Religious Houses: Hospitals

A History of the County of Middlesex: Volume 1, Physique, Archaeology, Domesday, Ecclesiastical Organization, the Jews, Religious Houses, Education of Working Classes To 1870, Private Education From Sixteenth Century. Originally published by Victoria County History, London, 1969.

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'Religious Houses: Hospitals', in A History of the County of Middlesex: Volume 1, Physique, Archaeology, Domesday, Ecclesiastical Organization, the Jews, Religious Houses, Education of Working Classes To 1870, Private Education From Sixteenth Century, ed. J S Cockburn, H P F King, K G T McDonnell( London, 1969), British History Online [accessed 23 July 2024].

'Religious Houses: Hospitals', in A History of the County of Middlesex: Volume 1, Physique, Archaeology, Domesday, Ecclesiastical Organization, the Jews, Religious Houses, Education of Working Classes To 1870, Private Education From Sixteenth Century. Edited by J S Cockburn, H P F King, K G T McDonnell( London, 1969), British History Online, accessed July 23, 2024,

"Religious Houses: Hospitals". A History of the County of Middlesex: Volume 1, Physique, Archaeology, Domesday, Ecclesiastical Organization, the Jews, Religious Houses, Education of Working Classes To 1870, Private Education From Sixteenth Century. Ed. J S Cockburn, H P F King, K G T McDonnell(London, 1969), , British History Online. Web. 23 July 2024.

In this section



Two 16th-century authorities (fn. 2) refer to a medieval hospital for the poor outside Aldersgate. This Cluniac foundation was suppressed by Henry V as an alien house, and its lands and goods granted to the parish of St. Botolph, Aldersgate. In place of the hospital William Bever founded a brotherhood of the Holy Trinity, which was in turn suppressed by Edward VI. The endowments, consisting of property worth £18 16s. a year in the parish of St. Botolph Aldersgate, were granted at an annual rent of 13s. 4d. in 1548 to William Harvye or Somerset, one of the king's heralds-at-arms. (fn. 3)


Alexander Chapman, master of the guild, occurs 1547 (fn. 4)


Before 1446 the main Bath road at Brentford End had been diverted to the north when a stone bridge over the Brent was built here. Between the old and new roads stood this hospital, just inside the parish of Isleworth and not far east of Syon Abbey. The hospital, founded in 1446 by John Somerset, the royal physician and chaplain, and Chancellor of the Exchequer, incorporated a wayside chapel already built by Somerset. The hospital community consisted of a chaplain and his clerk, nine poor afflicted men, and two servants. A guild, called the Guild of the Nine Orders of Holy Angels by Syon, and consisting of a master, brethren, and sisters, was set up to administer the hospital and chapel, and this corporate body was empowered to hold land in mortmain to the value of £40 a year and to have a common seal. Each year a guildsman was to be elected master of the guild, chapel, and hospital. (fn. 5)

The original endowment consisted of 260 acres at Northwood in Ruislip parish and nearly 500 acres in the parishes of Isleworth, Brentford, and Heston. (fn. 6) By a curious arrangement made in 1463 most of this property was transferred to new feoffees under a twelve-year agreement to pay ten marks a year to the chaplain celebrating divine service in the chapel at Brentford Bridge, four marks a year to the chapel clerk, and 7½ d. a week to the five poor persons in the almshouses. In addition, every second year, at Christmas, each resident was to receive two cartloads of fuel, and the five poor persons were each given a robe. The new owners were to keep the chapel and houses in repair, and fill any vacancies among the fraternity. (fn. 7) Arrangements after the expiration of the twelve-year term are not recorded, but in 1479 John Saverey, the master, obtained an exemplification of the letters patent setting up the hospital in 1446. (fn. 8)

By 1498 much of the endowment had been alienated. (fn. 9) Early in the 16th century, however, the manors of Osterley and Wyke were returned to the hospital. (fn. 10) They had been purchased by Hugh Denys, a London citizen, (fn. 11) who bequeathed them in 1511 to Sheen Priory (Surr.) in trust to enlarge, or perhaps refound, the Hospital of All Angels beside Brentford Bridge for seven poor men, and to found a chantry for two secular priests. The foundation was to be called 'the chapel and almshouses of Hugh Denys'. The priests were to be resident and hold no other benefices, and they were to receive nine marks a year and free fuel. The poor men, all resident, were each to have 7½d. a week, free fuel, and a gown worth 4s. (fn. 12) In 1530 the Prior and Convent of Sheen transferred the manors of Osterley and Wyke to the Abbess and Convent of Syon under a covenant to administer these estates for the hospital's benefit. (fn. 13)

The hospital was suppressed in 1547, and the site and its other lands were granted to the Duke of Somerset, (fn. 14) who also received Syon Abbey. On Somerset's fall in 1552 the property reverted to the Crown, and in 1557–8 the hospital precinct, including the chapel and eight almshouses, was granted to the newly-restored convent of Syon. (fn. 15) The bulk of the original endowment, including the manors of Osterley and Wyke, had already been alienated. (fn. 16)

After the second dissolution of Syon Abbey Elizabeth I leased the chapel and the hospital with its appurtenances to Richard Burton, and he or his successors demolished the chapel and two of the almshouses and converted the site into a garden. (fn. 17) In 1608 five almshouses were being used for the poor of Isleworth. Some of these were still there in 1649 but are said to have been rebuilt about four years later. (fn. 18) In 1729 they were again rebuilt as the parish workhouse. (fn. 19)

No detailed description of the hospital has survived. The premises were of brick (fn. 20) and in the 16th century comprised two priest's houses, with small gardens, and seven 'bedehouses' or almshouses with similar gardens. The almshouses adjoined the south aisle of the chapel, (fn. 21) which had a 'steeple'. (fn. 22) Within the precinct was a small pond called the Chapel Pool, and, adjoining the almshouses to the west, were two messuages called 'the Sprottes' and the Rose Inn. (fn. 23)


John Saverey, occurs 1479 (fn. 24)


The only medieval mention of this leper hospital occurs in the will, dated 1500, (fn. 25) of Joan, wife of Sir Thomas Frowyk of Ealing. Lady Frowyk left 4d. each to every leper in Hammersmith and in four other lazar houses so that prayers might be said for her soul.

In 1549 Hammersmith Hospital came under the care of St. Bartholomew's Hospital, (fn. 26) and in 1555–6 the inmates shared in the 26s. 8d. paid by St. Bartholomew's to the poor of the lazar houses under their control. (fn. 27) In 1558–9 (fn. 28) and again in 1560 (fn. 29) patients were transferred from St. Bartholomew's to Hammersmith.

A proctor of 'the poor house or hospital of Hammersmith' is recorded in 1578 and 1581. This proctor was John Payne of Hammersmith, who was licensed to collect alms in Buckinghamshire and Northamptonshire. He promised to hand over the sums collected to the 'guider' of the hospital. (fn. 30)

The hospital received a few private contributions for patients between 1590 and 1608, (fn. 31) and each year from 1602 to 1620 the 'guider' of Hammersmith received at irregular intervals from the governors of St. Bartholomew's sums, varying between £5 13s. 4d. and £13 10s., towards the cost of the patients and his own expenses. These varying amounts were replaced in 1621 by a yearly allowance of about £9 10s., which was continued until 1623. Payments to the hospital then ceased. (fn. 32) The last known reference to Hammersmith Hospital occurs in 1677, (fn. 33) and thereafter the house seems to have fallen into gradual decay. (fn. 34) By 1705 no trace of the building remained. (fn. 35)

Norden's map of 1593 shows the hospital south of Palingswick (now Ravenscourt Park), on the north side of the western road (King Street), and just west of the Creek. (fn. 36) The irregular south-eastern boundary of Palingswick suggests that the hospital stood near the highway opposite the northern end of Rivercourt Road.


John Golsyngper, occurs 1560 (fn. 37)
John Payne, occurs 1578, 1581 (fn. 38)


Highgate leper hospital stood facing Whittington Stone (once a wayside cross) on the west side of Highgate Hill, the highway between Highgate and Holloway. (fn. 39) The hospital was founded in 1473 by William Pole, sometime yeoman of the Crown and himself a leper. (fn. 40) As the hospital site was given to Pole by Edward IV, the Crown always appointed the master, and on Pole's death in 1477 the appointment went to another leper, Robert Wylson, a London saddler, in return for war service. (fn. 41)

The administration of the London lazar houses was taken over by St. Bartholomew's Hospital in 1549, (fn. 42) but four patients had been sent from St. Bartholomew's to Highgate in 1548. (fn. 43) In 1550 two governors of St. Bartholomew's were sent to view Highgate spital and next year submitted a report and inventory. (fn. 44) The revenues were small and, apart from occasional sums paid for the upkeep of patients, (fn. 45) the only substantial donation recorded was the 40s. bequeathed in 1565 by Sir Roger Cholmeley, founder of Highgate School. (fn. 46)

From about 1550 patients other than lepers were being sent to the hospital, (fn. 47) which henceforth until its closure in 1650 seems to have resembled a poor house rather than a hospital. (fn. 48) In 1650 the premises, covering two roods and worth £9 a year, consisted of a timber building with a tiled roof, containing a hall, a kitchen, three small rooms on the ground floor, and five small rooms above, and an orchard and garden. (fn. 49) The government sold the property in 1653 to Ralph Harrison of London. (fn. 50) The site was built over in 1852. (fn. 51)


William Pole, founder, occurs 1473–7 (fn. 52)
Robert Wylson, appointed 1477 (fn. 53)
John Gymnar and Katherine his wife, appointed 1498 (fn. 54)
Simon Guyn, appointed 1533 (fn. 55)
John Stafforde, occurs 1551–2, 1555–6, 1557 (fn. 56)
William Parker, occurs 1560, 1561 (fn. 57)
William Storye, appointed 1563; occurs 1577; died 1584 (fn. 58)
John Randall, appointed 1584; occurs 1586–7, 1589; died 1590 (fn. 59)
Thomas Watson, appointed 1590; occurs 1593 (fn. 60)
William Stockwell, appointed 1605 (fn. 61)
John Harbert, dead by Sept. 1650 (fn. 62)

The pointed oval seal of the hospital, 3½ by 21/8 in., of which the bronze matrix survives, shows two figures standing under canopies. (fn. 63) The younger, on the left, holds in his left hand a sphere with cross, while two fingers of his right hand are raised in blessing. The right-hand figure represents St. Anthony with his hands together in prayer. By his right side is a T-shaped staff, from his girdle hangs a bell, and at his left foot is a pig. Legend, roman:



This leper hospital, dedicated to St. Giles, the patron saint of cripples, was founded in the fields of Holborn in the early 12th century (fn. 65) by Maud (Matilda, d. 1118), wife of Henry I. The hospital, with an oratory, was on the south side of the old Roman road from London to the west, on the curve of St. Giles's High Street near the present Charing Cross Road (formerly Hog Lane). The parish church of St. Giles probably occupies the site of the hospital chapel.

Queen Maud endowed her foundation with 60s. yearly rent from her perquisite of Queenhythe, (fn. 66) and this rent-charge was specially noted when in 1246 the customs on this public landing-stage passed to the City. (fn. 67) Further gifts from London citizens raised the annual endowment to over £100, and it seems that one citizen, a leper, gave so much that in c. 1354 the citizens claimed that he had founded the hospital. (fn. 68) The queen had granted the supervision of the hospital to the City, (fn. 69) and for most of the Middle Ages the mayor and commonalty regularly appointed two wardens or overseers for this and the other London leper houses.

Henry II confirmed Maud's endowment (fn. 70) and added a further 60s. a year to buy habits for the lepers and 30s. 5d. to provide lighting. A second charter of Henry II indicates that St. Giles's was a royal free chapel exempt from the bishop's jurisdiction. During the Interdict (1208–14) Pope Alexander IV granted the hospital his special protection. (fn. 71) His bull reveals that the lepers were trying to live as a religious community and that the hospital precinct included gardens and 8 acres of land adjoining the hospital to the north and south. This and other land near the hospital formed the home farm, worked by the hospital itself. In 1321 there were at the hospital farm horses, carts, and two ploughs; and in 1391 at least 8 horses, 12 oxen, 2 cows, 156 pigs, 60 geese, and 186 domestic fowl. Two years later brushwood, hay, and straw are mentioned. White and brown loaves, peas, and porridge formed part of the diet. (fn. 72)

During the 13th century disputes arose over the administration of the hospital. The Crown had appointed the two wardens or overseers in 1246; (fn. 73) but in 1261–2 the citizens of London secured a patent (fn. 74) stating that they had always been accus tomed to appoint, by consent of the hospital brethren and by royal mandate. The citizens, having made their point, then selected the royal nominees, two Londoners. The citizens next attempted to secure the right to appoint the master, but the Crown's claim was confirmed in 1287 on the ground that the hospital had been founded by the king's ancestors. (fn. 75) The king then had to defend his position against the Bishop of London, who claimed the right of visitation. At an inquisition held in 1293 (fn. 76) it was asserted that the hospital was a royal free chapel, that the hospital advowson had always belonged to the Crown, and that upon appointment the master had at once exercised spiritual jurisdiction both in the parish and precinct of St. Giles's 'without any intermeddling' by the bishop. Of all the hospital's property only the church of Feltham was subject to the bishop; and the king alone had the right to visit St. Giles's.

The hospital soon felt the weight of the king's power, for in 1299 Edward I suddenly granted the revenues and administration of St. Giles's to the Master and Brethren of the Order of St. Lazarus of Jerusalem, (fn. 77) who had their English headquarters at Burton Lazars (Leics.). (fn. 78) St. Giles's thus became a cell to this house (which by 1299 provided not for lepers but for the poor, aged, and sick) and the head of Burton Lazars became ex officio Master of St. Giles's. (fn. 79)

The hospital's affairs did not improve, partly owing to internal quarrels and waste, and in 1303 some of the inmates broke the locks off the gates and allowed Robert Winchelsey, Archbishop of Canterbury, (fn. 80) to enter and usurp the office of visitor. Some muniments were carried off, and the master complained to the king. (fn. 81)

Further trouble was caused by the practice, commonly employed by officers of the royal household, of sending to the hospital non-leprous decayed domestics and others. In 1315 the master, brethren, and sisters petitioned in Parliment against this usage, contending that the hospital had been founded for lepers only. (fn. 82) Edward II's ruling in their favour was incorporated in a new charter. (fn. 83)

In 1347 Edward III ordered the mayor and sheriffs to see that all lepers left the City within fifteen days. (fn. 84) The City authorities had by this time set up their own leper hospitals, but they naturally wished also to utilize St. Giles's Hospital, to which they had always laid claim. The citizens therefore in 1348 complained to the king that since the Master and brothers of Burton Lazars had taken over St. Giles's the friars had ousted the lepers and replaced them by brothers and sisters of the Order of St. Lazarus, who were not diseased and ought not to associate with those who were. After an inquiry it was agreed in 1354 that henceforth the mayor and commonalty should for ever present to the warden of the hospital fourteen lepers from the City and suburbs, or, if there were not enough there, from the county of Middlesex. If the citizens made further gifts, the number of lepers was to be increased in proportion. (fn. 85) Shortly before this settlement, in 1349, the Chancellor, John Offord, who was ex officio royal visitor to St. Giles's, had drawn up new rules for the management of the hospital. (fn. 86)

The affairs of the hospital still did not prosper, and in 1367 Edward III took the hospital under his protection, appointing as master Geoffrey de Birston, one of the brothers of the house, with instructions to straighten matters out and put the care of the lepers first. (fn. 87) In 1384 Richard II required the aldermen of London to make returns of the yearly value of all the hospital's tenements and rents in the City. (fn. 88) Next year the king appointed some of his clerks as visitors to inquire into defaults in the books, vestments, ornaments, and buildings and into the dissipation and alienation of the hospital estates. (fn. 89) Four years later the king appointed another commission (fn. 90) to visit the hospital, with instructions to reform abuses and remove incompetent officials. Despite the efforts of the Master of Burton Lazars, (fn. 91) the king took the hospital under his special protection and in 1389 appointed as warden or master for life John Macclesfield, one of the royal clerks, (fn. 92) who removed his predecessor, Nicholas of Dover, Master of Burton Lazars. (fn. 93) In 1391 Robert Braybroke, Bishop of London, usurped the right of visitation and jurisdiction by collusion with Richard de Kynble, a 'brother' of the hospital, and his brother Hugh. Macclesfield reported the intrusion, which was recorded on the Patent Rolls. (fn. 94) In the same year, for a large financial consideration, Richard II ignored the rights of Burton Lazars and granted St. Giles's Hospital, advowson, and lands in frankalmoin to his grandfather's Cistercian foundation, the abbey of St. Mary Graces on Tower Hill. (fn. 95) Legal proceedings (fn. 96) were soon instituted by the Master of Burton Lazars, who complained that the Abbot of St. Mary Graces had dispossessed St. Giles's of live stock, grain, carts, furniture, books, vestments, and ecclesiastical ornaments worth more than £1,000.

The City authorities doubted the legality of the grant to the Abbot of St. Mary Graces and held back various rents in the City until commanded by the king in 1393 to hand over money. (fn. 97) Further action was taken by Walter Lynton, the dispossessed Master of Burton Lazars, who in 1399 entered St. Giles's with an armed band, turned out the abbot's representatives, and occupied the premises. (fn. 98)

During these disturbances the lepers were 'in want of maintenance' so in 1401 Henry IV ordered (fn. 99) the mayor to collect 100s. from the hospital's city tenants. This sum was duly handed over to five lepers, and a few months later a similar collection and distribution took place. (fn. 100) In the same year Walter Lynton instituted proceedings against the Abbot of St. Mary Graces, (fn. 101) and in 1402 the abbot's grant of St. Giles's Hospital was revoked and Lynton was restored to legal possession. (fn. 102) It was probably at this time that Lynton compiled the hospital cartulary. (fn. 103) In 1414 he had the chief royal grants of St. Giles's Hospital to Burton Lazars inspected, confirmed, and enrolled. (fn. 104)

During the legal proceedings the Abbot of St. Mary Graces had accused Walter Lynton of reducing the number of lepers, dismissing the chaplain, clerk, and servants, and replacing them by sisters, contrary to the foundation statutes. At an inquiry in 1402 it was found that in case of necessity the number of lepers was often reduced from fourteen to nine or fewer. (fn. 105) About this date the city gallows were moved from West Smithfield to a site just northwest of the hospital precinct, at the gate of which condemned prisoners were given a large bowl of ale, called 'St. Giles's Bowl'. There were also gallows at Tyburn. (fn. 106)

During the 15th century leprosy, although dying out elsewhere, was still rife in the London area, and St. Giles's continued as a leper hospital until at least 1500. (fn. 107) By 1535–6, however, the fourteen inmates were described simply as 'paupers'. (fn. 108)

In 1539 the priory of Burton Lazars, with its dependent house of St. Giles's, was dissolved. (fn. 109) Three years earlier Henry VIII and the Master of Burton Lazars had agreed upon an exchange of land under which St. Giles's lost much without compensation. (fn. 110) The remaining possessions, excluding St. Giles's church, were granted by the king in 1545 to John Dudley, Lord Lisle. (fn. 111)

The hospital premises originally comprised the oratory or church, very soon partly parochial, wherein burned 'St. Giles's light', (fn. 112) the houses of the lepers, the master's house, and rooms for the chaplain, a clerk, and a messenger or servant. By 1224 other brothers and sisters had been introduced to carry on the administration and to help the sick; and between 1224 and 1292 the master and three other chaplains and clerks are mentioned, as well as a sub-deacon and proctor. (fn. 113) A chapter-house had been built by 1321. (fn. 114)

Much of the hospital's landed property lay around the precinct and constituted the home farm. This land extended eastward almost to Holborn Bar. Within the City there were houses and rents in many parishes, as well as the 60s. due annually from the customs of Queenhithe. Other hospital property was concentrated in the west of Middlesex at Feltham, Heston, and Isleworth. (fn. 115)

MASTERS, ETC. (fn. 116)

John the chaplain, occurs 1118 or earlier (fn. 117)
[Osbert FitzGodwy, ?occurs ante 1186] (fn. 118)
[Ralph son of Adam, ?occurs 1186] (fn. 119)
[Robert, ?occurs 1186] (fn. 120)
Walter of Oxford, occurs 1200 (fn. 121)
Roger of St. Anthony, occurs 1201–2 (fn. 122)
William de Cokefeld or the chaplain, occurs ?1206–7, (fn. 123) 1211–12 (fn. 124)
[Edward, ?occurs 1218] (fn. 125)
Gerard, occurs from 1217–18 (fn. 126) to 1223 (fn. 127)
Walter the chaplain [?or of Thame], occurs from 1226–7 (fn. 128) to 1260–1 (fn. 129)
William the chaplain, occurs ?1260–1 (fn. 130) to 1272 (fn. 131)
Roger de Clare, occurs from 1275–6 (fn. 132) to 1278–9 (fn. 133)
Ralph de Seinfontains (Septem Fontibus), occurs 1281; (fn. 134) resigned by 1286 (fn. 135)
Henry of Durham (C), appointed 1286; (fn. 136) confirmed 1287 (fn. 137)
[Robert de Stapul, ?occurs 1287] (fn. 138)
William de Wytheresfeld (C), appointed 1291 (fn. 139)
Walter de Clerkenwell (C), appointed 1293 (fn. 140)
[Henry de Cateby, ?occurs 1297] (fn. 141)
[ ], Master of Burton Lazars, grantee 1299 (fn. 142)
[Walter Christmas, ?occurs 1302] (fn. 143)
John Crispin (B), occurs as 'keeper' of St. Giles's 1303, (fn. 144) 1305; (fn. 145) as Master of Burton Lazars, 1316 (fn. 146)
William de Werefeld, ?deputy, occurs ante 15 Feb. 1316 (fn. 147)
Richard de Leighton (B), occurs?; (fn. 148) occurs as Master of Burton Lazars, 1319 (fn. 149)
William de Aumenyl (B), occurs as Master of Burton Lazars, 1321 (fn. 150)
William de Ty (B), occurs?; occurs as Master of Burton Lazars, 1323, 1327 (fn. 151)
Hugh Michell (B), occurs?; (fn. 152) occurs as Master of Burton Lazars, 1336–9 (fn. 153)
Richard (B), occurs as Master of Burton Lazars, 1345 (fn. 154)
Thomas de Kirkeby (B), occurs, ?as deputy, 1341; (fn. 155) as 'warden' and as Master of Burton Lazars, 1347 (fn. 156)
Geoffrey de Chaddesden (B), occurs 1354 (fn. 157)
Robert Halliday (B), occurs?; (fn. 158) occurs as Master of Burton Lazars, 1358 (fn. 159),
Geoffrey de Birston or Briston (C), appointed 1367; (fn. 160) occurs 1370 (fn. 161)
William Croxton, deputy, appointed 1371; confirmed 1384 (fn. 162)
Nicholas of Dover (B), occurs as Master of Burton Lazars from 1364; (fn. 163) confirmed as 'warden' of St. Giles's 1387; (fn. 164) dispossessed 1389 (fn. 165)
Richard Clifford (B), appointed as Master of Burton Lazars in 1389 (fn. 166)
John Macclesfield (C), appointed 1389; (fn. 167) occurs 1391 (fn. 168)
Richard Crowelegh (C), appointed 1390 (fn. 169)
[William de Warden], Abbot of St. Mary Graces (C), appointed 1391; (fn. 170) dispossessed 1402 (fn. 171)
Walter Lynton (B), occurs as Master of Burton Lazars from 1401 to 1421; (fn. 172) occurs as master of St. Giles's, 1403 (fn. 173)
Geoffrey Shrigley (B), occurs as Master of Burton Lazars from 1421 to 1445 (fn. 174)
William Sutton, knight (B), occurs as Master of Burton Lazars from 1450 to 1482 (fn. 175)
George Sutton (B), occurs as Master of Burton Lazars from 1484 to 1504 (fn. 176)
[Thomas Harringwold, ?deputy, ?occurs 1493] (fn. 177)
Thomas Honyter (B), occurs as Master of Burton Lazars, 1506 (fn. 178)
Thomas Morton, knight (B), occurs as Master of Burton Lazars from 1509 to 1524 (fn. 179)
Thomas Ratcliffe (B), occurs as Master of Burton Lazars from 1526 to 1537 (fn. 180)
Thomas Leigh, knight (B), occurs as Master of Burton Lazars from 1537 (fn. 181) to 1543–4 (fn. 182)
[Robert Barker, ?deputy, ?occurs 1542] (fn. 183)

A common seal existed by at least 1284–5. (fn. 184) It is a pointed oval, (fn. 185) 4 by 25/8 in., and bears a representation of St. Giles, the patron saint, who holds in his right hand an almsbox and in his left a staff. Legend, lombardic:


An enlarged cast-iron facsimile of the seal is in St. Giles's church. (fn. 186)


Kingsland leper hospital was founded by the citizens of London in about 1280. It stood just over two miles from the city on the west side of the Roman road to the north and at the south end of the hamlet of Kingsland in the manor of Newington Barowe.

The first recorded 'guide' or governor of the hospital, in this instance called 'forman', was William Walssheman, who in 1375 took an oath to prevent lepers from entering the city. (fn. 188) Kingsland was one of the group of leper houses supervised by the two wardens appointed by the City. (fn. 189) In 1545 the 'guide' of Kingsland petitioned the City for rules for his house. (fn. 190) Four years later Kingsland, together with the other five London leper hospitals, was transferred to St. Bartholomew's Hospital. (fn. 191) Subsequently the hospital records give particulars of several patients sent to Kingsland. (fn. 192) In 1555–6 Kingsland received a quarter share of the 26s. 8d. paid by St. Bartholomew's to four of its 'outhouses'. (fn. 193) Further occasional payments were made by St. Bartholomew's and by private persons for the upkeep of patients sent to Kingsland. (fn. 194)

During the early 17th century the costs of Kingsland Hospital mounted rapidly. In 1602 repairs to the house and barn cost approximately £150, and in the following year fourteen bedsteads were bought for £14. (fn. 195) At this period the 'guide' was receiving at irregular intervals sums usually amounting to about £8 a year, to which extra sums were added in 1611 and 1612 for the Christmas diet of the inmates. (fn. 196) In 1613 the hospital was enlarged by the building of a new 'sweatlie ward' at a cost of £6 4s. 7d., (fn. 197) and in 1625 and 1627 the 'guide' requested more money for fuel and food for the inmates. In 1643 and 1644 he had to be given £10 extra for winter fuel alone. (fn. 198) John Topcliffe, surgeon, who had probably been guide for fifty years, was in 1646 granted a fixed yearly salary of £8, together with £16 'for the poor that are admitted into diet'. (fn. 199) His successor, John Kent, another surgeon (appointed 1649), was soon in difficulties over the cost of medicine, special diets, and fuel. The hospital building had also been enlarged and so a further £20 was needed for drugs, physic, sheets, straw for beds, and burial charges. During Kent's tenure it was laid down that a candle was to be burned in each of the six wards every night in winter, and that a detailed diet was to be drawn up for each day. (fn. 200) The practice of admitting only women patients to Kingsland and only men to the Lock may also have begun at this time. (fn. 201)

The Great Fire of 1666 so depleted the revenues of St. Bartholomew's Hospital that all the patients at Kingsland had to be discharged before Christmas 1666. The 'guide' continued in residence to look after the premises, and in 1667 was allowed to take patients whose friends agreed to pay for everything except special diet. (fn. 202) By 1680 conditions had returned to normal and Kingsland was to have 20 patients, maintained by St. Bartholomew's. After 1682 the 'guide' was to receive £30 a year, together with a further £3 for washing the patients' sheets, for coals and candles, and for hemp for maintaining the sheets. Each patient was given 4d. a day to buy his own food. (fn. 203)

Services in the hospital chapel are recorded from 1638, when Jeremiah Gosse was chosen as minister at Kingsland and the Lock in place of a Mr. Powell, who had received £10 a year. (fn. 204) Many persons from outside the hospital attended the chapel services and in 1716, after a disturbance in the chapel, curtains were provided to shut off the patients. (fn. 205) These patients were suffering from ague, fever, dropsy, jaundice, and diarrhoea amongst other diseases. (fn. 206) In 1754 many had venereal disease, but the statement that the Kingsland and Lock outhouses had always been used by St. Bartholomew's for such patients (fn. 207) is not borne out by extant records. (fn. 208)

In 1725 St. Bartholomew's made a survey of Kingsland. This revealed that all the wards were on the ground floor, were 'very ancient and very defective', and were now three feet below the level of the road outside the hospital. It was decided to rebuild and enlarge these wards. The rebuilding programme provided for thirty beds, a bath-house, a couch-room, a surgery, and other amenities. The coach-house and stable were next rebuilt, and in 1727 the surgeon's house was to be repaired. (fn. 209) Other minor repairs and innovations were effected during the 1730's, (fn. 210) but evidently the cost of maintaining the outhouses was becoming too great. In 1754 a sub-committee of the governors of St. Bartholomew's reported on both Kingsland and the Lock. It was found that the 'guide' or surgeon of Kingsland was receiving as well as a house and his salary of £30 an additional £50 for medicines. The other staff consisted of a chaplain with a salary of £12 and a gratuity of £8, and a sister, a nurse, and a helper, each receiving 3s. 6d. a week. Since the two outhouses together were costing more than £700 a year to maintain, it was recommended that both should be dissolved and their patients transferred to two special wards at St. Bartholomew's. (fn. 211) This proposal was rejected, but in 1760 the decision was reversed and Kingsland Hospital was closed. (fn. 212)


William Walssheman, occurs 1375 (fn. 213)
John Nyk, occurs 1543 (fn. 214)
— Lawson, dead by 19 Mar. 1552 (fn. 215)
— Lawson (his widow), governess and matron, occurs 1552 (fn. 216)
Cuthbert Harrison, occurs 1557, 1560 (fn. 217)
John Dyconson, occurs 1589–90; dead by 1595–6 (fn. 218)
William Moore, occurs 1601–2 (fn. 219)
John Topcliffe, occurs 1625; dismissed 1649 (fn. 220)
John Kent, occurs 1649, 1666 (fn. 221)
John Bignall, occurs 1669; resigned 1682 (fn. 222)
Richard Berry, occurs 1682, 1689 (fn. 223)
Nicholas Field, occurs 1708; died in office 1720 (fn. 224)
James Dansie, occurs 1720, 1734 (fn. 225)
Joseph Webb, occurs 1749 (fn. 226)
Robert Young, appointed 1755; (fn. 227) not in office by July 1761 (fn. 228)


Little is known (fn. 230) of Knightsbridge leper hospital before 1549 when it was one of the six lazar houses handed over by the City to St. Bartholomew's Hospital. The earliest reference to Knightsbridge occurs in 1475, (fn. 231) but the hospital was probably among those set up or taken over by the City in the 13th or 14th century. (fn. 232)

After St. Bartholomew's assumed control a number of patients were sent from St. Bartholomew's to Knightsbridge. (fn. 233) In 1555–6 the keeper received from St. Bartholomew's 6s. 8d. for 'keeping the poor'. (fn. 234) In 1582 John Glassington was the 'guider'. An annual rent of 4s. was paid to the abbey church of Westminster, (fn. 235) and St. Bartholomew's paid 45s. for nine 'sore poor people'. (fn. 236) Subsequently Glassington received frequent and increasingly large amounts. (fn. 237) In 1595 he submitted a report on the state of his hospital. (fn. 238) He said that there were no lands nor endowments; that he had spent during his tenure more than £100 on repairs; and that there were 36 or 37 patients, supported wholly by voluntary contributions. Food alone had cost £162 in 1594, and candles, linen, bandages, and medicine had also been bought. Glassington claimed to have cured 55 patients, some of whom had been dismissed as incurable from other hospitals. Some patients were made to work, and all attended prayers in the chapel twice daily.

Regular financial assistance from St. Bartholomew's ceased in 1623, (fn. 239) and although the vestry of St. Margaret's, Westminster, made occasional grants, (fn. 240) by 1629 the hospital chapel (by then an official chapel-of-ease to St. Martin's-le-Grand) had fallen into serious disrepair. The chapel was rebuilt at the cost of the inhabitants of Knightsbridge, and from 1634 pew-rents were charged to maintain the chaplain, repair the chapel, and relieve the poor in the hospital. (fn. 241) In 1699 the chapel, now separately administered, was again rebuilt at the expense of Nicholas Birkhead, a London goldsmith. (fn. 242)

The Knightsbridge lazar house and chapel were still standing in 1708, (fn. 243) but the chapel only was mentioned in 1720. (fn. 244) The hospital stood on one of the main roads out of London, about a quarter of a mile west of Hyde Park Corner, between Piccadilly and Kensington. The buildings were north-east of the ancient bridge over the Westbourne Brook, marked since 1845 by Albert Gate.


Richard, buried 1546 (fn. 245)
Hugh Fabyan, occurs 1549–50 (fn. 246)
Thomas (or Jasper) Fabyan, occurs 1555–7 (fn. 247)
Henry Fryer, occurs, 1560 (fn. 248)
John Glassington, occurs 1581–2, 1598 (fn. 249)
William More, buried 1620 (fn. 250)
Daniel Bissell, occurs 1622 (fn. 251)
John Glassington, appointed 1654 (fn. 252)

The pointed oval seal of the hospital, (fn. 253) 2¾ by 1¼ in., shows two figures, each under a separate canopy. On the left is the Virgin, crowned, with the Child in her right hand, and a sceptre in her left. The other figure is a bishop, with his right hand raised in benediction and his left holding a pastoral staff. Legend, black letter:


19. MILE END HOSPITAL (fn. 254)

Mile End leper hospital, said to have been founded before 1274, (fn. 255) stood within the demesne of the Bishop of London's manor of Stepney. (fn. 256) The hospital was on the main road to Essex, (fn. 257) to the north of the present bridge over the Regent's Canal and about two miles east of Aldgate. (fn. 258) The hospital stood between the hamlets of Mile End and Stratford at Bow. (fn. 259) In 1529 it consisted of a group of houses with six beds, a suite of rooms apparently intended for the overseer, and a chapel dedicated to Our Saviour and St. Mary Magdalen. (fn. 260) Appointment of the overseer appears in 1529 to have been by a lay proprietor, (fn. 261) but in 1532 Bishop Stokesley appointed Richard Wade, (fn. 262) and in 1540 Bishop Bonner appointed John Mills. (fn. 263) The day-to-day running of the hospital was transferred by the City to St. Bartholomew's Hospital in 1549, and henceforth patients were sent to Mile End and occasional sums were paid for their support. (fn. 264) The Spital House is mentioned once or twice in the later 16th century, (fn. 265) and was still standing in the 17th century, when the property was conveyed to the Drapers' Company. (fn. 266)


[?John Gymer, died 1522 (fn. 267) ]
Richard Wade, appointed 1532 (fn. 268)
John Mills, appointed 1540; (fn. 269) occurs 1557 (fn. 270)
John Stafford, occurs 1560 (fn. 271)
John Lyddington, died 1574 (fn. 272)
Henry Smith, occurs 1589 (fn. 273)

The hospital seal is known only from a reproduction. (fn. 274) It is oval and shows two figures under one canopy. The left-hand figure holds a spade. To the right is a crouching figure. Legend, black letter:



  • 1. For more detailed accounts of the hospitals in this section see Marjorie B. Honeybourne, 'The Leper Hospitals of the London Area', T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 3–61.
  • 2. J. Leland, Collectanea (1770 edn.), i. 113–14; Stow, Survey, ii. 80, 144, 395.
  • 3. Cal. Pat. 1547–8, 271; 1548–9, 99.
  • 4. Ibid.
  • 5. Ibid. 1446–52, 29; 1476–85, 138. The foundation charter is printed in Aungier, Syon, 215, 459–65.
  • 6. Cat. Anc. D. v. A 13445; Cal. Close, 1441–7, 147–8.
  • 7. Cat. Anc. D. v. A 13416.
  • 8. Cal. Pat. 1476–85, 138.
  • 9. Cal. Close, 1485–1500, 334.
  • 10. For details of the descent of these manors see V.C.H. Mdx. iii. 109, 110.
  • 11. He is sometimes identified with Hugh Denys, verger of Windsor Castle (d. 1511): L. & P. Hen. VIII, i, p. 483.
  • 12. Syon Ho., MS. A. xv. 5. a (the 1608 survey of Syon); Lysons, Environs of Lond. iii. 91–92, 96; Aungier, Syon, 221–2, 465–78.
  • 13. L. & P. Hen. VIII, iv (3), p. 2818.
  • 14. Cal. Pat. 1547–8, 172; 1549–51, 431.
  • 15. Ibid. 1555–7, 290–2, 444; 1557–8, 295, 450. The number eight may imply an extra bedesman, or be an error for seven.
  • 16. For details see T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 57.
  • 17. Syon Ho., MS. A. xv. 5. a. For the subsequent history of the chapel site see T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 57–58.
  • 18. Seven almshouses were apparently still standing and in use in 1576: V.C.H. Mdx. iii. 120.
  • 19. Ibid.
  • 20. J. Leland, Itinerary, ii, f. 1, s.a. 1542.
  • 21. Syon Ho., MS. A. xv. 5. a.
  • 22. Aungier, Syon, 470.
  • 23. Syon Ho., MS. A. xv. 5. a. For 17th-cent. plans and descriptions of the site see T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 58.
  • 24. Cal. Pat. 1476–85, 138.
  • 25. P.C.C. 2 Moone.
  • 26. See p. 154. St. Bart's, never owned Hammersmith Hosp., which was on copyhold land of Fulham manor: T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 15.
  • 27. N. Moore, Hist. of St. Bart's. Hosp. ii. 219; St. Bart's. Hosp. Ledger, Hb 1/1, f. 277v.
  • 28. Ibid. f. 370v.
  • 29. Ibid. Journal, Ha 1/1, f. 221v.
  • 30. B.M. Harl. Ch. 86, B. 11, B. 25. A transcript of the 1578 bond is printed in T. Faulkner, Hammersmith (1839), 264.
  • 31. For details see T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 14.
  • 32. St. Bart's. Hosp. Ledgers, Hb 1/3, ff. 279v, 572; Hb 1/4.
  • 33. Lysons, Environs of Lond. ii. 421; T. Faulkner, Fulham, 342.
  • 34. Faulkner, Hammersmith, 264.
  • 35. W. Bowack, Antiquities of Mdx. (1705), 43.
  • 36. A Fulham court roll of 1616 confirms this location: L.C.C. Survey of Lond. iv. p. xvi.
  • 37. St. Bart's. Hosp. Journal, Ha 1/1, f. 221v.
  • 38. B.M. Harl. Ch. 86, B. 11, B. 25.
  • 39. For details of the site see T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 16–18.
  • 40. Cal. Pat. 1467–77, 373.
  • 41. Ibid. 1476–85, 48.
  • 42. See T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 9.
  • 43. St. Bart's. Hosp. Ledger, Hb 1/1, ff. 55, 110.
  • 44. Ibid. Journal, Ha 1/1, ff. 4, 15.
  • 45. Ibid. ff. 122, 277.
  • 46. P.C.C. 24 Morrison.
  • 47. St. Bart's. Hosp. Journal, Ha 1/1, ff. 122, 196, 196v, 205 (bis), 277, 330v.
  • 48. T. E. Tomlins, Perambulation of Islington (1858), 137, 212 n; T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 17.
  • 49. Survey printed in Tomlins, Islington, 139.
  • 50. Ibid., from Close R.
  • 51. See T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 18.
  • 52. Cal. Pat. 1467–77, 373; 1476–85, 48.
  • 53. Ibid. 1476–85, 48.
  • 54. Tomlins, Islington, 135.
  • 55. L. & P. Hen. VIII, vi, p. 87.
  • 56. Cat. Anc. D. vi. C 6891; St. Bart's. Hosp. Ledger, Hb 1/1, f. 277; Journal, Ha 1/1, f. 224.
  • 57. St. Bart's Hosp. Journal Ha 1/1, f. 221 v.
  • 58. Tomlins, Islington, 139.
  • 59. Ibid. 138–9.
  • 60. Ibid. 137–8.
  • 61. Ibid. 138.
  • 62. Ibid. 139.
  • 63. Soc. of Antiquaries, Seals, B. 8. 4. Illustrated in T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), pl. 1 (a), facing p. 32.
  • 64. The chief sources for the hospital's history are given in T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 20, n. 1.
  • 65. The foundation date is discussed in L.C.C. Survey of Lond. v. 117.
  • 66. H. A. Harben, Dictionary of Lond. 492–3.
  • 67. Cat. Anc. D. iv. A 6684; Cal. Letter Bk. C, 15; Chronica Maiorum et Vicecomitum Londoniorum, ed. H. T. Riley (Camd. Soc. xxxiv), 12, 20.
  • 68. Cal. Letter Bk. G, 27.
  • 69. L.C.C. Survey of Lond. v. 117; Moore, Hist. of St. Bart's. Hosp. ii. 146.
  • 70. B.M. Harl. MS. 4015 (St. Giles's Hosp. Cart.), cited by Dugdale, Mon. vi (2), 635–6, and translated in J. Parton, Hist. of Hosp. and Par. of St. Giles (1822), 6–7. Other property confirmed to the hospital is listed in T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 20.
  • 71. Cal. Letter Bk. G, 29; Parton, St. Giles, 8–11.
  • 72. T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 21, 23–24.
  • 73. Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1033.
  • 74. Cal. Pat. 1258–66, 201.
  • 75. Ibid. 1281–92, 271.
  • 76. Not enrolled until 1391: Cal. Pat. 1388–92, 458.
  • 77. Ibid. 1292–1301, 404.
  • 78. Dugdale, Mon. vi (2), 632–4.
  • 79. He sometimes appointed a deputy; e.g. Cal. Pat. 1381– 5, 463.
  • 80. In place of the Bp. of London, that see being vacant.
  • 81. Cal. Pat. 1301–7, 189.
  • 82. Rot. Parl. (Rec. Com.), i. 310.
  • 83. Cal. Pat. 1313–17, 300; see also ibid. 1334–8, 231; 1377–81, 117; Parton, St. Giles, 16.
  • 84. Deed printed in ibid. 17–18.
  • 85. Cal. Letter Bk. G, 28–29.
  • 86. Ibid. 30–31. These rules have not survived.
  • 87. Cal. Pat. 1364–7, 388. Parton, St. Giles, 13–14, prints the full text of the patent but misdates it.
  • 88. Cal. Letter Bk. H, 155.
  • 89. Cal. Pat. 1381–5, 596.
  • 90. Ibid. 1388–92, 143.
  • 91. Ibid. 1385–9, 309.
  • 92. Ibid. 1388–92, 115.
  • 93. Deed printed in Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1637–8.
  • 94. Cal. Pat. 1388–92, 458.
  • 95. Ibid. 1396–9, 47–48; see also Parton, St. Giles, 22.
  • 96. Deed printed in Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1638–9.
  • 97. Ibid. 1632.
  • 98. Ibid. 1635 (deed).
  • 99. Cal. Letter Bk. I, 13–14
  • 100. Cal. Letter Bk. I, 14.
  • 101. Deeds in Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1637–9; Cal. Pat. 1401–5, 120.
  • 102. Procs. printed in Parton, St. Giles, 26.
  • 103. B.M. Harl. MS. 4015.
  • 104. Cal. Pat. 1413–16, 248.
  • 105. Procs. printed in Parton, St. Giles, 22–26. There were never, as is often asserted, 40 lepers.
  • 106. Stow, Survey, ii. 91; Parton, St. Giles, 38; R. Dobie, Hist. of... St. Giles, 10.
  • 107. P.C.C. 2 Moone.
  • 108. Dugdale, Mon. vi (2), 635.
  • 109. Ibid.
  • 110. Statute printed in Parton, St. Giles, 29–32.
  • 111. L. & P. Hen. VIII, xix (1), p. 371.
  • 112. Parton, St. Giles, 55–57.
  • 113. Ibid. 5, 55–57.
  • 114. B.M. Harl. MS. 4015, f. 125.
  • 115. T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 20–21. For illustrations of the buildings within the precinct and the land surrounding it see Clay, Medieval Hospitals, 71; Lond. Topog. Soc. pubn. 17 (plan of c. 1560); ibid. pubn. 54 (plan of 1585).
  • 116. Until 1299 the heads of the house were normally called 'master', although 'proctor', 'warden', and 'keeper', terms so far as can be judged of equivalent meaning, are also used. After the hospital was granted to Burton Lazars, 'warden' was the commoner title, whether for the Master of Burton Lazars, his Deputy, or the king's nominee. Any term other than 'master' is given in the footnotes to the list. For the City's 'wardens' or overseers of the hospital see T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 10–11. The lists in Parton, St. Giles, 42–49, 55, Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1622, and T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 26 have been augmented and modified from original sources by Mr. R. B. Pugh. Since the Master of Burton Lazars was from 1299 ex officio Master of St. Giles's, all the known masters of that hospital are entered in the list below with (B) behind their names. The list of Masters of Burton Lazars is taken from V.C.H. Leics. ii. 38, but with a few amendments. Where a Master of St. Giles's occurs some time before he is known to have been Master of Burton Lazars the fact has been noted in case he should have been deputy-master of St. Giles's at the time. Royal nominees are distinguished by (C).
  • 117. Hen. II's confirmation charter has 'ubi Johannes bone memoria fuit capellanus': Cal. Chart. R. 1327–41, 192.
  • 118. Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1622.
  • 119. 'Warden': Parton, St. Giles, 42 (deed).
  • 120. Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1622.
  • 121. Cur. Reg. R. i. 372.
  • 122. 'Proctor': B.M. Harl. MS. 4015, f. 35v; 'master and custos': ibid. f. 166v; Rector of St. Antholin's: ibid. f. 55v. Richard of St. Anthony, 'proctor', is perhaps the same man: ibid. f. 44v.
  • 123. B.M. Harl. MS. 4015, f. 156. This deed was witnessed by Roger FitzAlan and Serlo the mercer, both described as sheriffs. They were not, however, sheriffs together, for the former was in office in 1192–3 and the latter in 1206–7.
  • 124. Parton, St. Giles, 42.
  • 125. 'Proctor': ibid. 46.
  • 126. 'Proctor': B.M. Harl. MS. 4015, f. 12v.
  • 127. 'Proctor': ibid. f. 41 v.
  • 128. Cat. Anc. D. ii. B 2355. This is a conjectural date, but he was certainly master by 1229: Cur. Reg. R. i. 372.
  • 129. B.M. Harl. MS. 4015, ff. 27V–28. For the suffix 'of Thame' see Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1571, 1643. Called 'proctor' in B.M. Harl. MS. 4015, f. 10, 'rector' ibid. ff. 172, 172v, and commagister, ibid. f. 167v.
  • 130. B.M. Harl. MS. 4015, f. 50v. The deed is headed 45 Hen. III (1260–1), but is witnessed by William FitzRichard, 'warden' of London. The description given to FitzRichard seems to relate to his being from 1246 onwards the City's 'warden' or overseer of the leper hospitals rather than to his later (1265–6) post as 'warden of the City', a new post created by the king in a time of stress to supersede that of mayor: T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 10; Chronica Maiorum et Vicecomitum Lond., ed. Riley, 90–93.
  • 131. B.M. Harl. MS. 4015v, f. 102v. William de Kirkes (Parton, St. Giles, 43) is possibly Wm. the chaplain.
  • 132. Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1572 (deed).
  • 133. Cal. Lond. & Mdx. F. of Fines, i. 55. For the suffix 'de Clare' see B.M. Harl. MS. 4015, f. 147. For proof that it was applied to this Roger see ibid. 180v–81. Called 'master and warden' (custos), ibid., f. 148.
  • 134. Cat. Anc. D. i. C 765.
  • 135. Cal. Pat. 1281–92, 252.
  • 136. To the 'custody': ibid.
  • 137. Ibid. 271.
  • 138. Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1622.
  • 139. He was presented to the bishop by the Crown on 20 Jan. (St. Pauls MS. A, box 60, no. 46) and appointed as 'warden' to 'sustain' the master and others on 20 Feb. (Cal. Pat. 1281–92, 423). He occurs as 'master' on 12 and 28 Mar. (B.M. Harl. 4015, ff. 151–1v, 176v) and as 'warden' on 13 Mar. (Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1653).
  • 140. To the 'custody' during pleasure: Cal. Pat. 1292– 1301, 22.
  • 141. Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1622.
  • 142. See above.
  • 143. Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1622.
  • 144. Cal. Pat. 1301–7, 189.
  • 145. Ibid. 357.
  • 146. V.C.H. Leics. ii. 38.
  • 147. Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1578 (deed).
  • 148. B.M. Harl. MS. 4015, f. 119.
  • 149. V.C.H. Leics. ii. 38.
  • 150. Cal. Close, 1318–23, 498; 1330–3, 327.
  • 151. Ibid. The surname Tytnt, appearing in earlier lists, is inaccurate.
  • 152. Parton, St. Giles, 47.
  • 153. V.C.H. Leics. ii. 38. His apparent recurrence as Master of Burton Lazars in 1347 (ibid.) is probably erroneous.
  • 154. Ibid.
  • 155. B.M. Harl. MS. 4015, f. 10.
  • 156. Cal. Close, 1346–9, 388.
  • 157. Ibid. 1354–60, 83; V.C.H. Leics. ii. 38.
  • 158. Parton, St. Giles, 47.
  • 159. V.C.H. Leics. ii. 38.
  • 160. A brother of the house, appointed by the Crown as 'keeper': Cal. Pat. 1364–7, 388; 'master', 1368: B.M. Harl. MS. 4015, ff. 136v, 137.
  • 161. Cal. Pat. 1367–70, 336.
  • 162. A brother of the house; appointed by the Master of Burton Lazars and confirmed by the Crown in 1384: ibid. 1381–5, 463.
  • 163. V.C.H. Leics. ii. 38.
  • 164. Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1637.
  • 165. Ibid.
  • 166. V.C.H. Leics. ii. 38. Later Bp. of Worcester (1401) and London (1407).
  • 167. 'Warden': Cal. Pat. 1388–92, 115.
  • 168. Ibid. 458.
  • 169. 'Warden': ibid. 288.
  • 170. Ibid. 1396–9, 47–48; and see above.
  • 171. Ibid. 1401–5, 120; and see above. For his name see V.C.H. Lond. i. 464.
  • 172. V.C.H. Leics. ii. 38.
  • 173. B.M. Harl. MS. 4015, f. 133v. 'Warden', 1404: Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1640.
  • 174. V.C.H. Leics. ii. 38. 'Warden': Cal. Plea and Mem. R. of Lond. 1413–37, 168.
  • 175. V.C.H. Leics. ii. 38. 'Warden': Cal. Pat. 1452–61, 359.
  • 176. V.C.H. Leics. ii. 38. The later date is not given in this list but is taken from Cal. Pat. 1494–1509, 391, where he is called 'warden'.
  • 177. Parton, St. Giles, 49.
  • 178. V.C.H. Leics. ii. 38.
  • 179. Ibid. 'Keeper': L. & P. Hen. VIII, i (1), p. 221; 'warden', 1522: Cat. Anc. D. iii. D 1108.
  • 180. V.C.H. Leics. ii. 39; Parton, St. Giles, 49.
  • 181. V.C.H. Leics. ii. 39.
  • 182. Williams, Early Holborn, ii. 1673 (deed).
  • 183. Ibid. 1622.
  • 184. B.M. Harl. MS. 4015, f. 181.
  • 185. A cast (B.M. Seals, no. 3511) is described in Birch, Cat. of Seals, i. 635–6, and illustrated in T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), pl. 1 (b), facing p. 32.
  • 186. Illustrated in L.C.C. Survey of Lond. v. 139.
  • 187. 'Kingsland' only became the established usage in the 16th cent. The chief authorities for the history of the hospital are listed in T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 36.
  • 188. Riley, Memorials of Lond. 384; Cal. Letter Bk. H, 9.
  • 189. Cal. Letter Bk. H, 343; I, p. 184; K, pp. 142–3.
  • 190. Corp. Lond. Rec. Off., Repertory 11, ff. 173, 177.
  • 191. See T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 9.
  • 192. For details see ibid. 32.
  • 193. See ibid. 9.
  • 194. See ibid. 32.
  • 195. St. Bart's. Hosp. Ledger, Hb 1/3, ff. 287v, 357v.
  • 196. Ibid. ff. 512, 542.
  • 197. Ibid. ff. 547v, 548v.
  • 198. Ibid. Journal, Ha 1/4, ff. 150, 164, 276v, 286v.
  • 199. See T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 33.
  • 200. St. Bart's. Hosp. Journal, Ha 1/5, ff. 48v, 72, 187, 194v, 195, 318v, 320, 321v. The weekly diet is given in Ha 4/1, ff. 12v–18v.
  • 201. This division had taken place by 1657: Ha 1/5, f. 136.
  • 202. Ibid. Ha 1/6, ff. 28, 36, 39; G. Whitteridge, 'The Fire of London and St. Bart's. Hosp.', Lond. Topog. Record, xx. 47–78.
  • 203. St. Bart's. Hosp. Journal, Ha 1/7, ff. 95v, 122v, 185v; Ha 4/1, f. 54V.
  • 204. Ibid. Ha 1/4, f. 246.
  • 205. Ibid. Ha 1/9, f. 142v.
  • 206. Ibid. f. 149.
  • 207. St. Bart's. Hosp., J 12, p. 488.
  • 208. Lond. Topog. Record, xx. 54 n.
  • 209. St. Bart's. Hosp. Journal, Ha 1/10, ff. 54, 63, 65v, 97, 133, 138, 138v, 141v, 154v.
  • 210. Ibid. ff. 154v, 229, 284v, 290, 301v.
  • 211. St. Bart's. Hosp., J 12, p. 488.
  • 212. Moore, Hist. of St. Bart's. Hosp. ii. 372, 376. For the subsequent history, and illustrations of the site, see T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 35–36.
  • 213. Cal. Letter Bk. H, 9.
  • 214. Corp. Lond. Rec. Off., Repertory 10, f. 303.
  • 215. St. Bart's. Hosp. Journal, Ha 1/1, f. 39.
  • 216. Ibid.
  • 217. Ibid. f. 221v, 224.
  • 218. Ibid. Ledger, Hb 1/3, ff. 33, 131v.
  • 219. Ibid. ff. 235–56v.
  • 220. Ibid. Journal, Ha 1/4, f. 150; Ha 1/5, ff. 33v, 58v.
  • 221. Ibid. Ha 1/5, f. 33v; Lond. Topog. Record, xx. 54.
  • 222. St. Bart's. Hosp. Journal, Ha 1/6, f. 76; Ha 1/7, f. 125.
  • 223. Ibid. Ha 1/7, ff. 125, 325.
  • 224. Ibid. Ha 1/9, f. 5v; Ha 1/10, f. 14v.
  • 225. Ibid. Ha 1/10, ff. 14v, 301v.
  • 226. Moore, Hist. of St. Bart's Hosp. ii. 633 n.
  • 227. St. Bart's. Hosp. Journal, Ha 1/12, f. 530.
  • 228. Ibid. Ha 1/13, f. 217.
  • 229. Knightsbridge Hosp. was anciently in the par. of St. Margaret Westminster; from 1536 in the par. of St. Martin-in-the-Fields; and ultimately, from 1725, in the par. of St. George Hanover Square.
  • 230. For 15th- and early-16th-cent. references to Knightsbridge see T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 38.
  • 231. Clay, Medieval Hospitals, 103.
  • 232. See T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 5, 7.
  • 233. St. Bart's. Hosp. Ledger, Hb 1/1, ff. 55, 110, 277v, 339v; Journal, Ha 1/1, f. 221v.
  • 234. See T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 39.
  • 235. Dugdale, Mon. vi (2), 766.
  • 236. St. Bart's. Hosp. Ledger, Hb 1/2, f. 282.
  • 237. Ibid. Hb 1/3, ff. 33, 46v (bis), 51, 53, 63v.
  • 238. Lysons, Environs of Lond. ii. 179.
  • 239. St. Bart's. Hosp. Ledger, Hb 1/4.
  • 240. M. E. C. Walcott, Westminster (1849), 301; E. Walford, Old and New Lond. v (1872–8), 23.
  • 241. Newcourt, Repertorium, i. 694.
  • 242. Lysons, Environs of Lond. ii. 180; J. McMaster, Short Hist. of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, 332.
  • 243. Newcourt, Repertorium, i. 694.
  • 244. J. Strype, Survey of Lond. (1720), ii (6), 67, 78. For the later history of the hosp. site see T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 40–41.
  • 245. J. V. Kitto, Accounts of the Churchwardens of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, 1525–1603 (1901), 112.
  • 246. St. Bart's Hosp. Ledger, Hb 1/1, f. 56; Journal, Ha 1/1, list of dismissed patients.
  • 247. Ibid. Ledger, Hb 1/1, f. 277v; Journal, Ha 1/1, ff. 223, 224. There appears to have been some confusion over his Christian name since the clerk first wrote Gabriel (f. 223).
  • 248. Ibid. Journal, Ha 1/1, f. 221v.
  • 249. Ibid. Ledger, Hb 1/2, f. 282; 1/3, f. 176.
  • 250. Register of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, 1619–36 (Harl. Soc.), 159.
  • 251. St. Bart's. Hosp. Journal, Ha 1/4, ff. 127v, 130.
  • 252. Lysons, Environs of Lond. ii. 179.
  • 253. B.M. Seals, no. lxviii, 17. Illustrated in T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), pl. 2, facing p. 33; see also Clay, Medieval Hospitals, pp. xii, 103.
  • 254. This account has been augmented by Dr. K. G. T. McDonnell's researches into the manor of Stepney.
  • 255. Clay, Medieval Hospitals, 46–47.
  • 256. Guildhall MS. 9531/11, f. 14v.
  • 257. Stow, Survey, ii. 146.
  • 258. W. Archer-Thomson, Drapers' Company: History of the Company's Properties and Trusts, section 47.
  • 259. Stow, Survey, ii. 146.
  • 260. Guildhall MS. 9171/10, ff. 137–8.
  • 261. Ibid.
  • 262. Ibid. 9531/11, f. 14v.
  • 263. Ibid. 9531/12, f. 18v.
  • 264. For details see T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 43–44.
  • 265. Guildhall MSS. 9171/16, f. 178; 9171/17, f. 217; T.L.M.A.S. xxi (1), 44.
  • 266. Archer-Thomson, op. cit. section 47.
  • 267. Guildhall MS. 9171/10, ff. 137–8.
  • 268. Ibid. 9531/11, f. 14v.
  • 269. Ibid. 9531/12, f. 18v.
  • 270. St. Bart's. Hosp. Ledger, Hb 1/1, ff. 54v, 55, 170v, 277v, 336; Journal, Ha 1/1, ff. 146v, 159, 169; Strype, Eccl. Memorials (1822 edn.), ii (2), 248; Lysons, Environs of Lond. iii. 483 (from the par. reg. of Stratford at Bow).
  • 271. St. Bart's. Hosp. Journal, Ha 1/1, f. 221v.
  • 272. Guildhall MS. 9171/16, f. 178.
  • 273. Lysons, Environs of Lond. iii. 483.
  • 274. Clay, Medieval Hospitals, 47, with illustration.