Houses of Austin canons: The priory of Dunstable

A History of the County of Bedford: Volume 1. Originally published by Victoria County History, London, 1904.

This free content was digitised by double rekeying. All rights reserved.


'Houses of Austin canons: The priory of Dunstable', A History of the County of Bedford: Volume 1, (London, 1904), pp. 371-377. British History Online [accessed 18 June 2024].

. "Houses of Austin canons: The priory of Dunstable", in A History of the County of Bedford: Volume 1, (London, 1904) 371-377. British History Online, accessed June 18, 2024,

. "Houses of Austin canons: The priory of Dunstable", A History of the County of Bedford: Volume 1, (London, 1904). 371-377. British History Online. Web. 18 June 2024,

In this section



The Augustinian priory of Dunstable was founded by King Henry I. about the year 1132, and endowed by him at the same time with the lordship of the manor and town in which it stood. (fn. 1) Tradition says that the same king was also founder of the town, and had caused the forest to be cleared away from the point where Watling and Icknield Streets crossed each other, on account of the robbers who infested the highway. (fn. 2) However this may be, he certainly granted to the priory all such liberties and rights in the town of Dunstable as he held in his own demesne lands. His charter was confirmed by Henry II., (fn. 3) who also granted to the prior and convent the lordship of Houghton Regis; and before the reign of Richard I. a great many of the churches of the neighbourhood had been granted to the priory by different benefactors, (fn. 4) as many as thirteen, besides the chapel of Ruxox, in the county of Bedford, with Cublington, North Marston and half Chesham, Bucks, and Higham Ferrers with half Pattishall, Northants. Several of these gifts were disputed before the century was out, (fn. 5) but most of them were retained by the priory throughout its existence.

Bernard, the first prior of the house, was closely associated with the introduction of Austin Canons into England, for he had accompanied his brother Norman (afterwards prior of St. Botolph's, Colchester, and then of Holy Trinity, London) to Chartres and Beauvais, in Anselm's time, to learn the rule of St. Augustine, with a view to introduce it into England. (fn. 6)

At the beginning of the thirteenth century, in the year 1202, Richard de Morins, a canon of Merton, (fn. 7) became prior of Dunstable, and with his election the priory entered upon the most interesting period of its history. It was probably he who began the annals of the house, and perhaps wrote part of them with his own hand (fn. 8); he was evidently a man of very varied interests, and considerable capacity for affairs. Before he had been prior a year he was dispatched on the king's business to Rome (fn. 9); and it was probably owing to his influence that the lordship of Houghton Regis, with other gifts, were confirmed to the priory in 1203. (fn. 10) So far as we know, he only went abroad once again, when he attended the Lateran council of 1215, and remained afterwards in Paris for a year to study at the University; (fn. 11) but the annals show that he maintained all through his life a keen interest in the affairs of Europe and the East. In 1206 (fn. 12) he was made a visitor for all the religious houses of the diocese of Lincoln (except those of the exempt orders), by the authority of the papal legate; in 1212 he was appointed by the pope to preach the cross (fn. 13) in Bedfordshire, Hertfordshire and Huntingdonshire, and in the same year was commissioned to make an estimate of the losses suffered by the clergy and the religious in the diocese through the exactions of John. (fn. 14) In 1223 (fn. 15) and 1228 (fn. 16) he was made visitor to his own order, first in the province of York, and afterwards in the dioceses of Lincoln and Coventry; and last of all, in 1239, (fn. 17) when he must have been quite an old man, he helped to draw up and submit to the pope an account of the difficulties between the Archbishop of Canterbury and his suffragans on the subject of visitation. During his term of office, in the year 1219, (fn. 18) he secured the right of holding a court at Dunstable for all pleas of the Crown, and of sitting beside the justices itinerant at their visits to the town: a privilege which brought him into less happy relations with the townsmen, and may have helped to hasten their revolt against his authority in 1228. (fn. 19) He also successfully established the right of his house to Harlington church in 1223. (fn. 20) The priory was twice visited by King Henry III. during the time of Richard de Morins: once after the siege of Bedford Castle, (fn. 21) and again in the midst of the troubles connected with the burgesses, whom he attempted to pacify, at the prior's earnest request. (fn. 22)

In spite of the losses under King John and the difficulties with the burgesses, the priory seems to have enjoyed greater prosperity at this time than at any later period of which we have a clear account. In 1213 the conventual church was dedicated by Bishop Hugh de Wells, a great concourse of earls and barons, abbots and priors, assisting at the ceremony. (fn. 23) The lordship of Houghton Regis, though lost for a while in 1212, was recovered in 1226 (fn. 24); and the gift of the church of Bradbourne in the Peak, (fn. 25) with its chapels and lands, (fn. 26) provided a maintenance for three canons, (fn. 27) and formed a kind of cell to the priory, besides increasing its income. The death of Richard de Morins in 1242 (fn. 28) was followed immediately by heavy losses. In 1243, 800 of the sheep belonging to the priory in the Peak district died, (fn. 29) and a succession of bad seasons led to great scarcity; Henry de Bilenda, the cellarer, upon whom so much depended, was incapable or untrustworthy, and in 1249 fled to the Cistercians at Merivale, rather than render an account of his stewardship. (fn. 30) By 1255 the canons not only had no corn to sell, but not enough for themselves; (fn. 31) they had to buy all their food at great expense, for two years after this; (fn. 32) so that the Friars Preachers, when they arrived in 1259, (fn. 33) were even less welcome than they would have been at any ordinary time. When Simon of Eaton became prior in 1262, he found the house 400 marks in debt, and all the wool of the year already sold. (fn. 34)

But in spite of the pressure of debt and poverty, which was not diminished during his term of office, the prior was as much interested as his predecessors had been in the course of public events. Like most of the clergy and religious of the period, he was in sympathy with Simon de Montfort, whom he looked upon as the champion of the Church; and in 1263, when the earl visited Dunstable, the prior went out to meet him, and admitted him to the fraternity of the house. (fn. 35) In 1265 a council was held at Dunstable to consider the possibility of peace with the defeated barons, and the king and queen visited the house in the course of the year (fn. 36); but though Simon de Montfort had been there quite recently, and the sympathy of the prior with his cause could not have been altogether a secret one, no fine was imposed upon the priory on that account.

In 1274 a long and expensive suit was begun between the prior and convent of Dunstable and Eudo la Zouche, (fn. 37) who had become lord of Houghton and Eaton Bray by his marriage with Millicent de Cantelow. Eudo refused to recognise the rights of the prior (established not only by charter, but by long custom) to a gallows and prison in Houghton; he released one of his men from the prison and overthrew the gallows. Under the next prior, William le Breton, the gallows was restored; but Eudo still refused to recognise the prison as the prior's right, and presently erected a gallows of his own. The dispute went on for some years, and, after the death of Eudo, was continued by his wife Millicent until the year 1289, when it was finally decided in favour of the prior. (fn. 38) The poverty and difficulties of the house went on increasing, although great efforts were made, after the deposition of William le Breton and other officers of the monastery in 1279, (fn. 39) to curtail expenses and get in ready money for the payment of debts. Corrodies and chantries were granted to several persons, manors and churches were let out to farm, and in the year 1294 the usual allowance for one canon was made to serve for two. (fn. 40) It was just at this time that the king was asking for subsidies for his Welsh war. By an accumulation of misfortune, in the same winter the outer walls of the priory had collapsed in the wet weather, and their hayricks had been destroyed by fire; (fn. 41) and the tithes due to the Hospitallers from North Marston church were in such long arrears that a new arrangement had to be made to pay them off. (fn. 42) In 1295 the house at Bradbourne was so poor that all the wool produced there had to be granted to the support of the three brethren who served the church and chapels. (fn. 43) The later pages of the annals are a long story of poverty and struggle to get clear of debt; and the continuous narrative ends dismally enough with the account of the expenses of the installation of John of Cheddington, which amounted (with the addition of the debts of the previous prior) to £242 8s. 4d. (fn. 44) Of the fourteenth century there are only a few scanty notices, the only events told at any length being those connected with the peasants' revolt in 1381, when the prior, Thomas Marshall, appears by his courage and moderation to have saved his own house from serious loss, and his burghers from punishment. (fn. 45) In 1349 an attempt was made by Thomas de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, and marshal of the kingdom, to prove that the prior held his lands by barony; but the jury which was summoned at that time declared upon oath that the lands had always been held in pure and perpetual alms. (fn. 46) King Henry VI. visited Dunstable in 1459, (fn. 47) but there is no record of his relations with the priory; its history during the fifteenth century is not recorded in any way. But in the sixteenth century it was again connected with an important historical event, when on 23 May 1533, in the Lady Chapel of the conventual church at Dunstable, Archbishop Cranmer pronounced the marriage between Henry VIII. and Catherine of Aragon to be null and void. (fn. 48) In 1535 the prior, Gervase Markham, with twelve canons, signed the acknowledgment of the Royal Supremacy, (fn. 49) and on 20 January 1540-1, he surrendered his house to the king and received a pension of £60. (fn. 50)

There were only thirteen at this time besides the prior; eleven canons and two lay brothers; in the early days there were probably more, though never a very large number. Between the years 1223 and 1275 only twenty-five admissions to the novitiate are recorded, (fn. 51) and thirteen deaths; but the entries were perhaps not always made with equal care, and the entrance of lay brothers was not noticed at all. (fn. 52) Besides the religious there were a number of other inmates of the priory; a 'new house for the carpenters and wheelwrights within the court' was built in 1250 (fn. 53); there was accommodation also for the chaplains of the monastery, and for boarders who had bought corrodies, as well as pensioners in the almonry. The porter of the great gate was sometimes a secular, (fn. 54) unlike the custom of Benedictine houses. (fn. 55)

There can be no doubt of the good order of the house during the time of Richard de Morins; he would scarcely have been chosen twice to visit other houses unless he had ruled his own with care and diligence. During his forty years of office canons of Dunstable were at least five times elected priors to other monasteries of the order—at Caldwell, St. Frideswide's, Ashby and Coldnorton. (fn. 56) Bishop Grossetête visited the house once in 1236, not so much to inquire into the daily life of the priory as to investigate its title to several appropriate churches; but he exacted an oath on this occasion from all the canons individually, and one of them fled to Woburn rather than submit to it. (fn. 57) The bishop came again in 1248, while Geoffrey of Barton was prior; when the cellarer, accused by many, fled before his coming to Merivale (fn. 58); but he does not seem to have found fault with the convent in general, and his next visit in 1250 was for purposes of his own. (fn. 59) Archbishop Boniface came in 1253, but made no complaint. (fn. 60) In 1274 Bishop Gravesend sent a canon of Lincoln to visit Dunstable, who left his corrections in writing (fn. 61); and in Advent of the same year he made a personal visitation. (fn. 62) In November of 1279 Bishop Sutton came and discharged his office 'strictly and without respect of persons.' The sub-prior and certain others were removed from their charge, and forbidden to hold office in future, and certain 'less useful members' of the household expelled; in May of the following year he deposed the prior, William le Breton, from all pastoral care. (fn. 63) It seems most likely that these depositions were on account of mismanagement rather than for any personal failings; the great necessity and heavy debts of the house called for stringent measures, and William le Breton had shown himself (like Abbot Richard of Woburn in a similar case) unable to meet the difficulty. There is no sign of any other grave faults having been committed, nor of anything like luxurious living. (fn. 64) The new prior, according to the bishop's advice, set himself to limit the expenses of the whole house and assigned a fixed income to the kitchen for the future (fn. 65); the deposed prior had a proper maintenance assigned to him at Ruxox. (fn. 66) The canons seem to have borne no illwill to Bishop Sutton for his corrections, and were ready on his next visit to their church (which was made not officially but only in passing) to praise him for his excellent sermon. (fn. 67) Other visitations of his are mentioned in 1284, (fn. 68) 1287, (fn. 69) 1288, (fn. 70) and 1293 (fn. 71); the last was only to confer orders. Archbishop Peckham came in 1284, but found all well (fn. 72) ('as the bishop had been there quite lately,' the chronicler naively remarks); and Archbishop Winchelsea in 1293. (fn. 73) The only serious charge that could be laid to the door of the canons all through the thirteenth century was their inability to keep clear of debt; and the record shows that this was often quite as much their misfortune as their fault. There are many incidental remarks of the chroniclers which serve to show that the tone of the house was thoroughly religious, and that the canons were faithful in keeping their rule. (fn. 74) It will suffice to instance, early in the century, the generous treatment of the two young canons (one only a novice), who escaped by night through a window and went to join the Friars Minor at Oxford. They were indeed solemnly excommunicated and compelled to return; but after they had done their penance in the chapter house and had been absolved, they were allowed a year to consider the matter, and if after that time they preferred the stricter order, they were granted permission to depart; if not, they might remain at Dunstable. (fn. 75) A good deal later than this, in 1283, the apologetic way in which the chronicler relates how the prior went out to dinner with John Durant (fn. 76) is sufficient to show that the ordinary rules and customs of the order were not commonly broken.

During the fourteenth century there were several visitations. There is no notice of any by Bishop Dalderby; but he commissioned the prior of Dunstable in 1315 to visit the nuns of St. Giles-in-the-Wood in his name. (fn. 77) Bishop Burghersh in 1322 wrote to order the prior and convent to take back a brother who had been on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and asserted that he did so with the permission of his superior; and a little later the prior was cited for refusing to obey this injunction. (fn. 78) In 1359 (fn. 79) Bishop Gynwell, passing by the priory, noticed 'certain insolences and unlawful wanderings' of the canons, and wrote to reinforce the rule that none should go beyond the precincts of the monastery without reasonable cause, nor without the permission of the prior; and ordered further that such permission should not be too frequently given. He also reminded them of the rule that none should eat or drink outside the monastery, or talk with seculars without permission.

In 1379 Bishop Buckingham confirmed an important ordinance of Thomas Marshall, (fn. 80) setting apart certain funds for the education of one of the canons at Oxford. The prior alludes to the poverty of his house, which was so great that were it not for the help of friends they would not be able to live decently and honestly, and religion would be diminished. Hitherto there had not been enough canons nor enough money to set apart one for special study; but the prior now wished to do so (partly out of the profits of a chantry established by his own family), 'seeing the advantage of learning and the necessity of preaching, the priory being a populous place where a great number of people come together.' All this certainly points to a satisfactory state of the priory under Thomas Marshall, and accords well with what we know of his character from other sources.

Bishop Grey's (fn. 81) injunctions are the only notice that we have of the internal history of the priory during the fifteenth century; they do not indicate any special laxity, and only repeat the usual orders as to silence, singing of the divine office, the unlawfulness of eating and drinking after compline, going to Dunstable or having visitors without permission. And so again at the very end, just before the dissolution, the silence of Bishop Longland, (fn. 82) and the king's choice of the priory for the solemn announcement of his divorce from Catherine of Aragon, constitute an indirect evidence in favour of the house. On the whole the priory of Dunstable shows a very good record in the matter of discipline and order, with only a few lapses.

The original endowment of the priory was, as already stated, the lordship of the manor and town of Dunstable (fn. 83); to which was added under Henry II. the lordship of Houghton Regis, (fn. 84) and under John, the king's house and gardens at Dunstable. (fn. 85) The manors of Stoke and Catesby, and of Ballidon in the Peak, (fn. 86) are mentioned in the annals as the property of the priory during the thirteenth century. In 1291 (fn. 87) the tithes of St. Peter and St. Cuthbert, Bedford, Dunstable, Studham, Totternhoe, Chalgrave, Husborne Crawley, Segenhoe, Flitwick, Pulloxhill, Steppingley, Harlington, Higham Ferrers, Newbottle, Cublington, a moiety of Great Brickhill, Pattishall and Bradbourne belonged to Dunstable Priory, (fn. 88) with pensions in other churches. The temporalities at this time were only valued at a little more than £50; the annals of the house state the total income in 1273 as £107. (fn. 89) The knight's fees attributed to Dunstable in 1316 (fn. 90) were half a fee in Husborne Crawley and Flitwick, and another half in Pulloxhill, with some small fractions besides; they are practically the same in 1346 (fn. 91) and 1428. (fn. 92)

The valuation of the whole property of the priory in 1535 (fn. 93) amounted to £344 13s. 4d., the first report of the Crown bailiff to £266 17s. 6¾d., including the manors of Studham, Wadlow, Stokehammond, Gledley, Grimscote, Catesby and Shortgrave, and the rectories of Studham, Totternhoe, Pulloxhill, Harlington, Husborne Crawley, Flitwick, Segenhoe, Bradbourne, Newbottle, Pattishall and Weedon. (fn. 94)

Priors of Dunstable

Bernard. (fn. 95)

Cuthbert. (fn. 96)

Thomas, (fn. 97) occurs 1185, resigned 1202

Richard de Morins, (fn. 98) elected 1202, died 1242

Geoffrey of Barton, (fn. 99) elected 1242, resigned 1262

Simon of Eaton, (fn. 100) elected 1262, died 1274

William le Breton, (fn. 101) elected 1274, deposed 1280

William de Wederhore, (fn. 102) elected 1280, resigned 1302

John of Cheddington, (fn. 103) elected 1302, died 1341

John of London, (fn. 104) elected 1341, resigned 1348

Roger of Gravenhurst, (fn. 105) elected 1348, died 1351

Thomas Marshall, (fn. 106) elected 1351, died 1413

John Roxton, (fn. 107) elected 1413, resigned 1473

Thomas Gylys, (fn. 108) elected 1473, resigned 1482

Richard Charnock, (fn. 109) elected 1482, resigned 1500

John Wastell, (fn. 110) elected 1500, died 1525

Gervase Markham, elected 1525, surr. 1540

The seal of the priory (fn. 111) used in the fifteenth century (round and large) represents St. Peter seated, holding the keys in the left hand, and the right raised in benediction. Legend: SIGILLUM ECCLIE SC . . PET . . LE.

The seal of Prior William (fn. 112) de Wederhore (affixed to a document dated 1286) is the same as above; the counter-seal has a king and a saint (very indistinct), each standing under a crocketted canopy, the prior kneeling in prayer below. Legend: . . . . ILLUM WILLELMI PRIORIS DE . . .


  • 1. Foundation Charter, contained in the Inspeximus of Richard II. (Harl. MS. 1885, f. 102). The date is fixed between 1131 and 1135 by the name of Robert, Bishop of Hereford, among the witnesses: he succeeded 1131 (Flor. of Worc. [Engl. Hist. Soc.], ii. 92).
  • 2. Dugdale, Mon. vi. 238.
  • 3. Harl. MS. 1885, f. 102. The churches given below are all contained in this charter: those of SS. Peter, Mary and Cuthbert, Bedford, are there stated to be the gift of Henry I.; St. Cuthbert's in another place (ibid. f. 73b) is stated to be the gift of Abel, son of Roland. The confirmations of nearly all these churches by different twelfthcentury bishops and archdeacons are contained in ff. 20-4 of the same chartulary.
  • 4. The churches of St. Peter (Dunstable), St. Mary and St. Cuthbert in Bedford, in the time of Henry I.; the church of Cublington, Bucks, of the gift of Hugh, son of Jocelyn; Segenhoe and Totternhoe, with Higham Ferrers and half the church of Pattishall, Northants, by Simon de Wahull and his son Walter; North Marston, Bucks, of the gift of Thurstan of Hunderigg; Flitwick, Husborne Crawley, and the chapel of Ruxox, of the gift of Philip de Saunvill; Chalgrave, of the gift of Roger Loring, with the consent of Simon de Beauchamp; Aspley Guise (finally assigned to Newnham Priory), of the gift of Roger de Salford; Pulloxhill and Harlington, of the gift of John and William Pirot; Steppingley, of the gift of Richard of Steppingley; Studham, of the gift of Alexander of Studham; and half the church of Chesham, Bucks, of the gift of the abbot of Woburn. Henry II.'s own gift of the lordship of Houghton Regis is alluded to in Rot. Chart. (Rec. Com.), 5 John, m. 24.
  • 5. Harl. MS. 1885, ff. 20-4. Hunter, Feet of F. 5, 47.
  • 6. See 'The Origin of St. Botolph's Priory, Colchester', by J. H. Round (from whom this reference was obtained), in Essex Arch. Trans. (new ser.), iii. 270.
  • 7. He was not made a priest until the Embertide following his election, and said his first mass on St. Michael's Day (Ann. Mon. [Rolls Series], iii. 28).
  • 8. Luard, Introduction to Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii. There are a good many references to events at Merton Priory, e.g. Ann. Mon. iii. 44, 128 (notices of priors of Merton entering stricter orders), etc.
  • 9. Ibid. 28.
  • 10. Ibid.; Rot. Chart. (Rec. Com.), i. pt. 1, 107.
  • 11. Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii. 46.
  • 12. Ibid. 29.
  • 13. Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii. 40. They placed collecting boxes in all the churches.
  • 14. Ibid. 38.
  • 15. Ibid. 80; the abbot of Darley being his coadjutor.
  • 16. Ibid. 112; with the prior of Newnham.
  • 17. Ibid. 149.
  • 18. Ibid. 54.
  • 19. Ibid. 105-22. The details of the quarrel belong to the general ecclesiastical and political histories of the county.
  • 20. Ibid. 80, 85. Richard Pirot, a feudal tenant of the Albinis of Cainhoe, claimed it against him on an assize of darrein presentment. It was common ground to both parties that Richard's grandfather, Ralf Pirot, had given the church to Dunstable Priory temp. Henry II., but Richard claimed that this had been done after Ralf had divested himself of his lands and become a monk at Woburn, which the prior denied (Bracton's Note Book, iii. 454). The prior was successful (ibid. 80). His claim to Aspley Guise is dealt with under Newnham Priory: the details of both suits were kindly supplied by Mr. Round.
  • 21. Henry III. was at Dunstable on 20 August 1224 (Pat. 8 Hen. III. m. 4).
  • 22. Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii. 119. It is probable that Stephen visited the priory near the end of his reign, signing there the confirmation of Luton church to St. Albans (Cott. MS. Otho, D iii. f. 118b).
  • 23. Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii. 42.
  • 24. Ibid. 29, 100.
  • 25. By Geoffrey de Cauceys (ibid. 29).
  • 26. Half the manor of Bradbourne with the chapels of Ballidon and Tissington went with the church (Abbrev. Plac. [Rec. Com.], 255).
  • 27. Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii. 149.
  • 28. Ibid. 158.
  • 29. Ibid. 163.
  • 30. Ibid. 178.
  • 31. Ibid. 199.
  • 32. Ibid. 205–10.
  • 33. Ibid. 213.
  • 34. Ibid. 221.
  • 35. Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii. 226. Richard de Morins had been an admirer of the elder Simon de Montfort, whom he calls 'genere nobilis sed fidei fervore nobilior; in armorum exercitio nobilissimus,' and adds that the son was 'debilior patre' (ibid. 52).
  • 36. Ibid. 240.
  • 37. Ibid. 261-3.
  • 38. Ibid. 343-53. This later dispute turned on the rights of the common of Houghton, and Millicent appealed to Domesday, saying her ancestors held the land of the king by barony. (It is assumed that this Millicent is the same as the wife of Eudo la Zouche.)
  • 39. Ibid. 283.
  • 40. Ibid. 387. The amount of white bread used in the house, and the expenses of the almonry and guesthouse were all lessened at the same time. Shortly before this, in the year 1290, the chronicler records how the body of Queen Eleanor passed through Dunstable on the way to London, and rested a night in the church: at the erection of the memorial cross the prior assisted, asperging with holy water (ibid. 362).
  • 41. Ibid. 388.
  • 42. Ibid. 394. The arrears amounted to 210 marks. By the Concordia made at Westminster 4 marks a year were to be paid in future and all arrears forgiven except 12 marks. The arrangement with the Hospitallers for this church dated from 1185 (Harl. 1885, f. 24; Nero, E vi. f. 236).
  • 43. Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), 401.
  • 44. Ibid. 409.
  • 45. Ibid. 418.
  • 46. Ibid. 412.
  • 47. Ibid. 420.
  • 48. Rymer, Fœdera, vi. (2), 182–3.
  • 49. Ibid. 202.
  • 50. L. and P. Hen. VIII. xv. 1032 (333, 350b).
  • 51. In Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii.
  • 52. They are mentioned however often in the annals: one was killed in defence of the rights of his brethren by the men of the prior of La Grave (ibid. 213), and one of them, 'Brother John the Carpenter,' once invented a new mill, 'novæ structuræ et exterius inauditæ,' which was to be drawn by only one horse; but when they began to use it, four strong horses could scarce move it! (ibid. 402).
  • 53. Ibid. 183. Several other handicrafts were practised by the canons and their dependants. In 1255 a canon made three windows for Steppingley church (ibid. 197), and in 1283 it is stated 'we made a clock over the pulpit' (ibid. 296).
  • 54. The porter in 1287 must have been a secular, as he was asked by the canons to buy a house and prevent the Dominicans extending their boundaries (ibid. 338), and had an anniversary granted him after his death in 1291 (ibid. 371).
  • 55. The account of a disturbance caused by the quartering of some of the king's falconers on the priory in 1276 gives a curious picture of the house in the thirteenth century. The king was staying in the neighbourhood, and his men were quartered partly on the townsmen of Dunstable and partly on the priory. In the evening the party from the priory went out after supper and joined their fellows in the town, and after wandering about in a riotous fashion, they returned to the priory. The monks, who had all retired for the night, were awakened suddenly in the dormitory by a clamour in the court. The falconers had just burst in (probably half intoxicated) after beating the porter and knocking down every one who resisted them: they even went so far as to kill one of the chaplains of the monastery, and handled some of the brethren so roughly that the prior had the great bell rung and summoned the townspeople to the rescue. They came very readily, having their own grudge against the falconers, and the prior had at last to defend his enemies against his friends, for fear of incurring the king's displeasure (ibid. 273).
  • 56. See account of Caldwell Priory, and Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii. 144.
  • 57. Ibid. 152.
  • 58. Ibid. 178.
  • 59. Ibid. 182.
  • 60. Ibid. 190.
  • 61. Ibid. 264.
  • 62. Ibid. 267.
  • 63. Ibid. 283.
  • 64. Bread and beer are constantly spoken of as the ordinary fare of the canons and their boarders also; and when the beer failed in 1274 the chronicler notes as an exceptional event the purchase of five casks of wine, adding 'multum profuit nobis,' as if it were a novelty, or perhaps implying that they had been living lately on poorer food than usual, on account of poverty. The chronicle is full of these little life-like touches, which increase both its interest and its trustworthiness.
  • 65. Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii. 287.
  • 66. The prior was allowed fourteen white loaves and fourteen gallons of better beer, with 8d. for 'companagium' every week, and an allowance of 20s. a year, with corrodies and pay for a servant and a stable boy. This is a very scanty allowance compared with that granted to a retiring prior in 1328 at Hexham, of the same order (Annals of Hexbam [Surtees Society], I. appendix lxxiii). The house at Ruxox was used as a residence for priors who had resigned as early as 1202 (Ann. Mon. [Rolls Series], iii. 29).
  • 67. Ibid. 294.
  • 68. Ibid. 313.
  • 69. Ibid. 340.
  • 70. Ibid. 342.
  • 71. Ibid. 391.
  • 72. Ibid. 315.
  • 73. Ibid. 391.
  • 74. In 1288 a novice was not allowed to make his profession, as being too illiterate, frivolous in behaviour, and of a restless disposition (ibid. 342). There are frequent references to the divine office. At the same time the chronicle is full of human nature.
  • 75. Ibid. 133.
  • 76. Ibid. 302. 'This was quite against the custom observed in our monastery,' says the chronicler, 'but it may be excused, because he owed John so much money, and dared not offend him.'
  • 77. Linc. Epis. Reg., Memo. Dalderby, 317d.
  • 78. Ibid. Memo. Burghersh, 75d, 76d.
  • 79. Ibid. Memo. Gynwell, 340. The prior of Dunstable was elected definitor in this year at the general chapter of the order, as well as in 1340. In 1350 a prior of Dunstable was president, being one of the very few who were able that year to assemble (Cott. MS. Vesp. D i. ff. 47, 50, 54).
  • 80. Linc. Epis. Reg., Memo. Buckingham, f. 82d. The prior alludes in this ordinance to the 'consti tutions of Saint Benedict and the holy fathers,' ordering one canon to be sent to study. There is nothing of the sort in the rule of St. Benedict; but the reference is interesting, as showing how well aware he was of the similarity of his own rule to that of the Benedictines. The Augustinian was commonly supposed to be a lighter rule; but in all the essential features of the common life it was the same.
  • 81. Linc. Epis. Reg., Memo. Grey, 197d.
  • 82. The bishop's silence in this case is really significant, as he had received information from the 'honest people of Dunstable' about the misdeeds of the Dominican prior of Langley Regis in 1528, and must surely have heard at the same time of the misdeeds of the canons, if they had been conspicuous. His statement about the house at Langley, that it was 'in utter decay and but little religion kept,' has indeed been thought to refer to Dunstable Priory (S.P.C.K. Diocesan History of Lincoln, 217); but the reference in the original letter is beyond all doubt (L. and P. Hen. VIII. iv. 4315). Henry VIII. visited Dunstable in 1525 (ibid. iv. 2558).
  • 83. Harl. MS. 1885, f. 102.
  • 84. Rot. Chart. (Rec. Com.), i. 107.
  • 85. Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii. 28.
  • 86. Ibid. 277, 278, 337.
  • 87. Pope Nich. Tax. (Rec. Com.)
  • 88. The priory presented clerks to Rushden several times during the thirteenth century, and to North Marston, Bucks, until 1450, when this church was exchanged with Wedonbeck, which had previously belonged to the canons of Windsor (Linc. Epis. Reg., Memo. Rotherham, 1–7). St. Mary's, Bedford, had been certainly confirmed to Dunstable by Henry II. 'of the gift of Henry I.,' but it had also at an earlier date been granted by William the Conqueror to Lincoln Cathedral. There were several suits between the prior and the dean and chapter on the subject, e.g. Cur. Reg. R. 24, 2 John, n. 11 in dorso: the presentation being finally yielded to the latter, and the former retaining only a pension of 20s. Even this pension was granted in 1334–5 to the dean and chapter (Inq. ad q. d. 8 Edw. III. n. 9). The church of St. Peter referred to here was the one called St. Peter Dunstable, which was pulled down in the sixteenth century; the priory received a pension from the rector until 1336, when it was granted to the dean and chapter of Lincoln (Pat. 9 Edw. III. pt. i. m. 28).
  • 89. Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii. 259.
  • 90. Feud. Aids, i. 21.
  • 91. Ibid. 24, 33.
  • 92. Ibid. 36, 43, 46.
  • 93. Valor Eccl. (Rec. Com.), 206 et seq.
  • 94. Dugdale, Mon. vi. 242.
  • 95. Introd. to Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii. Dr. Luard says that the predecessors of Richard de Morins were Bernard and two persons named Thomas. A charter made in the time of Archbishop Theobald refers to a grant 'tempore B. prioris' (Harl. MS. 1885, f. 25b. See also above, p. 371).
  • 96. Harl. MS. 1885, ff. 73b, 24, 26b. Mentioned as contemporary with Robert, Bishop of Lincoln (1148-66), and Cecily, mother of Robert d'Albini, who founded Beaulieu Priory. It is however necessary to add that the reading of the name as 'Cu/?/.' and 'Cu/?/to' in the two latter references is a little uncertain. On f. 73b it is 'Cutb'tus' beyond doubt.
  • 97. Ibid. f. 24; Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii. 29.
  • 98. Ann. Mon. (Rolls Series), iii. 28.
  • 99. Ibid. 158, 219.
  • 100. Ibid. 220, 263.
  • 101. Ibid. 264, 284.
  • 102. Ibid. 284.
  • 103. Ibid. 409, and Linc. Epis. Reg., Inst. Dalderby, 259d.
  • 104. Linc. Epis. Reg., Inst. Burghersh.
  • 105. Ibid. Inst. Gynwell, 374.
  • 106. Ibid. 389.
  • 107. Ibid. Inst. Repingdon, 305d.
  • 108. Pat. 12 Edw. IV. pt. 1, m. 20.
  • 109. Pat. 22 Edw. IV. pt. 2, m. 30 and m. 10.
  • 110. Lansd. MS. 963; L. and P. Hen. VIII. iv. 2046. He lived till 1561 (Dugdale, Mon. vi. 238), and was buried in the priory church (Beds N. and Q. i. 74).
  • 111. Harl. Ch. iii. C 27.
  • 112. Wol. Ch. x. 33.