State Papers, 1659: November (1 of 2)

A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 7, March 1658 - May 1660. Originally published by Fletcher Gyles, London, 1742.

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, 'State Papers, 1659: November (1 of 2)', in A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 7, March 1658 - May 1660, (London, 1742) pp. 771-781. British History Online [accessed 26 May 2024].

. "State Papers, 1659: November (1 of 2)", in A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 7, March 1658 - May 1660, (London, 1742) 771-781. British History Online, accessed May 26, 2024,

. "State Papers, 1659: November (1 of 2)", A Collection of the State Papers of John Thurloe, Volume 7, March 1658 - May 1660, (London, 1742). 771-781. British History Online. Web. 26 May 2024,

In this section

November (1 of 2)

The humble representation of colonel Morley, and some other late officers of the army, to general Fleetwood.

In the possession of the editor.

May it please your Lordship,
As we are Englishmen and Christians, as we have been imbarqued from the beginning of the wars, have borne our shares in the burden and heat of the day, are commissioned by the parliament, as other officers of the army are, and look upon ourselves and our families as concerned in the weal or the woe of the land of our nativity, we cannot neglect any means, that may prevent, or be parties to any thing, that may promote, the destruction of this poor nation. And therefore beholding with sad and bleeding hearts the late renewed breach made upon this parliament, the consequence whereof will be in more than probable conjecture, not only the rendering of all the blood and treasure shed and spent for the deliverance of poor England fruitless, but also the bringing of these nations into blood, destruction, and confusion, than which nothing can be more advantageous to Papists, and all bloody enemies to justice and true godliness; so that we cannot with just peace and satisfaction to our own consciences sit down altogether in silence. But as in some measure we do pour out our hearts before the Lord, so we think it our duty to present you with some of our serious thoughts, apprehensions, and fears; as also our desires, that you would consider in time before the Lord, what a flood-gate is opened for a deluge of miseries to be poured down upon this nation, and how much you are concerned, as you tender the honour of God, the vindication of religion, the credit of the gospel, the recovery of your own reputation, that now lies at stake, the just satisfaction, that all sober Christians and true Englishmen may challenge from you, and the relief of your native country, that is now sinking in her dearest concernments, and cries out for help, that you would (before it is too late) improve your utmost interest and power to put a stop to that destructive career, that the army now is engaged in, to obviate the too great advantages, that foreign and domestic enemies have now put into their hands, and seasonably to hinder those new councils, that have no parliamentary sanction, and so must be grievous to the freeborn people of England in any thing they do. We address ourselves to you, not only as being of eminent interest, but because you have prosessed religion and strictness of godliness at high rate, and much tenderness of spirit. Many sober Christians have had great hopes of you, and we are not without confidence ourselves; yet we know, that you are in a great temptation. The Lord grant, that your temptation may not be seconded with divine desertion: we are jealous over you: many are at a stand what to think of you: it was believed, that when English liberties were in late years so much infringed, that you did rather bewail them, than fully consent to what was done. Give us leave in faithfulness, and with breakings of heart, to tell you, that present actings do seem more transcendently to strike at the liberties of the English nation; and there is none now upon the stage of action, that can pretend to the same advantages, that the former protector had. Let not our hopes as to you be fruitless, nor our desires altogether rejected; if you will not hear the cries of the condition of this poor nation, the Lord will in his time; and believe it, there are thousands of precious souls in England, (whatever some may think of them) and will be found precious at the day of Christ's appearing, who are at this day weeping in secret places for the unwarrantableness of these late undertakings. And therefore let us speak but this once to you: Enter into your chamber, yea into the closet of your own heart, commune with your heart in the sight of that God, whose eyes are a flame of fire, and whose eye-lids try the children of men; and then labour to give England, Scotland, and Ireland, a thorough proof of your faithfulness, humility, self-denial, and public-spiritedness, by a timely retracting of late and unjustisiable actings, in violating that authority, whom we have all lately owned, and by whom we have lately been intrusted by commissions. The good people of this nation have been formerly deceived by good words and fair promises. Setting days apart for seeking of God in fasting, when the way is not good, will not hereafter blind English eyes: doing things unwarrantably, and then intitling God to them, as they will never the more be owned by God, so they will be never the more acceptable to discerning men. He that doth righteousness is righteous. The fear of the Lord is to depart from evil, and true godliness cannot be without denying one's self in all ungodliness and worldly lusts. They are just indeed, who have opportunity and power to be unjust, and yet dare not because of the fear of God: they are truly faithful, who, when they are tempted and provoked to be treacherous, yea and have opportunity and power so to do, yet will not, dare not wound their public trusts: they have the name of God written in their hearts, who stand in awe of his precepts, and dare do nothing merely because their sword is long enough to do it. And if this be according to the rule of truth, the question will be, Whether the late and present actings of so many officers of the army be suitable, yea or no? The parliament is interrupted, and that by a great part of the army. What parliament is it? Not the long parliament, under whose councils the army (by the blessing of God) hath won so many glorious battles in the field, both in England, Scotland, and Ireland: that parliament, which through the mercy of God, together with the subordinate concurrence of land and sea forces, was a terror to enemies both abroad and at home: that parliament, which was so constantly willing and ready both to satisfy public debts and contracted arrears, and to provide constant pay for the army and navy: that parliament, whose former interruption was found to be no ways advantageous to the nation. Have not the affairs of England both abroad and at home been declining ever since ? And was not this army brought into such a perplexed condition by an over-ruling hand of providence, that it was forced to profess before God and man its sense of backslidings, and its duty to take shame to itself even for that force it had offered to this parliament ? Did not this army acknowledge this parliament the only visible authority in this nation; and thereupon solemnly desire and invite them to the discharge of their remaining trusts, promising all faithfulness and assistance therein ? Is it not to be considered, that this parliament, notwithstanding they could not but see, that they must sit again under great difficulties and disadvantages, because the treasure was exhausted, vast debts were contracted, and the soldiers and seamen unpaid; yet being invited, how did they break through those discouragements, and undertook difficillimam provinciam, who were no sooner assembled, but a general desperate and deep-laid plot stares them in the face, and in many places breaks forth upon them. And can it be denied, that the Lord was pleased in every part of the nation, where the plot broke forth, to take the honour of the success chiefly to himself ? And we may truly say, that by grace we were outwardly saved, lest any man should boast. And can any be so injurious as not to acknowledge, that by the late sudden calming of the storm, God was pleased afresh to own, and that signally, the councils of this parliament ? Yet this parliament must again be interrupted, and that by those, who had several ways solemnly engaged to them afresh. And in the late petition, how many times do the officers engaged therein seem to take a pleasure in styling of themselves, the faithful servants, and faithful army of this parliament ? Yet now with what reality, we shall with grief of heart consider, and the world will judge, especially because already there are so many at work with tongue, yea some with pen, to bespatter the army's acknowledged masters, and so consequentially to bring parliaments out of credit, if possible, so as to befool people into a belief, that parliaments will not do the work. But the eyes of Englishmen are not so easily put out: we have not forgotten, that it was an old court design, not only to allure, but to affright Englishmen out of their love to (and their very discourse of) a parliament: yet there was a parliament at last, which found work enough for all the courtiers in the nation. We are not ignorant, how that there have been attempts of later date to wean this English nation from love unto their parliaments, and fair things have been promised, and some good things have been endeavoured to be done by another hand: yet there was still a necessity of calling parliaments; and when an intire house of commons would not do, a part thereof shall be made use of; and when a part thereof would not serve the turn, it also must take its turn to go off the stage; and when new parliaments seemed troublesome, the long parliament (styled by the army the famous long parliament).; must be called again, which is not an obscure evidence, that the spirit of the free-born Englishmen (notwithstanding parliament interruptions, yet) is still working towards a parliament; and that old maxim will not be easily obliterated out of the table of English hearts, Quod omnes tangit, ab omnibus tractari debet. This English nation will be loth to lose their hereditary and birthright privilege of making their own laws, by which they shall be governed. We have had such experiences of our parliamentary state. Physicians, that have attempted in an uncouth way to heal the nation, and this with so little success, as that we (and we do believe, that there are many thousands of our mind) do know no help, under God, like that of a parliament. But now we are told, that as there is no authority in the nation, so all authority is devolved upon and resides in the army, that is, in the officers; and our government must be a sword-govern ment. And shall this be spoken by any, that shall presume to take the name of an holy and just God into his mouth? Is England's dear-bought freedom come to this?

Our hearts would sink, but that we know the Lord doth reign; and if it were possible to prevent it, we would say, Tell it not in Gath, and let it not be published in the gates of Ashkalon, lest the daughters of the Philistines triumph. Have men been beheaded, banished, and slain in the field for doing things contrary to English laws? and shall this army bury English laws, and the legislature itself, all at once, and take all into their own hands? But no question some will say, there shall be just things. It is not the doing of some seeming righteous things, that will satisfy the just expectations and claims of this English nation, when they see, that all they have lies at the mercy of their fellow-servants. We have not forgotten what was once told the late king, and that by a parliament, that it is better to rule in the hearts of men by love and justice, than to rule over them by force and power. An arbitrary sword may tyrannize over mens persons and estates for a time; but it doth never conquer spirits. We would have hoped, that no part of this army, that professeth so much for Christ and his kingdom, would have ever so much as coasted upon the course of the Egyptian Mamalukes, or the Roman prætorian bands. But let men make sure of this, that what God did seem to wink at amongst ignorant Heathens, that were no better taught, he'll not so easily overlook, when acted by those, who should have better learned Christ; for Christ hath said it, that he, that takes the sword, shall perish with the sword; and for certain what was lately acted, and now acting, will come under the judgment of Christ, who is no respecter of persons, and before whom all the power and force of this world is as nothing, but as the drop of the bucket, and as the dust of the balance. We are not ignorant of the great argument, why this parliament was interrupted. What! must nine families be undone at once ? Far be it from us to desire the undoing of any, much less of those, for whom we have so great respect; and we could heartily wish, that affairs might be composed to mutual satisfaction; and we are apt to fear, that all good men will (at the long-run) find the smart and inconvenience of these unhappy divisions. But what ! are military commands so essential to the well-being of men, if not to their beings, that they shall count themselves undone, if their commissions be but vacated by parliament ? If vacating of commissions be an undoing, how many hundreds of families have been undone, time after time, by the parliament's pleasure? Did not the parliament, in the year 1645, think fit to lay aside these general officers ensuing, namely, the earl of Essex, the earl of Warwick, the earl of Manchester, Ferdinando lord Fairfax, Sir William Waller, major-general Massey, Sir William Breerton, colonel Rossiter, and many other officers? Yea, how many commons have been vacated lately by the council of nominations? And the former have for many years sat down in silence and peaceably at home, who have been known in their time to have done as good service, and happily divers of them might be thought still to deserve a military trust, as well as some others. But let the utmost be granted, which cannot be imagined, that it were a kind of outward undoing, must the parliament be broken up? Must the only authority of the nation be trampled upon to prevent such an undoing ? Nay more, must the saving of nine commons be of such weight in the balance of consideration, as that the undoing of so many millions of families in these nations shall be put to open hazard? But it may be presumed, that all will go well, because there is such a seeming compliance. We will remember, that general subscriptions, and often addresses, have, in very late experience, proved but a rotten prop or sandy foundation to some, who have either leaned or built too much upon them. We call to mind, that at first, that as the war was, so it was asserted to be, defensive on the parliament's part; and we do believe, that when we formerly, with such heat and activity, did persecute the cavaliers, as the declared enemy to English freedom asserted in parliament, and when we were in the days of our extremity amongst garments rolled in blood, and many times expecting our entrance into eternity by some instrument of death, that it was not then judged by any to be part of this good old cause to wrest all power and authority out of the hands of the people's representatives in parliament, and to fix it in an army. We have the rather taken upon us the liberty thus to express our moans unto your lordship relating to these affairs now in hand, because some of us were desired (which we took to be a command) to withdraw from the council of the officers, though we are commissionated officers by parliamentary authority, as well as others, and therefore we cannot willingly subscribe to the freedom of those debates, where . . . without any just allegation, are . . . or suspended; and then we did desire, that we might not be concluded by, or looked upon as parties to, any thing, that should be then concluded on. We are Englishmen born and bred, and have adventured our dearest blood, with others, for our freedoms; and, by the mercy of God, the common enemy could not with-hold them from us. We shall not willingly, by any act of ours, give them away. If any of our fellow-servants will (because they can) by force take our freedoms from us, if we have no appeal on earth, yet our eyes shall be towards him, that judgeth righteously; and our prayers shall be, Lord, help us; for thou art the helper of the oppressed. We have not much further to say to your lordship; but this we must lay before you, that in what you now do, you run three nations into a most desperate hazard; all lies at stake, all lies a bleeding. The question now is, whether it be not more honourable, upon a Christian account, and safe for you and others, to found a seasonable retreat, than to march on in ways, which one day will not be justified before him, who is a consuming fire. The parliament of England never raised or maintained soldiers to be law-makers, but to defend this nation against those, who were law-breakers. Let not, oh let not any, who have any stirrings of conscience, justify that in their own practice, which they have sought down in others. Religion and the gospel should be, and we hope will be, dearer to us than our lives. Our liberties and estates in their places we must value. We know, that the Lord of heaven is he alone, upon whom (for the maintenance of these) we must chiefly depend; but according to human consideration, and as we are English freemen, and in this age have been beaten into the knowledge, where our English freedoms may be most safely lodged, so we must in all humility bear our testimony to you, that we know, nor can willingly own, no safer means for the recovering of all these than in the parliament. The people of England, assembled in parliament by their representatives, we must own to be our proper law-makers, and to have legislative power, and to have power legally to levy taxes upon the people. We must own it, that the militia and standing forces of England, Scotland and Ireland ought to be subordinate to, and to be disposed by, commands of parliament, and of such powers as are delegated by parliament; and therefore again it is the earnest desires of our hearts to your lordship, that you lay England's sad condition, and the interest of Christ in the world, to heart, and consider the hopes of all sorts of enemies by the late sad breach, and lay to heart the sighs, tears and groans of thousands of precious souls in this nation, as also the fears of many, that the glory is departing from our Israel; and also consider your own danger, and the danger of the army in the ways they now are; and that you would effectually endeavour the removing of the present force upon the parliament, that they may fit in safety, and without interruption; for this we judge (as the army not long since have done) the most likely expedient to make way for England's settlement; and therefore why should you not? It will be your honour, that by your means the door be once more opened, that this parliament may take some effectual course for as comprehensive an election of a succeeding parliament, as the safety of the cause will bear. And as to common enemies themselves, we can truly say, that we wish them equal benefit with ourselves under parliamentary laws. We only desire, that provision may be made, that the parliament and the wellaffected of the nation may not be at their enemies mercy. In this our address to you, we have desired in faithfulness to bear our testimony; and when we have done, we must leave all to the disposal of him, that rules all the world, and lay it before your serious and retired consideration. We remain
Your Lordship's
Most humble servants,
H. Morley.
Ar. Evelyn.
Will. Farley.
John Okey.
Jo. Streaters:
Matth. Alured.
Nath. Barton.
Tho. Sanders.
H. Markham.

1st Nov. 1659.

A letter of intelligence.

Hamburgh, 1st Novemb. 1659.

Vol. lxvi. p. 85.

My Lord,
My last was eight days past; since which time no English letters are come here, which, I suppose, is occasioned through the troubles we hear are again in England. Letters of the 26th this day from Straelsund mention, that the confederates have lost two storms before Stetin, and three before Denim; and that Stetin was supplied with fresh forces; and that they had taken in the island Usden. The Brandenburgers burn down all about Straelsund, and are very tyrannical; insomuch that all the country people fly into the garisons. The Brandenburgers have made a bridge over the Elve; and the report goeth, they intend to quarter in the duke of Lunenburgh's country, who hath raised his whole country, and hath 3 or 4000 horse to oppose him. I received this day a letter from Sir Philip Meadowe from Nycoping of the 21st past. He writes, that as yet there was but little hope of a peace; but could not certainly say, what would be at last effected; for his majesty had not given his final resolution as yet. Letters of the 26th from the king's secretary mention, that there was great hope of a peace, and that it would be sud denly concluded. Schack is gone from Kiel, and hath embarqued 2 or 3000 men: which way they are gone, is not known; some say for Funen, others for Schonen.

To Rosenwing.

Hague, 11. Novemb. 1659. [N. S.]

Vol. lxvi. p. 115.

My Lord,
Upon saturday last the commissioner Downing signified to the states, that he intended, upon this alteration, to make a voyage into England, for the dispatching of his own private affairs; as also to receive orders from the government, according to which he should regulate himself, presenting his service to their H. and M. L. who wished him a good voyage by the mouth of Mons. Heyde, with this belief, that the government of England will continue to observe a good and firm amity with the state of the United Netherlands. Their H. and M. L. wrote to the admiralty of Amsterdam and Rotterdam for a ship of war for him to transport; but neither of them had one ready. They have since wrote to that of Zeland; but in the mean time there is an English convoyer come into the Maeze, in which he intends to return home.

Mons. Coyer, extraordinary commissioner of the king of Sweden, arrived here yesterday morning, after that he had staid eight days at Amsterdam, having a train of sixteen persons, all in mourning for the death of the duke of Holstein. He is lodged in the French ordinary. His lordship gave captain Bankert, that brought him over, a present worth 400 rixdollars, being a chain and a medal; and to the seamen 300 rixdollars in money; which was done by order of the king his master. He hath not yet signified his arrival here, neither to the state, nor the Swedish public minister here, and will not demand audience till next week, and that for several reasons, but especially by reason, that the states of Holland will not be complete till then. There is now no more talk of denying him audience. I wish he had had audience, that so I might know, what his proposition is. I perceive they are resolved here to facilitate all that they can for the making of peace between the two Northern kings, as also for the removing of the jealousies and disgusts risen between this state and Sweden, which they will redress, by ratifying and persecting of the treaty of Elbing. Men begin to say, the conventions made between the three states for the accommodating of the kings of Denmark and Sweden do begin to cease of themselves, in regard not only by reason, that the peace was not made in three weeks, according to the treaties, but likewise because they see, that France and England will not act upon those terms against Sweden, and that now the season of the year being past, there is no better way than to treat the ordinary way, and to further the peace by speedy means, although that the king of Sweden should persist to keep Cronenburg, which can be of no great use to Denmark, in regard Sweden hath the whole coast of Schoonen. These are the considerations, which men have about this work now; however, there be many, that imagine to themselves, that the king of Denmark will be forced to make a disadvantageous peace; and it is feared, that the endeavours used for the supplying the city of Copenhagen with all things necessary for this winter, will not be perfected, in regard that the one and the other is wanting at Amsterdam, and the moneys required for the same are not furnished. They doubt not here, but that the fleet, which departed from the Texel upon the 31st October, with provisions for the fleet and the militia in Denmark, is by this time arrived in the Sound.

They long to know here with great impatience the final declaration of the king of Sweden to a peace with Denmark; but which indeed will be nothing else but a delay.

The lord embassador Nieupoort will have his request granted him next week to come over for two or three months.

The lord lieutenant-admiral Opdam is looked for every day, with twenty-one ships.

An intercepted letter.

1st of Nov. 1659.

In the possession of Joseph Jekyll, esq;

Sir Edward Hyde,
Good Mr. Mills, and loving Freind,
I Received not yours of the 26th, if sent, until the 28th of the last; but it was most welcome to me, as are all, that come from you, and any of my friends with you. I kindly thank you for your friendly care of my business in chancery, and desire you, that my answer to the bill put into that court against me, may be as full, and as warily drawn, as may be, and that there may be a dedimus potestatem sent over hither to some English merchants, how to take my answer. I can add little to the former directions I sent you concerning it; only I pray, let what is contained in the little note inclosed be fully expressed. I have gotten your countryman to put it into his cypher, which he hath with honest Tom. S. Your cousin Ch. Stuart follows his business close, and is in hopes to bring it to a good issue, his two cousins being resolved to stick close to him in his honest cause. As for news, we hear peace between France and Spain is now fully perfected. I pray let me hear how my business proceeds in chancery, and continue your care thereof, as I remain unalterably,

I pray direct 966 232 to 925 794 920 932.

925 774 101 953 18 am 404 583 891 923 12 419 14 16 47 you may use 499 368 10 469 601 848 628 or the 890 800 37 that 691 5 772 25 as 670.

220 101 25 12 741 8 Mr. Perkins.

670 333 159 Mr. Tush.

773 15 772 25 Mr. Craft.

264 491 Mr. Knots.

724 890 863 19. Mr. Botts.

670 295. Mr. Dantrey.

670 60 101 Mr. Harle.

141 332 Flamton.

154 671 Bruton.

384 641 Barton.

101 933 811 Mr. Carle.

670 311 Mr. Fuller.

896 36 Mr. Sharpe.

237 406 Mr. Popple.

670 220 Mr. Hespin.

156 409 Bobley.

280 491 Mr. Suson.

194 332 Mr. Bring.

544 467 Mr. Day.

175 336 Mr. Cauton.

224 333 Mr. Bright.

267 660 Mr. Yole.

281 650 Mr. Rower.

193 450 Mr. Brave.

106 431 Mr. Prag.

484 182 Manton.

394 467 Mr. Switon.

239 451 Mr. Clun.

207 407 Cotton.

242 479 Mr. Lark.

599 5 769 740 Mr. Chance.

125 101 331 Dorme.

336 249 Mr. Shent.

526 492 Bosrey.

369 451 Mr. Payne.

325 337 Mr. Bray.

867 863 598 Mr. Frith.

101 953 740 Mr. Frith.

9 20 23 12 772 25 Mr. Holt.

Sir, The fear I apprehend of interception for this letter (wherein I send you a cypher) hinders me at present to write to you of any thing, other than to intreat you to send me a punctual account of the transactions of affairs there, the success of both the armies, with your own opinion of their settlement in the future. Send me Monck's declaration, with a list of the chiefest men, that stick to him, and of such towns, as he took, or declare for him, in England.

De Thou, the French embassador in Holland, to Bordeaux, the French embassador in England.

Hague, 14. Nov. 1659. [N. S.]

Vol. lxvi. p. 119.

My Lord,
The reason, which hindered you to write to me by the foregoing post, hindered me likewise from performing my duty; and the more, in regard by the letters of the lord embassador Nieupoort it appeared, that the mail was staid, which is not strange nor extraordinary in such-like revolutions and changes as this, whereof you were pleased to give me a relation, which doth fully set forth the same, and whereof the lord Nieupoort had given advice by an express; but his information was so lame and imperfect, that there was no comprehending of any thing. In short, my lord, we shall see what form of government this committee of safety will produce in six weeks time, which is allotted them, and what answer and course general Monck will give and take upon the propositions, which shall be made to him by the colonel, that is sent to him on the behalf of the army; as also what both sides declarations will produce. We desire also to know, if you treat with this committee of safety, since it doth appear by the establishment, that they have power to treat with the ministers of foreign princes; and before I leave Holland, I cannot omit to tell you, that I could not forbear to complain to Monsieur Downing of their news-book printed the 6th of this month, in which are two papers full of injustice against the papists, and against the pretended violences done in August last in those valleys of Piemont; and that he doth seem to insinuate, as it were, that our peace and alliance with Spain is done on purpose to make a quarrel about religion against the pretended reformed religion. Upon which he made answer, that in England, as in other states, there were some bigots in religion, who through indiscreet zeal caused things to be printed, which ought not to be.

As for the affairs of the north, I have had of late no news concerning them from Monsieur Terlon; but by letters from the ministers of this state, we understand, that from Nycoping in Falster, where he was gone to find the king of Sweden, he had writ to the lords commissioners of this state, and had sent them a pass to come to the said king, who appeared more disposed to a peace than formerly; and that the four commissioners were gone thither by sea, but a storm having forced them to quit the vessel, they went by land. Whereupon his majesty gave order to treat them nobly; and this, added to the sending of Monsieur Coyet, doth cause a belief, that there is some better disposition to a peace. The said lord Coyet, arrived here yesterday from Amsterdam, and doth not prepare to have audience till monday next, by reason of some distemper of a cold, which he took at Amsterdam; so that his audience will be more numerous than ordinary, for that the states of Holland will be met at that time, who in this case have right to be in the assembly of the states general. He hath not taken the quality of embassador, but only that of envoy extraordinary, so that he came here without ceremony. We know nothing in particular of the subject of his journey; Monsieur Terlon, as well as ministers of England, and likewise those of this state, having writ nothing of it.

As for Monsieur Rosewing, you judge of him very well, when you say, that he hath Spanish inclinations; and this is so true, that he can neither hide them or dissemble. The difference, which he had with Monsieur Chanut, was, that at his arrival he went to see the embassador of Spain, and afterwards gave a visit to Monsieur Chanut, who mortified him only in not returning him the visit, and in letting of him know, that it was, because he had failed to render that duty to the king, which belonged to him; whereof he complained in the court of Denmark; for which he was blamed. For my part, I verily believe he is a pensioner of the house of Austria, and I would never have any thing to do with him. I write all this, that so you might know his good intentions.

A letter of intelligence from the Hague.

Le 8. Novembre, [1659. N. S.]

Vol. lxvi. p. 121.

Ayant escrit vers Rotterdam, s'il y auroit un navire de guerre pour transporter le Sieur Downing vers Angleterre, l'admirauté a rescrit, qu'ils n'ont nul; et celuy luy sera notifié par le Sieur agent de Heyde, et qu'on escrira aux admirautés d'Amsterdam et Zelande, de rescrire, s'il y a des navires, & y en ayant, qu'ils veuillent accommoder le Sieur Downing d'un navire de transport.

Le Sieur Downing aura cy-devant lasché des discours, que cest estat auroit prins des Anglois bien cent navires: le Sieur de R. a proposé, que cela est fabuleux, et qu'on devoit escrire de cela au regime même, ne suffisant point de l'escrire au Sieur Nieupoort, &c. mais cela est passé par un discours.

Le Sieur Cojet viendroit ce foir icy; mais sans notification, si qu'il viendra tousjours incognito.

L'on dit, que le domdeeken de l'evesque de Munster soit icy: les deputés de la ville sont attendus ce soir icy, ayants retardé à Amsterdam pour l' absence du Sieur Polsbrouck.

L' admirauté d' Amsterdam advise le reigle, que le Sieur Downing a redemandé, seroit de bonne prinse, ce que apparement on suivra, par ce que le Sieur Downing est en desordre par le changement en Angleterre.

Le 10. Nov.

Le conseil d'estat n' est nullement porté à faire venir des compagnies des frontieres vers Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Hoornrett; Enchuysen pour prevenir le danger du tumulte, qui pourroit estre causé par les matelots, revenants avec le Sieur d'Opdam: en cas que les colleges n' auroient pas tant d' argent contant, qu'il faudroit pour les payer. Ains si la Hollande desire des compagnies, elle pourra les prendre de Delf, Schiedams, Haye, Dort, & ailleurs, ou les compagnies ne sont pas tant necessaires.

Le college d' Amsterdam a avisé sur la resolution du 3. Nov. touchant les deux navires de Lubec menés à Copenhagen, que les deputés illec ont mal fait d' avoir relaxé l' un: et que tant pour l' un que pour l' autre il falloit & faut, que les navires soient menés icy, pour estre jugés par les admirautés.

Le conseil d' estat et la cour de Hollande, on decouvert, que le cipier de la porte icy et sa femme ont tenu intelligence avec les prisonniers, si que le cipier même est constitué prisonnier. Quis custodiet ipsos Custodes ?

Le 11. Nov.

Le comte d' Oldenborgh ayant fait venir une tombe, ou monument pour estre dressé à sa memoire; cette tombe a esté retenu à Auntram, non obstant que ce ne fust par mar chandise; si que les estats generaux sur pleinte saite de la part du comte ont escrit pour la relaxation.

Le Sieur Charisius par memoire a representé pleintes, qu' on ne resolu rien sur les memoires precedentes, qu' on retarde ce qui faut pour la conservation de Dennemarc; qu' on ne fournit pas les 60,000 fl. qu' on ne traité pas à luy fournir une notable somme contre bon gage et oppignoration, &c. Cela est mis en mains des commissaires.

Le consistoire à Finaert voulant disputer à la princesse de Hohenzoleern le jus patronatus, pretende de s' eslire un ministre à leur inclination; ce qui a caussé la princesse à pleindre aux estats generaux; qu' en ont escrit à la classe de Dort, sous laquelle est l'eglise de Finaert, pour s' en informer et raporter icy.

L' admirauté d' Amsterdam, de même comme Rotterdam, s' est excusé de donner un navire pour le transport du Sieur Downing, Tempora si suerint nubila, solus eris.

Aujourd'huy en sin est disposé des 4 seigneuries de Deurne, Berlicom, Middelro, et Risoir, avec exclusion d' Albade, et contre la protestation de Frise.

Le 12. Novembre.

Le comte de Berge a derechef fait urger son affaire & execution contre son beaufrere. Il y a eu pleinte touchant deux du Francs prisonniers à Bruge. Il y a eu nouvelle alteration touchant la vendition des seigneuries dans la Mayerie et Boileduc.

Ceux du Frise ont obtenu le delogement d' une de leur compagnies estant à Zwoll, pour la transporter vers Harlingh.

Il y a eu queste pour favoir l' auteur d' une livre nommé Apostasie of a seal des Christienes, tenant du Socinianisme.

Le 13. Novembre.

Il y a eu advis, que l' amiral Opdam seroit sur les costes icy: le Sieur Cojet est venu à ce matin.

Les deputés de Munster ayant demandé audience, l' auront demain: par memoire a esté requis pour relaxation aussy du navire de Michel Suke de Lubec, mené à Copenhagen; sur quoy est resolu, que le memoire soit mis en main des commissaires de la part marine.

D' Angleterre ne sont encore venu nulles lettres à l' estat. Par quelque galiot sera venu que le milice a constitué un conseil, qui regira tout: cependant demeurerent encore fermées toutes les havres.

Le service maistre et receveur de Bergh op Zoom, tel nommé de Witte, sera aussy calangé par le magistrat d' icelle ville, d' avoir malversé dans sa recepte, estant venu icy pour se justifier.

Le 14. Novembre.

Le sindic de Munster a harangué dans les estats generaux, dont la subsistence a consisté en 3 chess. 1. A remercié pour l' assistence faite l' an 1657, et pour tant d' autres faveurs et courtoisies. 2. Il a requis et supplié la mediation de cest estat, pour accommoder le differents, que la villea avec l' evesque en representant les iniquités et les injustes procedures. 3. Que cependant pour asseurer la ville il plaise envoyer pour garnison pour un à 600 hommes à pied, et 4 compagnies de cavaillerie, au fraiz de l' alliance Hanseatique, c' est à dire, de cest estat; sur quoy luy est respondu par compliments, tel qu' on examinera la proposition.

Resolution of the states general.

Lunæ, the 17°. of Nov. 1659. [N. S.]

Vol. lxvi. p. 123.

Received a letter from the lord bishop of Munster, dated at Coesholt the 31st of October last, concerning the differences depending between him and the city of Munster. Whereupon being debated, it is thought good and resolved, that the said letter, with the inclosed propositions, which the lords commissioners sent by the said city did make in their H. and M. L. assembly upon the 14th instant, and afterwards delivered in writing by them, shall be given to the lords Ommeren and other their H. and M. L. commissioners for the affairs of Munster, to be by them perused and examined, and to make report of the whole.

A letter of intelligence.

Vol. lxvi. p. 107.

I pray be pleased to excuse me for not writing by the last post. The cause of it partly was, because I was removing from the English house into another lodging; and besides, at the same time there was but little news stirring worthy your knowledge. We are here very perplexed of the new troubles and distractions in England. We have had no letters from thence not in three weeks. Just now we hear the post is come in; but the letters are not out yet. It is highly to be pitied, that the English nation cannot be settled, and that so many changes so soon after another are happened. As for our news from these parts, we have, by letters from Copenhagen of the 3d current, that the Danes have landed their forces in Funen at Ratkemunde, where the Swedes did oppose; but the Danish and Hollandish forces did prevail. The Swedes have had considerable forces in the said island, above 4000 men, and made all preparations to defend the said island; but the Danes were too strong for them. The Hollander is joined with the Dane in this design, and had a hand in taking the said island; but whether the whole island be taken or not, we can hear no certainty. It is said, the Swedes are retired in Newberg, a strong town in the said island, and defend it yet. Langeland, another island, the Swedes have left. By the said letters of Copenhagen of the 3d current, we hear, that the treaty at Nycoping in Falster is dissolved; and that the king of Sweden did break off the said treaty, and absented himself, when he heard, that the Hollanders had acted hostility against him, in joining with the Danish fleet to attack Funen. Yet some letters mention the contrary, as if the embassadors were returned from Falster to Copenhagen, and that the Swedish commissioners were gone along with them to treat further; which is more certain than the other news. The king of Sweden hath declared himself to render Cronenburg and Naskau, but upon condition, that the peace of Roschild be observed in all the articles and clauses; which at last the king of Denmark will be glad to accept. And there are more hopes of peace than ever before, because the Swedes will quit Cronenburg and Naskau. The letters from Stetin and Straelsund were not arrived yet; but by the last post we have, that Stetin holds out stoutly; and that the general Wrangell was arrived at Stetin with relief for them; and it is said, the Imperialists will be forced to leave the siege before the said town. By letters from Prussia we have, that the Poles with their siege before Marieburg can effect nothing; neither have they taken the Danzicker Hooft. This is all at present from
Your humble servant,
De. Lawerin.

Hamburg, the 8th November, [1659.]

Even just as I was closing this letter, I have received three of your letters, with the printed news of three posts; for which I give you many thanks, and long much to hear, what frame of government they will pitch upon. Some here expect soon another protector; but it is to be feared it will not last very long. There are no hopes of any establishment in the government, but manum de tabula.

A letter of intelligence.

Hamburgh, 8th Nov. 1659. [N. S.]

Vol. lxvi. p. 109.

My Lord,
For news, we have here written from Lubec and Kiel, that the Danes and Brandenburgers, which went from thence, are landed in Funen; and that the Swedes were retreated to Newberg. The prince of Sultzbach, major-general Arenson, and Balteger, are there, with 2 or 3000 brave men. What the success of it will be, we long to hear. Letters of the 3d from Copenhagen bring, that our and the French embassadors were arrived there, and that the Holland's were expected there that day; and that the treaty had been in a good forwardness; but as soon as the king heard, that the fleet was gone from Kiel, went away from Falster immediately to Zeland again, and left the embassadors there; so it is thought nothing will come of the treaty. No news from Prussia. The Hooft holds out still. No letters come from Straelsund. They write from Tabing, that the French are marched into Elsas with 24 regiments, to make a diversion to the emperor.

Resolution of the states general.

Martis, the 18th of Nov. 1659. [N. S.]

Vol. lxvi. p. 129.

After deliberation had, it was resolved, that, in pursuance of their H. and M. L. resolutions of the 12th of September and 14th October, both last past, as well by the lord embassador Boreel, as by offices to be used by the lords Van Gent and others their H. and M. L. foregoing commissioners with the lord embassador de Thou, the king and court of France, by virtue of the fourth article of the treaty concluded upon the 21st of May last here in the Hague, shall be once more summoned to forbear giving all manner of help and assistance to the king of Sweden, either by lending of moneys, subsidies, or otherwise. And that likewise the government of England, by the lord embassador Nieupoort, as well upon the said fourth article, as also upon the further conventions of the 24th July, and the . . of August last, shall be also summoned to recal in the first place, and especially, the English regiments, as also all particular officers, soldiers and seamen, of the English, Scotch, or Irish nation, being in the service of the king of Sweden, either by sea or land; and to that end to give order for the effecting of the same, by publishing an act accordingly. And likewise to command all their admirals, vice-admirals, commanders and captains at sea, as also all governors and commanders of their sea-ports, to seize, bring in and detain all Swedish ships, wheresoever they can meet with them, as their H. and M. L. have done on their side for as much as concerneth this second point. And what concerneth the first, they are resolved to publish an act for that purpose. The said lords embassadors are to give an account to their H. and M. L. from time to time, of their proceedings herein; for their H. and M. L. do take this business very much to heart.

A resolution of the lords the states general.

Martis, 18th Nov. 1659. [N. S.]

Vol. lxvi. p. 131.

Upon what was presented by the lord treasurer general the lord Beverning, concerning the paying of freight for 600 chaldron of Newcastle coals bought by the lord embassador Nieupoort in England, amounting to the sum of 3600 rixdollars, or 9000 gilders, after deliberation had, it is resolved, that the council of state do forthwith pay the said sum out of the revenue of the generality into the hands of the lords burgomasters of Amsterdam, who are herewith desired to remit the same for Copenhagen, to pay the said freight there.

The states general of the United Netherlands to Nieupoort, their embassador in England.

Vol. lxvi. p. 133.

My Lord,
We send you here inclosed a copy of our placarts, to serve for your information, and where it doth belong; whereby we order all officers, captains, seamen, and soldiers, natives and subjects of the United Netherland Provinces, that are at present in the service of the king of Sweden, to return home, and leave his service, within the space of three months, upon the forfeiture of life and estate, where any shall be found to act to the contrary.

By order of the states,

Hague, 18th Nov. 1659. [N. S.]

An intercepted letter.

Vol. lxvi. p. 111.

My Lord,
That their H. and M. L. should also at last go from their resolution taken concerning the Hague treaty, I did always certainly believe, and especially under this specious pretence and excuse, that in regard France and England did not concur with them therein, they had also reason to let go the same. As these here, who have the most power, do play with their masters, making no reflection upon any thing, just so do their H. and M. L. with their allies.

It is no otherwise here than it is elsewhere, where there is no head: all the privileges of this city are, for the most part, infringed; and all assemblies and meetings are forbidden by the committee of safety (fn. 1). They begin to talk here now of an accommodation between general Monck and his army; and to that end commissioners are sent by the said general Monck. But suppose these two should agree with one another, yet I see little hopes of a peace, so long as the army commandeth; and to cashier the same is much less hope.

No government can continue long here, that will in any-ways touch the authority of the army.

London, 10th Nov. 1659.

To Rosenwing.

Hague, the 21st of Nov. 1659. [N. S.]

Vol. lxvi. p. 139.

After I had sent my last of the 14th instant to you, the lieutenant dmiral Van Wassenaer arrived here, and made report the next day in their H. and M. L. assembly, after he had delivered the letter of the king of Denmark, having been a year in Denmark in the east-sea, and about those parts, bringing with him twenty-one ships of war, and the next month twenty ships more are expected. He said, that he must confess, that this last summer some good might have been done for the king and kingdom of Denmark, if so be their H. and M. L. had not been pleased to send him so many contrary orders, signifying likewise to the state, that his majesty of Denmark had sent him a present of 30,000 gilders or money-worth, and had gratified his son with a yearly pension during life of 3000 gilders; but did not accept of it without having first the approbation of their H. and M. L. His excellency was only told by the lord Van Gent, who was president of the assembly, that his arrival in pursuance of the order of the state was acceptable to their H. and M. L. and that likewise his journal with the instructions and orders of their H. and M. L. sent him from time to time, should be examined, having not yet received thanks from the states, as the custom is. Whether there will be proceeded in those charges, which have been formerly given in against him, we shall soon see; but it is believed all will be accommodated. His excellency made likewise the day before yesterday his report to the states of Holland, who have been completely assembled since that time, and begin to debate about the affairs of the east, and what ought to be taken in hand to bring the king of Sweden to an accommodation with Denmark.

The lord Coyet, extraordinary commissioner from the king of Sweden, signified upon the 15th instant to their H. and M. L. his arrival, adding withal, that by reason of his indisposition he could not present himself in person to their H. and M. L. and as yet he hath had no audience of their lordships, being still indisposed, so that it is not known, when he will demand audience. It is said he intends to make his a proposition as moderate as is well possible, thereby to make an impression upon their minds here, and the better to insinuate himself; but I conceive he will not be able to do any good upon them that way, his devices being already too well known here. In the mean time they publish here on the Swedes side, that their king is inclined to make a peace with Denmark upon the terms of the Roschild treaty, provided that one of the mediators, or rather all, that are with the king of Sweden, do give assurance, that the same shall be observed. The lords of the province of Holland and of others do yet shew themselves very much animated against the Swedes, and say, that they will propose to the lord Coyet the conventions made between the three states for a peace in the eastern parts.

There is also an order sent to the lord embassador Nieupoort, who is ordered to summon once more the government in England, according to the conventions, to withdraw in effect from the Swedes all the English ships and Irishmen, that are in the service of the king of Sweden, and to seize upon all Swedish ships, as is already done by this state.

The lord embassador of France is to be desired to morrow by the lords de Gent, and other commissioners of their H. and M. L. to use endeavours by the king and his ministers, to the end, that all help and assistance to the king of Sweden, either by lending of money, subsidies, or otherwise, may be forborn, according to the 4th article of the convention of the 21st of May last; but I believe there is little good to be expected from the French side, for they are of another resolution in the French court, than they imagine here. The fleet of merchantmen designed for Copenhagen with provisions is to be convoyed by two ships of war, and is ready to set sail.


  • 1. By proclamation dated Nov. 5. 1659. Merc. polit. p. 853.