.]

V. xxii. p. 447.

Who faith, that he being at the house of mr. Nicholas Bailey, his kinsman, in the county of Caernarvan, about August last, the said mr. Bailey did acquaint him, that there was a design for bringing in the king, meaning Charles Stuart; and that there would very speedily be an army landed from France, on the behalf of the said King; and demanded of this examinate, whether he would take a commission for raising a regiment of horse for the said king, which this examinate doth confess he promised that he would, and act as far for him as he was able, when he saw the army aforesaid landed, or had certain intelligence of the time when they would land. Whereupon the said mr. Bailey promised to procure him a commission; and said, that he had accepted of one himself to raise a regiment of foot. And farther faith, that accordingly the examinate being again at the house of the said mr. Bailey, the said mr. Bailey did deliver him a commission, signed Charles R. for raising a regiment of horse for the service aforesaid. And then told him, that the business would be suddenly. And being asked, where the said Bailey had the aforesaid commissions, he faith, that mr. Bailey told him, he had them of one col. Stephens, with whom the examinate spake in the country at the house of the said examinate, at which time the said Stephens was going for Ireland, concerning raising of men for Spain. And being asked, what discourse he had at that or at any other time with the said Stephens, about the aforesaid business, faith, that he met with him once or twice here in London, where Stephens told him, that the French army was suddenly to come over; and that the examinate should suddenly hear farther of it. And being asked, what other persons the said mr. Bailey did give commissions to, or did acquaint with this business, he faith, he did not tell this examinate, whether he did give any commissions to any other persons whatsoever, but told him, that he had acquainted his brother, doctor Bailey, therewith.

Nicholas Bagenall.

And being asked where his commission was, he said, he had it near his house in a box in the ground.

The examination of col. William Eyres, prisoner, taken Jan. 27, 1654.

V. xxii. p. 457.

Saith, that captain Draper and he agreed together to come out of London the 2d day of January instant; that accordingly he set forth that day towards Chester, but (as he heard afterwards) the said captain staid a week longer to have the better accommodation, for he came down in a coach with the lady Cotes to Chester, 7 days after. He farther saith, that he saw none of those, that were abroad with him, until he came to Chester or Nesson, where he took ship. And concerning Prior (once an agitator and prisoner with him about the levelling business) saith, that he hath not seen him these two months, about which time the said prisoner visited him at his lodging, at one mr. Penincoat's, in Blackfriers, and well remembers, that at that time some discourse passed betwixt them relating to the old engagement at Tripplo-heath near Newmarket, to this effect, that if they (the said colonel and Prior) did not do their utmost endeavour to make good what they had here engaged, and elsewhere fought for, they could not clear themselves from kingmurtherers. The said examinate farther saith, that he knows not whether the said Prior hath not since that time engaged himself, or acted any unwarrantable thing or no, having since that discourse with him never seen him nor heard from him; and supposes that Prior could not ground any thing of particular advice from him, other than as abovesaid, and such general words as this that followeth; that it was both their duties to consider, wherefore they engaged and fought against the last king and cavaliers; and whether the main cause was not for removing the arbitrary power exercised over the people by his will; and that they were bound to do their endeavour to hold forth a foundation of wholesom laws established by a legal representative for preservation of themselves and their posterity for the future; and that there might be a clear distinction 'twixt government and governor; the said colonel telling Prior withal, that the word ruler was derived from rule; and that where there was not rule, there needed no ruler; and that if the ruler went contrary to the rule, that ruler was to be cut off, going contrary to that rule, and for which the king lost his head, and without which the said col. did then declare it was impossible for a nation to be happy; withal averring, that if government did consist in persons, they had better to have been under king and lords; but at Newmarket they did declare the contrary, and abhor to center in any person or faction; or that any arbitrary power should be exercised or established, save in the people, whose right it was, and who had accordingly stood up to defend their liberty. He remembreth farther, that he then told Prior, that for his part he loved the lord protector's person, and honoured him; and that if the power must be in one single person, rather he than another; but that the best of men being subject to be corrupted, he would therefore have such a foundation of government, that in case he went contrary to that foundation, the government to cut him off, and remove him immediately; which government he should venture his life for, if he had a thousand lives; and other words to that effect, being of one opinion as to that principle. This examinate farther remembreth, that at the same time this discourse passed betwixt them, he, this examinate, shewed the said Prior a paper, which this examinate by chance found, and took about 7 days before near the Wardrobe in Black-friers, which the said Prior made a shift to read. It was an exhortation for the officers and soldiers, and others of the army, to do their best to own what they had first fought for, against king and cavalier, and to oppose all that should stand against that freedom, and to endeavour to free them from all slavery and oppression whatsoever. He this examinate farther declareth, that according to his principle he feareth not, nor forbeareth in all places and times to declare his judgment, but denieth, that he hath acted any thing either against the lord protector or the government. Being demanded, why he returned unto Ireland at this time, this examinate saith, that it was to obey an order of the court of claims in Dublin, which required his personal being there upon the first of February ensuing; and desires that the lord deputy and council would not let his restraint prejudice him in his trial about his interest in Shelelagh-woods, but that he may have the liberty to instruct council in the case; and another was, that at Nesson, hearing captain Draper report, that a party was to seek for him at his lodging in Black-friers, the night after he took horse for Chester, he did say, he believed he should be confined at his coming to Dublin, upon such a report; and that if his suit would suffer it, he could have returned to London, to answer what could be charged upon him. And farther saith not.

Taken before Thomas Herbert, clerk of the council [of Ireland.]

Nicholas Bayly's confession to the protector.

V. xv. p. 558.

May it please your highnes,
I must acknowledg, that I had often discourst with mr. Bagenall concerning the king of Scotts, and about the begining of October last, as I remember, he being att my hous, we tooke an ocasion to speake to him, and to express much readiness to serve him. Wee alsoe wished, that if any such thing were designed, wee might not be unacquainted with it; and alsoe promised, that he that first should come to know any such thing, should emediately informe the others. Within a little tyme after, some privat ocasion of my owne calling me to London, as I was one morning walking in Grais-inn-walkes, I hapned to fall into discourse with a gentleman, that I never saw before, in whos convers I found that satisfaction, that I exprest a desier of a further acquaintance with him, nor did he decline it, but made me a retourne of much civillity, which drew on a promise of meeting the next day, which acordingly wee did in the Mitter taverne neer Temple barr, wher we weer not long together, as strangers, but being men of the same principles, wee quickly knitt a frendshipp, wher before wee parted, he told me, that he had heard my name before mentioned by a frend of his, that gave a carecter of me, that agreed with his owne judgment; and that if I would meet him on the friday following, I should see the confidence he had in me; and if I weer one that did entend what I profest, he would shew me an ocasion, that would be offered to shew my loyalty. To which I answered, that I would not faile to wayte on him, if he would be pleased to name the place. He told me, he would not goe often to the same place, because he would not, that any should observe him. Wherupon we apointed to meet att the Castle taverne in the Strand on the monday following, by one of the clock, wher we mett, and had not satt long, but he drawes out a paper, and tells me, that the sight of that was the thing, that he entended to entrust me withall, which he sayd he would not shew to any thing that he thought was not a gentleman and a very honest man. Wherupon he shewed me a letter; uppon the topp whereof was written C. R. the contents wherof were, that he should be carefull of his business, and very wary, who he engaged; and that he should be shure they were honest men; and that by the next he should receave further instructions. This with his owne expressions gave me ocasion to beleeve, that he was imployed; and from that tyme I tooke him for an agent. He then asked me, if I intended to act, what comission I expected. I told him for a regiment of foote; and if he would procure me a comission to be governor of Denby castle, I did not dout but to give a good acount of it; to which he answered, that I should find him walking in the piazza at three a clocke the next day, wher I should receave the aforesayd comissions from him. I alsoe told him, that I knew a gentleman, that would engage, of a good family and fortune, if he had comission for a regiment of horse (which he both did and might well expect) and were ashured, that the desine were well layd, and persons of honor and creditt were concerned in it. To which he answered, that I should alsoe have a comission for him, and alsoe asked his name. I tould him he was a very honest gentleman, to which he replied he had trusted me, and that I need not be cautious of him; upon which I gave him his name, which seemed to please him well, as if he had heard of him before. He told me alsoe, we should not want seconds; and that the desine was soe layd, that nothing could ruin it but discovery. I then told him, that I was to goe out of towne within a day or two, and desierd that I might hear more from him, which he promised I should; and alsoe told me, that he beleeved wee should be in action shortly. Soe we parted and next day mett acording to promise, wher he delivered me the aforesayd comissions. I forgott to insert, that at our first meeting he told me his name was Thomas Hart, and att this last meeting I enquired of him, wher his lodging was, but found him somewhat shie, and pressed him noe further; and often ashed him who thos frends were, that should second us, and his answer was, that I must pardon him; for it was soe ordered, that not above tow should speake together att a tyme, nor any of thos tow should speak to the other of any other person, that was interessed in the business; whereby if it should soe happen, that if any of those tow were discoverd, that they should not be able to enforme of the rest. Which is the cause, that I can give noe further light in this business. About a fortnight after my coming home he writ to me to stir very litle in that business I knew of, for it was put of for three months; neither did I impart it to any person but mr. Bagenall and my brother, nether did I ever hear from him since. He alsoe in that letter mentioned, that he was to goe into France. If what I have sed may deserve your highnesse's mercy, I ever shall make it my study to deserve it, and with much willingness sacrifice my life in your service, as an argument of my gratitude.

Nicholas Bayly.

Jan. 28, 1654.

Mr. W. Wray to Gilbert Mabbot, esq;

V. xxii. p. 461.

Sir,
Since my last to you, I have discovered a plott, that was to surprize both these garrisons, which if I had not been carefull in preventing, by lyeing in the castle myselfe, it would have beene effected ere this; therefore you may consider in what condition wee are in for want of a recruite of amunition. I shall once more intreate your care in hastening me an order for the same. I ad no more, but that I am, Sir,
Beaumaris, Jan. 28, 1654.

Your assured freind and servant,
William Wray.

I shall desire you to excuse me soe often troubling of you. Hee that was to surprize mee is secured in London, one mr. Nicholas Bagenall. If you would procure mee an order, I would * * * endeavour to secure more of them, whom I very much suspect, as alsoe armes and amunition. Let the charge you are at by my letters be putt to my account,
W. W.

The superscription, To his bonnored freind,
Gilbert Mabbot, esq; these, Ax Yard in King-street, London.

Bordeaux, the French embassador in England, to Brienne.

V. xxii. p. 477.

My lord,
I had not till this night conference with my commissioners, who are agreed to change some expressions, but not as to the proposition, which I made unto them of assisting the enemies and rebels of each other. And their denial hath no other ground, than that the present treaty doth only regard the recalling of letters of marque. That it will be time enough to adjust the said article, when a nearer union shall be made. That in the mean time the present intention of the lord protector is, not to give any assistance to our enemies. I did not think fit to make a new obstacle by insisting upon that clause; nor also upon the restitution of our forts, whereof the demand is reserved under the term of damages sustained; and having brought all these facilities for acompliance, I thought I should have an end of my negotiation; yet notwithstanding there hath been some reformation found to be made in the secret article, which the said commissioners would not agree unto, till they have made report, and they have received the demand of the payment of the debts contracted by de Cezi and de Marcheville, they would not be satisfied with any verbal assurance, that I was able to give them; pretending that I should oblige myself in writing for the payment of that debt here in a short time. And after some sharp words, which had passed between us, in regard they made unto me more pressing propositions than the interessed, whom I had persuaded to stay six weeks after the conclusion of the general treaty before any treaty should be had with them, in the end we parted without resolving upon any thing, they alledging they had not power to change any thing; nor I believing that I ought to promise the payment so presently. I will send to morrow for the creditors to find some proviso, if they be not excited by the heir of Gresne and Auger, I may bring them to reason, whose cousin is here lately arrived; but he doth excuse himself from coming to see me, till the protector hath given him leave.

Feb. 8, 1655. [N. S.]

Bordeaux to Brienne.

V. xxii. p. 483.

My Lord,
My foregoing letter did inform your lordship of the state of my negotiation. There hath happened no alteration in it since; and as well my commissioners, as the secretary of state, to whom I sent to day, do affect to declare, that the protector will sooner break than yield to the two conditions, which do make the stop at present, without giving any other reasons, than that the one is new, and that the other is understood by the cessation of arms. I must confess, I have always been inclined to endeavour an ac commodation; but however my inclination now will carry me to be more backward in seeking it than I have been; and the occasion of all these small difficulties doth proceed from the advice which is given them here from France, that I have order to sign the treaty as it should be presented unto me. Here is a very great calm again. The conspiracy is now blown over. The four last prisoners are sent to several castles.

Feb. 8, 1655. [N. S.]

Bordeaux to cardinal Mazarin.

V. xxii. p. 485.

My Lord,
I will add nothing to the duplicate of my letter to monsr. de Brienne concerning the affairs; only I will conform my self to your eminence's order. I continue to treat with another colonel, for fear colonel Lyon should not find caution at Paris, whither he is gone for that purpose. I am to have a last answer from him whom I am now in hand with to morrow morning, whether he be able to raise 2000 Scotts. My treaty is deferred from being determined for some short time.

Feb. 8, 1655. [N. S.]

An intercepted letter.

In the possession of the right honourable Philip lord Hardwicke, lord high chancellor of Great-Britain.

Gent.
Wee presume you mind all those interests deare unto you so much, that now in this nick of time, when good effects are expected by your agents, sir Robert Talbott, mr. Seagraves, and mr. Patricke Bryan's negotiation in London, you will not be wanting to their supplyes. There is a levy for them in these counties, and wee have alreadie found some fruits of there labours by the tolleration hitherto; and it were fatall should there endeavours be retarded, and for want of supplyes to sett on the worke. Wee have discoursed more particularly of this with the bearer mr. Dowling; and pray you will bestirr yourselves so far, as to gett the sume of tenn pounds amongst yourselves, and let it be sent with all speed to mr. Christ. Cusacke of Ratharlan, from whom from time to time you will know there proceedings. So wee rest
Dublyn, Jan. 29, 1654.

Your assured freinds to serve you,
Pa. Netterville,
Law. Dowdall,
John Bellew.

For Ferald John Ferald and Faghan Ferald of the county of Longford, esq;

The examination of sir Henry Lyttelton, taken this 29th of Jan. 1654. in the Tower.

[By secretary Thurloe.]

V. xv. p. 562.

Who saith, that he being named high sheriff for the county of Worcester by his highness the lord protector, did give directions unto his brother, mr. Charles Lyttelton, to buy him forty pair of pistols for his men to ride with, he intending to have so many liveries to attend him at the assizes; and that his brother did buy for him accordingly 40 pair of pistols with holsters, and sent them down to him, in two boxes, by Rose, carrier of Bromsgrove; which he saith was about 5 weeks since. And being asked, what he paid for those pistols, and of whom his brother had them, as to the first, he saith, that he doth not well know what they cost, but gave directions to his brother to buy pistols of about 20 s. a pair, and believes they cost about that price; and saith, he did give directions to his brother, to take money of one mr. Lloyd, living in Drury-lane (who had 50 l. of his in his hands, which he had returned to him from Worcester) to pay for them with, and believes, that his said brother had 30 l. of him for that purpose; but how much he laid out of it, he cannot tell, neither did he ever ask an account of him, although his brother was returned from London to his house, and had been with him some days. And as to the other question, of whom his said brother bought the pistols, he saith he knows not, nor did his brother ever acquaint him; and being asked, whether he did tell him, that he had them of major Norwood, he saith, he did not; and saith, that it might be a fortnight between his giving directions for buying the pistols, and sending them down. And being asked, whether he did not write to his brother to take the pistols of major Norwood, he saith, he did not, nor had ever any discourse about him. He saith, that he knows the said Norwood, and hath sometimes met him, and spake with him, but never spake with him about the king of Scots, or any of his affairs; and saith, that he spake with him a while after the said Norwood was apprehended the last summer, and set at liberty again, when he met him at the examinate's mother's house in St. Martin'slane; and saith, that he doth not remember he ever spake with the said Norwood since. And being asked, whether the soldiers, that seized him, did not search for arms, and whether he did not deny to have any arms in his house, he confesseth they did, and that he did deny the arms; and that the soldiers were told, that pewter and brass were brought in the boxes, wherein the pistols were brought; and the reason thereof he saith was, because he feared the soldiers would have offered some violence, in case they had found arms in his house; but saith, the pistols were not very diligently hid, for they were within a place in his study, easy enough to be seen. And the examinate doth deny, that he had or hath any knowledge of any design for the king of Scots; or that he intended to make any use of the said pistols than as aforesaid. And being asked, what money he sent by his brother to London, when he came up as aforesaid, he saith, he sent none at all by him.

H. Lyttelton.

The examination of major Henry Norwood, taken this 29th of Jan. 1654.

[Taken by secretary Thurloe.]

V. xxii. p. 489.

Saith, that he did provide 40 pair of pistols and holsters for mr. Charles Lyttelton, and at his direction, which was about 6 weeks before he was committed to the tower, as far as he remembers; and also 29 saddles of leather near about a colour, which saddles he this examinate bought of a sadler in Fleet-street at the sign of the Angel, whose name is Chevall, of whom he bought 20 more, which yet remain with him in his shop, for ought he knows; and the pistols he bought of one living at the Cross Guns in Covent Garden, named Shelton; that the arms and saddles were provided at the desire of the said Charles Lyttelton for his brother for his sheriffalty, as the said Charles told him. He saith also, he sent unto him 20 carbines at the same time, which he the said Charles did not bespeak, but he sent them of his own accord. He saith, the things aforesaid were sent from an inn in St. Giles's, and were directed upon the backside by one mr. Lloyd.

And he being asked, what the name of the person was, which he called by the name of Tomlyns, and that met him at Crone's the vintner with Custis and Glover, he saith, he knows not that he hath any other name than Tomlyns. And saith, that the person now produced and shewed unto him is that person; and that he doth not know that his name is mr. Rowland Thomas, but saith, it was he that had or was to have the 50 l. of mr. Custis for 50 l. in silver.

And being asked, whether he knew sir John Packington of Worcestershire, he saith, he did, and should have sent him a calk of wine into the country, and have gone to his house to have hunted with him; but saith he did not, but denies that he sent him any arms.

And being asked, when he saw sir Henry Lyttelton, he says, he thinks he saw him and spake with him the last term; but saith, he had no discourse with him about the king's affairs.

H. Norwood.

General Monck to secretary Thurloe.

V. xxii. p. 491.

Sir,
I Received your leter of the 23d of January, and I hope now wee shall have busines soe settled, that wee come not on free quarter either in England or Scotland. Truely we are fifteene weekes pay behinde yesterday, and of the 20,000 l. comeing to us, there must 15000 l. goe to cleere us off till yesterday. Soe that we shall have but 5000 l. and fifteene weekes paye due; and without a speedy course for supplying the wants of the soldior, wee shall bee in an ill condition: but I hope now it will bee prevented. Heere is litle newes, but that col. Brayne, comeing to me on some extraordinary busines, and captain Nicholls with him, had the ill happ to bee taken in the hills by Mac Naughton and his party; but I hope to gett them released uppon the lord Lorne's capitulation for his comeing in. There's noe body (I heare of) troubled at the disolveing of the parlement; but the privat soldiors are now in hopes to gett some money. I am, sir, your most affectionat and humble servant,
George Monck.

Dalkeith, Jan. 30, 1654.

A letter of intelligence to mr. Petit.

Paris the 10 Feb./31 Jan. 1654/5.

V.xxii. p.577.

The king continuing the pastime of this season, has danced and caused the repetition of a masque named the recreations of the countries.

His majesty has newly caused the departure of the companies of his guards, namely, 10 French and 10 Swissers, to go to Picardy, to join a body, which is framed there on purpose to cast a great convoy in Quesnoy, which the enemies seem to put themselves in posture to hinder; the count of Bucqoy, governor of Haynault, assembling troops to that purpose. He is not thought able to hinder it, and I hear, that the mareschal of Turenne will part from hence within two days to go and lead the said convoy, and fight the enemies, in case they appear.

Sunday last there arrived in this city an extraordinary post from Rome, dispatched from mr. Lionne, the king's embassador in that court, who informs us, that the cardinals shut themselves up in the conclave the 17/7 Jan. that the said mr. Lionne arrived there the 22/12 of the same, and the next day received audience of the college of the said cardinals through the window of the said conclave. That the 27/17, which was the day of the said post's departure, there was no pope elected; and that the cardinals most spoken of as to the succession of that place were, the cardinal Carpegna, Fiorensola, Brancassio, and Rapaccioli; and that it was thought the said conclave would last long.

The circular letters written by the cardinal of Retz unto the bishops of this kingdom hath been declared injurious unto the king, tending unto the perturbation of the publick peace; and as such, hath been burnt by the hangman's hands, according to the here annexed print I send you. The bishop of Laugres is dead; and it's thought his archbishoprick, which is one of the ecclesiastical peer-duchies, will be given unto the abbot de la Riviere, according unto the promise he had thereof from this court, that he should be put into the first empty one.

The wedding of mareschal de la Meilleraye's son with one of the cardinal's nieces is quite overthrown. It's said the king intends shortly to Lyons.

Colonel Anselme's letter in defence of himself, with regard to the late rising, to sir Oliver Fleming.

V.xxii.p.215.

Sir Oliver,
Yesterday I had this letter delivered to me, but by reson of an extreem cold, I went to bede not thinking of it, tell this morning, and when I founde this durty paper so foull of mallis as it is, I thought good to communicat it to you, as knowing you to be a person, that really loves and honnores his hines. If I may have any derexsiones from you, what I shall doe in this, I shall solo them; otherwaies I am resolved, if any body comes to speke with me about it, to sese one them for afronte they have don me to thinke me so much a foul or a knave, as to medell with any of thar treasones, which loukes after nothinge but the rowen of my contre. Pray lett me receve your commands, if I may be sarvisable in this or any thing eles, and I doe ashour you, it shall be puntually obaed by,
Honored sir,

Your reall and faithfull sarvant,
William Anselme.

At your lodginge this sonday morning.

You shall allwayes here of me at Dorset-hous, and when you will command me, I shall wate one you.

To colonel Anselm.

V.xxii.p.213.

Most worthy colonel,
It is a greate joye to many thousands of your well affected countrie men, to see your safe arivall here in Ingland, after soe manie gallant servises done for the kinge of Spaine to your eternall honour, and our natetion. Although you had beene hardly used by the ministers of Spaine since the death of your deere generall Beck, yett it is a great mercie of God, that you are here at this time, wherein you may soe well fearve your counterie, as wee raieally belive you will, which will be a great adicion to your honnor, to free your countrye from the great tyrinany, which it is nowe in, as this declaracion will informe you at lardge. In short you are choiese to be one of the chiffe comaunders, and in smale tyme there wil be forthy thousand in armes to justifie our undertakeings. Wee conjure you, by all that is good, and as you love your life, to be secret, and you shall feind the benefitt thereof. You shall be spoake withall vereie suddenly from
Your faithfull freinds and countremen,
4000
——
1000
——
1000
——
2000

The superscription,
For the right honncrable coronell William Anfelme,
master de campo, and one of the counsell of warr to his masties the king of Spaine, these, at Dorsethouse in Salisberry-courte.

A catalogue of the names of the members of the last parliament, whereof those marked with a starre were for the godly learned ministry and universities.

V. xxiii.p.271.

Berks.

*Samuel Dunch
Vincent Goddard
*Thomas Wood.

Bedford.

Nathaniel Taylor
Edward Cater.

Buckingham.

*George Fleetwood
*George Baldwin.

Cambridge.

*John Sadler
Thomas French
*Robert Castle
*Samuel Warner.

Chester.

*Robert Duckenfield
Henry Birkenhead.

Four northern counties.

*Charles Howard
*Robert Fenwick
*Henry Dawson
*Henry Ogle.

Cornwall.

Robert Bennet
Francis Langdon
*Anthony Rous
John Bawden.

Derby.

*Jervas Bennet
*Nathaniel Barton.

Devon.

*George Monk, one of the
generals at sea
John Carew
*Thomas Sanders
*Christopher Martin
*James Erisey
*Francis Rous
Richard Sweet.

Dorset.

*William Sydenham
*John Bingham.

Essex.

*Joachim Matthews
Henry Barrington
*John Brewster
Christopher Earl
*Dudley Templet.

Gloucester.

John Crosts
*William Neast
Robert Holmes.

Southampton.

*Richard Norton
*Richard Major
*John Hildesley.

Hertfort.

*John Lawrence
William Reeve.

Hereford.

Wroth Rogers
John Herring.

Huntington.

*Edward Montague
*Stephen Phefaunt.

Kent.

*Lord Viscount Lisle
Thomas Blount
William Kenrick
*William Cullen
Andrew Broughton.

Lancaster.

William West
John Sawrey
*Robert Cunliff

Leicester.

Henry Danvers
*Edward Smith
*John Prat.

Lincoln.

*Sir William Brownlow
Richard Cust
*Barnaby Bowtel
*Humphry Walcot
*William Thompson.

Middlesex.

*Sir William Roberts
*Augustine Wingfield
Arthur Squib.

Monmouth.

*Philip Jones.

Northampton.

Sir Gilbert Pickering
Thomas Brook.

Norfolk.

Robert Jermy
*Tobias Frere
*Ralph Wolmer
*Henry King
William Burton.

Notingham.

*John Oddinsels
*Edward Clud.

Oxon.

*Sir Charles Worsley
William Draper
*Dr. Jonathan Goddard.

Rutland.

*Edward Horsman.

Salop. William Bottrel
Thomas Baker.

Stafford.

George Bellot
John Chetwood.

Suffolk.

Jacob Caley
*Francis Brewster
Robert Duntron
*John Clark
Edward Plumstead.

Somerset.

*Robert Blake, one of the
Generals at sea.

John Pyne
Dennis Hollister
*Henry Henley.

Surrey.

Samuel Higland
Lawrence March.

Suffex.

Anthony Stapley
William Spence
Nathaniel Studeley.

Warwick.

*John St. Nicholas
*Richard Lucy.

Wilts.

*Sir Anth. Ashley Cooper
Nicholas Green
Thomas Eyre.

Worcester.

*Richard Salway
John James.

York.

*George Lord Eure
*Walter Strickland *Francis Lassels
John Anlaby
*Thomas Dickenson
Thomas St. Nicholas
Roger Coats
*Edward Gill.

London.

*Robert Tichborn
John Ireton
Samuel Moyer
*John Langley
*John Stone
*Henry Barton
Praise God Barbone.

Wales.

Bushy Mansel
*James Philips
John Williams
Hugh Courtney
Richard Price
John Brown

Scotland.

Sir James Hope
*Alexander Bredy
John Swinton
*William Lockart
Alexander Jeffries.

Ireland.

*Sir Robert King
*Colonel John Hewson
*Colonel Henry Cromwell
*Colonel John Clark
*Daniel Hutchinson
*Vincent Gookyn
*Lord General
*Major General Lambert
Major General Harrison
*Major General Desborow
*Colonel Matthew Tomlinson.

LONDON:

Printed by A. M. 1654.

William Tomson to the protector.

V. xxiii. p.75.

May it please your highnesse,
It is the most unfortunate and strange rancounter I have in the passage of my life mett with, that after so manie addresses, as I have made to your highnes, and so long time as I have waieted, it haeth not yet pleased you to let mee hear from you eather by waie of incourragement to serve your highnes, or by waie of command not further to truble you; in boeth which your highnes should have found mee punctuallye obedient. I am verie censible of your highnes great imployment is accompined with manie and great trubles; and that you are not wanting of persons boeth for ablenes and trust fitt to manage all your highness great and honorable undertakeings, without taking notice of what may bee presented to you by anie, who have heartofore in gaged againest the parlament. Yet when I call to minde, that so soone as I understood your highnes had desolved the long parlament, and that the goverment in England began to looke monarchall under your command, I imediately gave your highnes an acount of the Scotch king's intentions to remove from France 8 moenthes before hee departed; and also intimated to your highnes the ernest indevours, that wear used to widne the differenses betwixt you and the Dutch, and draw them to have taken the king of Scot's part againest you; and that I also at that tyme gave your highnes reasons, what daneger thear was in continuinge the warr with Holland, and the little fear thear was, as the present condition of affaieres then ftood in France, to suspect daneger from them, or haestne any tretie of peace with them, that might bee disadvantagious to you. I likewise hinted some other things of confernement to your highnes, which I will not now mention; all which considered, I looke uppon myselfe as not to have donn your highnes anie ill office, since God haeth giveen to you, and you accepted the goverment of thes dominions; but on the contrarie, have indevoured to serve your highnes to such a height, as if I might have resaved your command and incurragement. I am confident, that before this tyme I might have doon you some service, for which I might have deserved your highnes good opinion.

I will not in this longer truble your highnes, then whilest I acquainte you, that if you please to send for sir Jarvise Lucas, who lodges at captaine Bushel's, hee will informe you some thinges not so fitt for me to mention in writing. I moest humbly beseech your highnes, this may bee managed with all possible secresie, in regard I have named a gentleman of whose reputation I desire to bee verie carefull, beinge confident your highnes will uppon discourse with him finde him to bee what reallye I am, which is, your highnes moest dutifull and obedient subject and servant,

Will. Tomson.

Callis, Feb. 10, 1654. [N. S.]