Cecil Papers: December 1579

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 2, 1572-1582. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.

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'Cecil Papers: December 1579', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 2, 1572-1582( London, 1888), British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol2/pp280-303 [accessed 17 July 2024].

'Cecil Papers: December 1579', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 2, 1572-1582( London, 1888), British History Online, accessed July 17, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol2/pp280-303.

"Cecil Papers: December 1579". Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 2, 1572-1582. (London, 1888), , British History Online. Web. 17 July 2024. https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol2/pp280-303.

December 1579

778. The Duke of Anjou to the Queen.
[1579], Dec. 1. Has refrained till now from writing to her ambassador, hoping to have first received an answer to what he wrote to Her Majesty by the person she knows of. Seeing now the length of time that has elapsed, and fearing lest Her Majesty should be ill satisfied concerning the various rumours spread about him and his actions, thinks it will not be out of place to inform her of the successful voyage of the envoy sent to him by the Prince of Parma, whose communication he sends to Her Majesty in writing hoping that she will advise him of her wishes in the matter, which he will respect as one who loves, honours, and esteems her more than anything in the world. Begs also to inform her that Pinart the Secretary of State has arrived here to press him more than ever to go to the court.
Can assure her that this was not without strange discourse which at present he dare not communicate to Her Majesty. Will do so on the first opportunity. Must not fail to reply to what Her Majesty has written to him concerning certain captures from some of her subjects. Has written to Bacqueville who assures him that he is in pursuit of the pillagers and wheresoever he catches them will cause them to be chastised.—Chateau Thierry, 1 December.
French. 2 pp.
779. Sir Christopher Hatton to Lord Burghley.
1579, Dec. 14. I am fully persuaded that duty to her Majesty and not any other private respect to me or against me hath led you into the course you hold.
My poor case hath no defence. Dimisso vultu dicendum—rogo. “I axe (sic) because I want. My reward is made less, but I confess my unworthiness. I do my service with diligence, pain, and travail, according to God's gift in me, and therefore, in charitable goodness, I should not in any reasonable cause be so contemptuously rejected. Evil men are made examples, but I that made no offence should not be punished for Grey's fault. I seek a debt which grew to me through her Majesty's reward, but your lordship's direction will lead me to further charge without comfort of her Majesty's care and goodness in the gift she made to relieve me. And, touching my suit, I will justify it to be reasonable and every way agreeable with my duty and estate. How it is hindered, I hear by her Majesty, but by whom I know not, but I know and feel it is an easy thing to do harm and, therefore, will pray to God to give us grace to do good each to other while we may. I hope your lordship will not hinder me because my doings are direct. In this suit I offered her Majesty what I am able to the advancement of her ordinary revenue. I did acknowledge my gain through her goodness for my comfortable relief. I made your lordship privy and you misliked not. But now, this little is thought too much, and so I do content myself with what shall please him I am most bound to. I heartily beseech your lordship not to conceive so hardly of me that I will so easily forget my duty towards you. I love you according to your worthiness, and will serve you for your goodness towards me heretofore so long as I live. No cause shall lead me to mislike you, for I believe in my heart you will do nothing but that is good and honourable.— 14 December 1579.
2 pp.
780. The Earl of Shrewsbury to the Earl of Lincoln.
1579, Dec. 17. “My nobill good Lord, Althow I have bene longe from the presens of your L. by reson of the coustody of this weyghty charge, yett fynde I in your Lordship the same setelyd good will you professed at my goinge from the court, & else [? by] leters. I may thynke my selfe happy of so dere a frend that wyll aunswer for me in my absens, as I fynd dely your L. dothe, wen any mattars comes of myne before the councell, as lately it hath done of sume of my ill tenants of Glosop D. . . . wherin your L. shewd yourselfe a frend in dede in my behalfe to have them ponyshed. Wherin I thynke my selfe gretely bound to your L. As alwes I have founde you my dere frend, so shall I remene yours agen durynge my lyfe to the uttermost of my good wyll. So desyringe yonr Lordship I & my wyf maye be most hartely commended to your Lordship & my good lade, I wysche your Lordship's as good helth & long lyfe as to my celfe. Sheffeld, xvij of December. 1579. Your Lordship's assurd fethefull frend, G. Shrewsbury.
Addressed :—“To the right honorable my very good lord th'erle of Lincolne, Lord Admirall of England, & one of the Lords of her Majeste's Pryvy Counsell.”
1 p.
781. The Queen to the Duke of Anjou.
[1579], Dec. 19. “Mon trèscher, Si la chose longuement attendue euct esté bonne quant elle arriva, j'eusse esté mieulx satisfaicte de la longue attente qu'il a pleu à Stafford me prester. Mais, voyant que la paix semble que à demy faicte, je ne voy trop de rayson qui faicte sa demeure, sinon qu'il me faict à croyre que se fuct par vostre commandement, à qui j'ay toute volunté qu'il obaye; et, ayant tout astour [à ce tour] reçeu lettres de France, que le Roy prolonge ceste paix soubs quelque difficultés, qui ne se pourront trop tost concluire, je serois trèsayse qu'on laissât s'esbahir de son longue arresté, m'assurant que quelcuns s'en font leur jeue. Et pour la cause du Roy de Navarre & sa partie, lesj je (sic) prendray la hardiesse de vous dire qu'il vous touchera bien prens [sic.,? près] en réputation que la laissâts en pire estat qu'ilz furent au commencement de ces nouveaulx troubles. Car, si leur plus grandes seurtés leur fussent arrachés, commant se fieroient y du Roy, adjcustant que le Roy mesme me manda dire par son embassadeur qu'il ne leur nieroient la primière pacification, & ne demanderoit sinon les villes & lieux nouvellement prises. Vous me pardonneres la curiosité qui me tient de vos actions, à qui je souhait tout l'honneur & louange qui peut arriver à la perpetuelle renommée de Prince. Je m'assure que désir de grandeur après ceste paix ne vous aveuglera les yeulx, pour vous fayre ometire ce qui sera pour le salut de ceulx qui se fient en vostre bonté. Quant aux commissaires, je croy qu'ilz resembleront aux motz qui, trop de fois se récitant, font la langue chopper hors d'ordre. Je voy que le temps coule, & moy avec, pour me rendre malidoine de contenter comme je souhaite, et suis quasi d'acord avec l'opinion de ceulx qui ne laissent à vous souvenir de mes défaultz. Mais Dieu, j'espère, gouverneray le tout pour vostre bien. Ne vous desplaise. Mounsieur, que je demande quelque responce de Semier, pour lequel je souhaite quelque fin de son malheur; où qu'il soit condamné justement, & vous purgé d'un crime que souvient (sic) on impose aux princes, desquelz les faveurs se disent tener par filetz bien tendres; où qu'il soit employé en vostre servise pour estouper les bouches de maldisantz, qui ne laissent à passer leur temps es affayres pour en fayre leur exposition. Mon trèscher, je vous baille ores un bel miroir pour y voir bien clair l'imbécilité de mon entendement, que ay trouvé un temps si propre pour en espérer une bonne conclusion, poisant le lieu où demoures avec la compagnie qui y est. Nous, povres habitans de l'isle barbare, nous devons garder de comparoistre en jugement où si injénieux juges de vostre scavoir tiennent leur siège en si hault lieu de vostre faveur. Mais, m'apelant à Mounsieur Seul, non divisé, je ne laisseray tomber mon procès. Et si me feries donner le strapado, je ne mettray glose à ce texte, m'assurant que l'entendes que trop. En fin ma seule requeste consiste en ce que tousjours me tenes pour la mesme que m'aves obligé de vous estre dédié, & que ne puis estre queicelle qui vous ay logé au primier rencq de ce qui m'est plus cher, comme Dieu le peult mieulx tesmoingner, à qui je ne lesseray mes suplications de vous octroier cent ans de vie, avec mes bien humbles souvenances de m'estre recommandé à mon trèscher. De Westmesteir, ce 19 de December, Vostre très assurée comme y estant obligée, Elizabeth R.”
Addressed :—“A mon trèscher Mounsieur Duc d'Anjou.”
Endorsed :—“No. 2.”
Holograph. 2 pp.
782. The Duke of Anjou to Simier.
[1579] Dec. 26. Having heard what has happened to him has despatched the present bearer, whom Simier knows to be one of his strong friends, to tell him that he finds the mistake made by Bussy excessively strange and will resent it as a displeasure done to himself, which he will never forget. Thinks also that Simier ought on his part to be more discreet and to answer a little more gently. Balagny has given him to understand the reply that Simier made to them. As things have fallen out fears that Simier will be so biassed in this affair that he will forget his (the Duke's) service and what he has given him in charge with respect to his mistress.
Simier knows that there is nothing he desires so much as to cross the sea and join her. Urges him to see her Ambassador as frequently as possible, and to despatch a courier to him as often as he can learn any news.
Mauvissiere has informed him that all is going on well, but does not put much faith in his letters. Bases all his hopes on what Simier has reported to him of the good will of the Queen.
Wishes to see him on this side as soon as possible in order to hear him discourse of her many perfections. Sends him the two couriers from Germany, together with all their memorials. Leaves everything to him to be disposed of according to his discretion. If anyone from the Prince de Condé addresses Simier he is to listen to him and to assist him by all the means in his power. Has received news from the King of Navarre, who promises him all the friendship possible, and says that he has at hand a fine opportunity for his (the Duke's) service.
Is very pleased to hear that the King has so good an opinion of Simier, and that the latter stands so high in his favour.—Alençon, 26 December.
French. 2 pp.
783. Simier to the Queen.
[1579] Dec. 29. Madame,—Si mes lectres vous sont importunes, je vous suplye d'avoir souvenance du coumandement que j'ay resçu de vostre Ma, qu'à toutes occasions je ne fasse faute à vous donner advis de choses qui se passent par desa, de quoy Monsieur de Cobant [Cobham], vostre ambassadeur, vous tien fidellement advertye. J'ay entandu que plusieurs bruitz ce cement en vostre Court pour défavoriser les afferes de vostre grenoule, disent qu'il est venu en ceste vylle de Paris couvertement, pour parler au Roy et Royne sa mère de choses fort contreres à l'affection qu'il vous offre. Ne croyes james vostre singe, & le tenes pour la plus traitre & desloyalle créature qui fut oncques, si Monsieur a parlé ny veu le Roy despuis qu'il partit de la Court, comme j'étois encores en Angleterre près de vostre Mate. Asures vous sur la foy d'un singe, la plus fidelle de vos bestes, que vostre grenoule se nourit d'espérance qu'il a que vos envoyres bien tost guérir les conmiseres, pour mestre la fin qu'il désire, avec tant d'aftection d'estre auprès de vostre Maté, qui sera l'aconplyssement de ses désirs & la chose du monde qu'il soyete [souhaite] le plus. Vous pouries avoir entandu que la Royne Mère va trouver monsieur son filz; le bruict a coureu en ceste Court de telle sorte que je este contren à le savoyr d'elle, qui m'a fort assuré que non. Il y a ycy ung homme de Valsinguan [Walsingham] qui parle très bon françois. Je crains que se luy là ne vous donne, ou bien à d'autres de vostre Court, mile faulx bruis pour traverser cest affere. Croyes la vérité & prenes garde aux artifices qui se pratiqueron de part & d'aultre pour vous divertir du maryage; comme il en est desja grand bruict en ses quartiers, toutefois vostre grenoulye en peut ryen croyre, & s'asure que puisque vostre Maté en est venue si avant, que vous paseres oultre à la consomation du maryage, qui vous randra inmortelle & perfectement hereuse tout le jours de vostre vye. Incontinent que la bonne nouvelle sera venue de vostre part pour avanser les comiseres, vostre grenoulye delybère venir en ceste Court pour prandre congé du Roy & partir avec plus grande réputation. Le Roy & la Royne sa mère m'ont souvant demandé quelz prinses du royaume vous seroyent & aulx vostres les plus agréables, qu'ilz ne vouloit pas en despecher d'aultres. L'on a voulu se jour duy tuer vostre singe d'une arquebusade qu'on luy a tiré. Dieu le veut conserver pour vous fere quelque bon servisse. Je pars de ceste vylle le 5 de Jenvier pour me randre auprès de vostre serviteur, que je pause trouver à mon gouvernement. Ne croyes pas qu'il alye voyr le Roy & Royne de Navare qu'il ne sache premièrement à quoy vou seres résollue. Dyeu veut que ce soit comme je désire, à l'onneur de son sainct non, à l'avansement de vostre grandeur, & au repos de toute la Crétienté, le suplyen vous donner mémoyre de vostre singe, qui ne sera james contant ny à son hayse, qu'il ne resoyve coumandement de vostre Maté pour vous aller trouver randre à vos rares & perfectes beautés le très humble servisse que je vous doys, & vous donner, Madame, l'antier aconplisement de vos désirs. De Paris se 29 Desenbre vostre très humble très hobésiant très fidelle serviteur à james le singe votre.
Addressed :
[symbol] and [symbol]
Seals with pink silk.
Holograph. 4 pp.
784. State of Scotland.
1579, Dec. 31. “Memorial of the present estate of Scotland.” On the margin is written, “1579, ulto December.”
The King doth still delight [? in] the fields, in hunting and riding, and yet he hath but three or four horses. He is poor; his nobility rich, but may spare nothing which they possess, to his aid, without deadly “feede” [feud]. There hath been a device to have a guard of fifty men for the King, and a table to be kept for six councillors or more, to be resident according to the order, being of their own charges : may not continue long together. And to have the wardens greater allowance for the better discharge of their offices. The Lord of Sesford [Cessford] hath but 16l. by year, and yet his wardenry great and troublesome, and he of a good mind. All this will be done with three thousand pounds, but it is not to be spared of his revenues. It is thought of some of the greatest and best minded, that it were a better and more sure way, if it pleased her majesty to bestow so much of [on] the King for the said purpose, than to have hirelings to breed hatred and jealousy, as hath been craved of some “most unsurrest.”
The King is truly well affected to her majesty. The name of the French King is to him odious, being advertised of his idle and lascivious life, as the best about him hath told me : which comes by the report of Monsieur d'Aubigné, being most familiar of all others with him. Let not this seem strange, notwithstanding the former bruit of him, for he hath given forth in open speeches, that, understanding the great benefits received by her majesty, that he loves not the King, neither can be a good Scottish man, that will hinder the good amity betwixt the Realms, or to will the King to do anything without her majesty's advice; and, for his part, where he shall do it, or think it, let him be chased forth of the country, most unhonourably. He hath to me made great quittance of being most innocent of such bruits, as hath been made of him. He hath written letters to her majesty herewith : if it please her majesty to requite the same with a few lines, it can do no harm, for that he is in the King's ear most of any other. It must be secretly delivered to his hands for causes. As he hath the abbey of Arbroath, so hath he the earldom of Lennox by composition, and doth expect the title shortly thereof. He means in short time to leave his living in France to his second son, and set down his staff in Scotland. He seems to be of a good mild nature, well liked of the most. The Earl of Argyle and he is great, and rules the court at this present, and will not be absent, to the discontentment of Morton and his.
The Earl of Argyle seems to be very careful of the amity, and dispatch herein. He hath written a letter to her majesty, shewing his good meaning, and would likewise be requited with a few lines. I find the Earl of Argyle and his faction to be zealous towards the amity. He hath well shewed his good will in these matters.
There is as yet no speech of the King's marriage, but it is thought will be looking unto it shortly. He giveth it still forth that he will never match with a papist country. They have a great eye to Denmark, for that they had one of that country, which was amongst them famous, and for divers other respects. Being in purpose with the Earl of Argyle and his lady, they found it strange that her majesty would not make some offer to their King of some marriage. I answered more boldly than wise that they were so proud, they would not bestow their King, but with such conditions as was not requisite to be granted. It was answered that if her majesty would make choose of one which her majesty liked best of, they thought it would not be denied without conditions. I refer the rest to God omnipotent.
Truly I find the good minds of that country to overbalance the evil minds. The ministers continue still to persuade the amity, and is resolved of Monsieur d'Aubigné's good inclination to religion. The Earl of Morton hath procured the king's license to go over the seas for a space, and will procure her majesty's safe-conduct, if, by fortune of weather, he be driven upon the English shore. But many thinks he means it not, but would be desired to tarry at home, as though there could nothing be done without him. The rest say, if he were further off, all things would be better done, and with more surety. He seems to be offended that her majesty doth not advance him, either above the rest, or else, in his purse. He absents himself from court, and mislikes with the government. His signs [“sygnes”] hath been good to me in these causes, but his doings hath not performed the same.
Dunfermline is still about the King, and seems to mislike with Morton. His glass were run, but that he is rich, and the King poor. All these are clean contrary to my former opinion of him, but am to change as their court doth.
I find all the young gentlemen about the King enemies to the hindrance of good amity, and divers of them have told me of the good speech of Monsieur d'Aubigné's, and have heard him secretly speak these words of the French King, as before : which I may affirm to be true.
A kinsman of Monsieur d'Aubigné's wife's, called Monsieur “Montbaranye,” sends a letter herewith to his mistress and neighbour, the Lady Mauvissière, the French King's ambassador's wife, and is desirous in the spring time, in his passing home into France, to see the court of England.
The Earl of Athol doth marry the Lord Ruthven's daughter. It is a question whether by that marriage the Lord Ruthven will draw the Earl to the devotion of Morton, or the Earl will draw the Lord Ruthven to his devotion, who is as yet an enemy to Morton; but it is thought either to be of no great valour, and small account of him and it is made. The old Earl of Lennox hath forsaken his wife, Athol's sister, and is gone home again to his prebend at St. Andrews, to live more quietly there with a young wife, who is in a good forwardness to be married to James Steward, as is thought.
Thus wandering without commission, craveth pardon, praying your honour to solicit her majesty's letters to Sir John Forster, Warden of the Middle March, that some simple thief may be delivered within one month, whereby no stay of this promised redress of the Borders may be hindered. As also that two may be named to assist the Wardens for the causes specified in the said accord. Mr. Bowes, treasurer of Berwick, is wished to be one, for his experience. It is meant specially for the West Borders, which is far out of order, as is alleged, and also to appoint order for slaughters for time past and time to come, which were most requisite to be reformed, and not to cut off any disorders by-past, as hath been looked for of some.
Without name or address.
3 pp.
785. — to [Lord Burghley].
1579, Dec. Having had small occasion hitherto to accomplish his lordship's commandment, which was to write at times, as matter should yield itself worth the sending, and not otherwise imparted by the Ambassador, so, at this present, the form of the late treason for the surprising of R[ochelle] presenting itself so conveniently gives him occasion sufficient to write.
Where there hath been two months since a bruit spread universally through France that there should be a per-assent and joining of the Papists in Poictou with the Protestants, to crave a reformation of the policy and to be “disbourned” of a great number of impositions and oppressions put upon them : it is so, that now it is found to be a device practised by one De la Haye, lieutenant-general for the King in Poictou, a man both in council and in arms nothing inferior to any within the circuit of France, who, for his good government within his charge became somewhat popular both among the Papists and the Protestants, and, therefore, was found a fit instrument for the achieving of so strange an enterprise. This De la Haye finding that this thing was not to be brought about but by degrees, began first colourably to mislike the general oppression laid on the King's subjects, and then, a particular dishonour done unto himself by the placing of a gentleman in the room of a Master of Requests, which he looked to have had conferred on himself. From this beginning he followed on to augment the misliking of the people towards the King (making diverse great personages that were to assist him priv[y] to the matter, as the Count de Lude and others), putting them in [mind to] make a supplication to the King to grant an Assembly of the States for the refor[mation of] sundry disorders; whereunto the people (as their nature is) were easily persuaded. The [bruit] of this was suddenly carried abroad, and came to the ears of the Protestants of Ro[chelle] and thereabouts, who liked thereof very well, as thinking that their interest also consisted therein; and therefore wrote means to join with them in their suit. W[hich] being proposed to De la Haye, he did not omit any occasion to draw them on, and so to insinuate himself into their favours, that both the parties w[ere] [ ]d to elect him their prolocutor and deputy with others to come to the Court and lay the matter at large before the King and his Council; which he did at Paris in September last. Where he used very stout words, chiefly to the Queen Mother, from whence (his message being ended) he departed and returned back to make relation of his embassy. In the meantime to give a further colour to the matter, the King wrote a letter to the Count de Lude to apprehend De la Haye, as doubting lest he would proceed [bro]uiller les cartes (as they say) in Poictou, which might be a thing of no small consequence to the . . . . . . . . . . . The Count de Lude returned his answer and opinion [to th]e King touching the apprehension, and advised him to think further of the matter, as being a dangerous thing, lest the apprehending of De la Haye might cause the people to take arms and so forth.
After that De la Haye was returned and had declared his negotiation to either of the parties, the Protestants (meaning good faith) began to use him with more trust and familiarity than before; so that De la Haye, able to use their liking to his [pr]etended purpose, grew into more secret conference with them touching their own . . . . . . than they looked for, giving them encouragement to use liberty of religion, and that for his own part though he had long dissem[bled in] conscience, yet he was of their opinion. And to the end they should think he studied to prefer ghos . . [? gospel] and the maintenance thereof, he would deliver into their hands Poictiers the town he dwelt in, wh[ich] he had long since been about, wanting only that opportunity which he saw th[at] the time then offered. And therewithal began to discourse how [and] what way he would deliver it into their hands within a certain space. T[he] . . . . . . of Rochelle liked very well of the device and began to embra[ce] . . . . more and more; and resting in a certain security of the perso . . . . . recourse into Rochelle : where with time he began by the assistance . . . . . called La Plante (a man that knew the state of the town, and [the] natures of some of the townsmen) that might be easily c . . . . . . as there is always one Judas among twelve), to win by force of money and virtue of persuasion such of them as would soonest incline thereunto and were sufficient for the purpose.
To prove that some of the townsmen might be induced thereto it is . . . . . that while the matter of the States was in talk, the mayor that was new elected, and had yet finished but a few months of his year's government, died, whereby they would (to avoid an interregnum) elect a new officer; whose election bred such a quarrel among them that they were ready to go together by the ears within the town. Hereby men grew to factions, which made the treason attempted to have the easier entry into the town. The quarrel of the election was devolved to Paris, where it hangeth at this present in question.
The surprise of Rochelle should have [been] thus : the townsmen that were . . . . . hereunto should have assisted to the winning of one of the gates, what [sic] by their own permission, and otherwise handling of the rest of the townsmen at the time of the attempt. There were also three or four hundred of the papists' side that De la Haye had assembled at divers times and places without the town under the colour of consulting touching their State matters, whom he had made privy to the enterprise a very few days before the discovery thereof. Some, also, were got into the town and not mistrusted. But as God only is the hinderer and discoverer of such wicked attempts; so, the 12th of the last month (the treason ready to have been attempted the next day following), one of the townsmen that were privy to the matter, discoursing with himself how . . . . . [a] deed it would be to condescend to the betraying of that which he had before defended with his blood, and to see the destruction of so many valiant men, o[n a] sudden came and betrayed it, craving pardon for his own part. Wherewithal La Plante, the dealer within the town, was apprehended, and had the strapata, who confessed the matter and the confedracy.
They of the town with others were publi[cly] executed; the rest that were taken there and strangers are in hold, and the . . . . . (as God would) thoroughly prevented.
They of Rochelle made the King privy thereto after the execution of . . . . . . . traitors, who seemeth to like very well thereof. I [leave] the matter to your Lordship's wisdom, to judge whether the King may [be] a partaker thereof or not.—Paris, December 1579.
Draft. In bad condition.
6 pp.
786. Thomas Clynton.
1579, December. A note of money paid by the Master of the Rolls to Mr. T. Clynton's creditors. 433l. 6s. 8d.—December 1579. [From endorsement.]
Signed. 1 p.
787. A Digest, by Lord Burghley, of the various Proceedings in connection with the Treaties of Marriage with Henry, Duke of Anjou, and also with Francis, Duke of Alençon, from the 16th March 1570/71 to Novr 1579.
16 Mar. 1570. The Lord Buckhurst being in France was moved by the Queen Mother in the matter of marriage with her second son, Monsr d'Anjou, and therein Cavalcanti was used as an instrument.
24 Mar. 1570. Mr. Walsyngham is directed how to answer the French King and the Queen Mother for the marriage.
13 Apr. 1571. Monsr La Mothe Fénélon presented 9 Articles in French, brought to him out of France by Cavalcanti, to make a treaty upon for marriage between her Majesty and Henry, now French King, and then called the Duke of Anjou.
16 Apr. 1571. The Queen caused answer to be made to the aforesaid Articles, entitling the answer, “Explanatio articulorum propositorum a D. Oratore &c. cum potestate reservata ad ampliorem explicationem.”
After the delivery of these answers in writing to the French Ambassador there was a new conference had with certain of her Majesty's Council, and then the French did find fault with certain parts of the said answers.
4 June 1571. Communication had with La Mothe Fénélon, the French King's Ambassador. Whereas the treaties hitherto had been only upon tho 9 Articles presented in April last by Monsr de Foix, wherein nothing was contained but matters for the benefit of Monsieur, the Queen caused her Council to deliver certain Articles on her behalf, which for the most part were agreeable to those granted for Queen Mary.
July 1571. Monsr Larchant came from the French King to promote the marriage for Monsr d'Anjou, but he was so earnest for the cause of religion that he did little good.
Aug. 1571. Communication at Walden for the marriage for Henry, Duke of Anjou. There were Monsr de Foix and La Mothe Fénélon.
19 Apr. 1572. A peace concluded between her Majesty and Charles IX., the French King.
May 1572. The Lord Admiral in France with Sir Thos. Smith to receive the King's ratification.
June 1572. Montmorency came into England to pursue the matter of marriage with Henry Duke of Anjou, and La Foix came with him. Note :—that the difficulties being found in the Duke upon the Articles of religion, a motion was made for Francis, Duke of Alençon.
22 Aug. 1572. At Kenilworth her Majesty made answer to the French Ambassador, when La Mothe was there from the Duke d'Alençon, that all the Articles accorded on for the marriage with the Duke of Anjou should stand entire (mutatis mutandis) towards the Duke of Alençon, saving a further interpretation of the cause of religion, which should be best done at the interview between the Duke and herself.
24 Aug. [1572]. The Massacre at Paris.
23 Sept. [1572]. The Duke of Alençon wrote to her Majesty by Maison-Fleur.
25 Oct. [1572]. Mr. Walsyngham writeth of the Duke of Alençon's persistence in seeking for the marriage, by report of La Mothe.
27 Oct. [1572]. The French Queen delivered of a daughter. Bricquemault and Cavaignies executed.
30 Oct. [1572]. Monsieur d'Anjou (Henry) appointed the King's Lieutenant-General to besiege Rochelle.
Nov. [1572]. “Malvesyre” (Mauvissière) came into England and renewed the suit for the marriage.
4 Mar. [1572/3]. La Mothe Fénélon treateth for D'Alençon's marriage.
6 Mar. [1572/3]. The Duke of Alençon sent Chateauneuf with his letters to her Majesty to continue his suit, showing himself sorry that he was not at the Court when the Earl of Worcester was there.
18 Mar. [1572/3]. Her Majesty caused the Lord Burghley, Lord Treasurer, to give answer to La Mothe, the French Ambassador, concerning the motion for Mons. le Duc d'Alençon, wherein she referred herself to the answer given at Kenilworth in August before, which answer was by the French Ambassador put in writing in French meet to be seen, for therein appeareth that her Majesty did not consent that the Duke should have a mass.
About this time the Duke d'Aumale and Chavigny slain at Rochelle.
26 Mar. 1573. The Duke of Alençon writeth to her Majesty that he is constrained to accompany the Duke of Anjou his brother to Rochelle, being sorry that he could not tarry until the coming of the Earl of Worcester, for whom he tarried at Paris until the 6th of January.
28 Mar. [1573]. An answer by the Lord Treasurer to La Mothe Fénélon, the French Ambassador, that her Majesty is contented that the Duke shall come, “so as, if he speed not, the breach may rest upon the Article of religion.”
1 April [1573]. Mr. Walsyngham's opinion by his letter concerning the marriage with the Duke of Alençon.
20 April 1573. Mr. Walsyngham presenteth Dr. Dale to be Ambassador.
22 April [1573]. The Duke of Alençon writeth from the camp before Rochelle that he is desirous to come into England to her Majesty.
26 April [1573]. The Queen Mother writeth of her son D'Alençon's desire to come into England.
About this tyme the Duke of Anjou (Henry) was chosen King of Polonia.
“Tavannes dyeth.”
21 May [1573]. The Queen's Majesty maketh anwer to the Queen Mother and to her son Alençon that, before she can accord to his coming she must know whether, if he shall come and not speed, there shall be any diminution of amity.
June 1573. An answer given by four of the Council to La Mothe, that for divers considerations her Majesty could not conveniently accord to the coming of the Duke of Alençon at this time.
June 1573. Mr. Horsey sent to France to show causes why she could not consent to the coming of Monsieur at that time.
2 July [1573]. About this time peace was made at Rochelle.
About this time the Duke of Alençon was called “Monsieur, frère du Roy,” because the Duke of Anjou was chosen King of Polonia.
12 July [1573]. La Mothe Fénélon writeth to the Lord Treasurer earnestly, that now upon the peace being concluded, the Duke of Alençon might have safe conduct to come into the realm.
1 Aug. 1573. The French king and the Queen Mother offer that Mons. D'Alençon shall come upon his adventure into England.
8 Aug. [1573]. The Duke of Alençon sick of “the purples.”
Sept. 1573. M. du Retz came to Canterbury to excuse M. D'Alençon's not coming because of his late sickness, and requireth safe-conduct for him.
Eodem mense : apud Canterbury.—The Queen's Majesty caused answer to be made to the Count du Retz that, although the French King, the Queen Mother, and the Duke of Alençon offered that, if he should come into England and not obtain marriage yet it should not procure any diminition of amity there were now found more difficulties to hinder the marriage than in former times, and specially by reason of the evil opinion generally conceived of Monsieur, that he might here in England become a head of the Queen's adversaries in religion; and so concluded, that except he would show himself as a favourer of them of the religion, he was not a meet husband for the Queen's Majesty.
Nota : that, in treaty with Du Retz he answered that the Duke should use his religion very privately, and should avow the religion of England by accompanying the Queen's Majesty to church.
It was also required that at his coming he should bring with him such as professed the reformed religion, or that had never been persecutors; and that whilst he should treat with her Majesty he should have no mass.
20 Feb. [1573/4]. Dr Dale gave answer to the French King that the Queen's Majesty was content that Monsieur might come into England; but the King, being sick, could make no answer.
16 Mar. [1573/4]. The Queen's Majesty accorded to a safe-conduct for the Duke d'Alençon.
8 Nov. 1574. The Lord North returneth from Lyons.
30 Apr. 1575. Henry, the French King, ratifieth the Treaty made by his brother Charles IX. the 19th of April 1572, and the same was delivered to Dr Dale.
Mons. La Chastre came to renew the matter of the Duke's marriage.
29 May 1575. The French King is certified by Dr Dale of his election to the order.
4 July 1575. An uproar in Paris against the Italians.
18 July [1575]. Vomeny, a follower of Alençon, committed to prison.
6 Aug. [1575]. Malvesyre (Mauvissière) sent into England.
3 Oct. [1575]. The Queen Mother communeth with her son D'Alençon for an accord.
9 Oct. [1575]. The Duke of Guise hurt in a skirmish.
8 Nov. [1575]. The Queen Mother maketh a truce until Midsummer.
20 Nov. [1575]. The Prince of Condé marcheth with the Reiters to Paris.
14 Dec. 1575. La Porta sent to solicit the marriage when the Duke was in the camp.
22 Dec. 1575. The Duke of Alençon in camp at Ruffeck.
27 Dec. [1575]. The Duke of Alençon writeth how he was in danger to be poisoned in a cup of wine, and that Du Therre escaped hardly.
1 Feb. [1575/6]. The Queen's Majesty made answer by the Lord Chamberlain to La Mothe and La Porta that though the French King moved the coming of his brother, yet considering the difference betwixt the King and his brother, and the late accord not prosecuted, she can not consent to have the Duke to come at such a time.
April 1576. Peace concluded. That Mons. D'Alençon shall have increase of his appanage : The Edict for religion shall be observed : All the heirs of those who were slain in the massacre at Paris shall be restored : Casimir shall be paid in money and jewels, &c.
29 May [1576]. The new King of Polonia writeth to Henry the French King that he is chosen King of Polonia.
26 Sept. 1576. Sir Amyas Paulett passeth into France to be Ambassador.
28 Nov. 1578. Mons. le Duc D'Anjou gave his commission in these words to “Mesyre Jehan de Symyer, Sr du dict lieu, Baron de St Mary, Chevalier de Ordre, Chamberlayn de noz affayres et Conseill, et Mastre de nre Garderobe,” to treat and conclude upon marriage with the Queen.
Mons. de Simier delivereth a paper in French containing the answers which were made to the 9 Articles brought out of France by Cavalcanti in April 1571, on behalf of Henry then Duke of Anjou, and in the margin thereof certain “apostillations,” which are in very deed the said 9 Articles brought by Cavalcanti.
27 Feb. [1578/9]. Mons. le Duc d'Anjou giveth power to Simier to treat and conclude upon an interview.
27 Mar. 1579. Long consultations had at Westminster concerning the marriage.
31 Mar. 1579. Mons. de Simier delivered Articles on the part of the Duke concerning the marriage; 12 Articles, which were in French.
3 Apr. 1579. There was an answer delivered to him to the said Articles, which answer was in Latin.
Nota : That to the first, for the manner of the marriage, it was answered as had been before in Nov. 1578; and as was before answered in the case of Henry Duke of Anjou in 1571.
To the second, for the exercise of religion, it was put in suspense until the interview.
To the third, for the coronation of the Duke to be King, as much is accorded as was to the Emperor for Queen Mary.
To the fourth, that the Duke should be joined with the Queen's Majesty in all gifts, &c., it was denied.
To the fifth, accorded as for Queen Mary.
To the sixth, for 60 thousand pounds pension, it was refused.
To the seventh, allowed so that the Queen should have a joint estate in his possessions.
To the 8th, that he should be Governor to the Queen's children, accorded as in the case of Queen Mary.
To the 9th, for continuance of the 60 thousand pounds after the Queen's death, not allowed.
The 10th, that either realm might continue in its rights, accorded.
The 11th, that the Treaty should be ratified in France, accorded.
The 12th, that a perpetuall amity be made between the two Crowns, accorded, with a proviso that the Queen's Majesty may add hereunto anything meet to clear any doubt in the premises.
Note. That the Articles of the Treaties of Queen Mary, with the notes of Parliament, were delivered in writing to Simier.
10 Apr. [1579]. Mons. Simier delivered an answer to the aforesaid answers of the 12 Articles.
To the 1st and 2nd, the determination thereof was referred to an interview.
To the 3rd, there were certain arguments to maintain their demand.
To the 4th, arguments also to maintain the demand, by colour of words in the 7th Article.
To the 5th, a maintenance also of the demand.
To the 6th, accorded that the Queen's Majesty shall be “in society” of the Duke's possessions if “the reciprocque” be granted on her part towards him.
To the 8th, for government of the Queen's child, allowed.
To the 9th, for continuance of the pension of 60 thousand pounds for the Duke's life, request that by Parliament it may be confirmed.
To the 10th, for conservation of the liberties of both the kingdoms, allowed.
The 11th and 12th agreed to.
3 May [1579]. The Queen's Majesty commanded that the whole matter of the proceedings should be notified to her Council, which was done.
Note. There was showed that Simier had propounded certain new Articles, viz. :—
1. That Monsieur might be crowned King.
2. That he should have a joint authority with the Queen to make all grants.
3. That he might have assured 60 thousand pounds during his life.
It was resolved that the 1st and 3rd should not be granted, but referred to Parliament, and the 2nd was utterly denied.
4 May [1579]. Report made to her Majesty of the resolution by the Lord Treasurer, the Earls of Sussex and Leicester, and Mr Secretary Wilson.
Eodem die, post meridiem. The said Lords and the Lord Admiral declared to Simier the resolution of her Majesty's Council; and though he persisted in the maintenance of all 3, yet he was content to omit the 2nd, and desired that he might have her Majesty's private allowance of them, with a promise to propound them to Parliament.
9 May [1579]. The Queen wrote to Sir Amyas Paulett of all her proceedings with Simier, directing him to advertise both the King and Monsieur of this new kind of proceeding by offering these three new Articles.
15 June [1579]. Simier came to the Council, where were the Lord Chancellor, Lord Treasurer, Lord Admiral, Lord Chamberlain, Earl of Leicester, Lord Hunsdon, the Vice-Chamberlain, and Secretaries Walsyngham and Wilson.
He declared that he had order from his Master that he should not persist upon the aforesaid three Articles, but that his Master would remit all to her Majesty's own determination. And then he propounded these two questions following :—
(1.) Whether her Majesty would be content with an interview?
(2.) If upon the interview there should be a misliking, by what means the cause might be ended without dishonour to the Duke?
The Queen, being hereof informed by the Lord Chancellor, it was ordered to be answered to Simier as followeth, which the Lord Treasurer did declare :—
It was said that her Majesty was contented to accord to an interview. Whereupon Simier required that before the interview the articles of the marriage might be cleared, and that such as were to be accorded might so be set down, and the others denied or not granted might in like manner be answered. And so Mr Secretary Walsyngham was appointed to confer with Combells, both concerning the form of safe conduct for the Duke's coming, and also to deliver brief answers to the articles; and so he did in manner following :
The 1st and 2nd were referred to the colloquy between her Majesty and the Duke.
The 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th were remitted both to the colloquy and to the Parliament.
The 8th accorded, as in the former answers.
The 9th , remitted to the colloquy.
The 10th, 11th and 12th, accorded.
21 June [1579]. The Queen, writing to her Ambassador in France, willeth that he notify, both to the French King and to the Duke, how she hath consented to the interview; but yet she requireth them both to accord that there should be no diminution of any former amity if after the interview there should not succeed marriage.
8 July [1579]. Mr Walsyngham delivered to Mons. Simier an Act of Council accorded the 15th of June for the assent to the Duke's coming to England; and also the Queen's safe-conduct dated 7 July [1579].
17 Aug. [1579]. The Duke came to Greenwich.
29 Aug. [1579]. The Duke passed to Boulogne.
4 Sept. [1579]. The Queen commandeth her Ambassador in France to thank the French King for permitting the Duke to come into England.
Nov. [1579]. Treaty with de Simier, who persisted to have the Articles agreed upon that he might return to his Master. It was objected that the Articles could not be fully concluded so as to make a Treaty thereupon, considering that it behoved her Majesty for her honour to have the like proceedings herein as was for Queen Mary's marriage, to whom the Emperor Charles sent noblemen to the number of five, vizt. The Earls of Egmont and Lalain, and Messrs de Courrières, Nigri, and Renard; the Queen appointing other five as Commissioners on her behalf. Hereupon also it was thought meet to prorogue the Parliament until January to allow time for Commissioners to come. There were also objections made to two of Simier's articles; concerning the manner of the marriage, and for permission of religion.
In Lord Burghley's own hand.
19 pp.
788. Trade in the Mediterranean Sea.
1579. “Reasons to move the incorporating of all ports and places within the Mediterranean sea, from the entrance of the Straits of Gibraltar.”
The reasons adduced are, the securing of good government in trade, and means to bear all needful charges the more easily; the increase of great ships, fit both for defence and offence; the prevention of “scattering trading'; the necessity for an Ambassador or Agent at the Court of the Grand Seignior, the expense of which had hitherto been wholly borne by the Levant Company, but could be far more easily borne through the incorporation asked for; and, unless the whole trade in the Mediterranean sea be incorporated with the trade into the territories of the Grand Seignior and of the Signory of Venice, the danger of the sons of strangers born in England trading with the unincorporated places, to the loss of Her Highness and the overthrow of this incorporation.
Endorsed :“1579.”
pp.
789. The Earl of Lincoln.
1579. “Mr Willyam Kympton, alderman, his bill, To the righte honorable the Earlle of Lyncon, lord admyrall of Eyngland. Anno 1579.
“Item the 12 ofe Februarii, ano 1578, 1 yard d[imidium] assure at ix s. the yerd. Some xiij s. vj d.
“Item the 18 of Februarii, 1 yrd. d. assur at ix s. xiij s. vj d.
“Item the 20tie of Februarii, 1 yrd. d. of assur at ix s. xiij s. vj d.
“Item youre lordshipe owethe for vij assures delyvered to Mr Wolmette and Jhon Pointe, your lordshipes servantes, for youre lyveres, the 8 of Aprell, ano 1579, contayninge clxv yardes iij qrs at ix s. the yrd. Some lxxiiijli xjs ixd
“Item more xvj yrdes. d. assure at viij s. vjli xijs 0.
“Item the 20 Aprell. xv yrdes. assure at ix s. the yerde. Some vjli xvs 0.
“for my ladye “Item the same daye ij yrdes. iij qrs fyne blake at xxiiij s. the yerd. Som iijli vjs 0d
“Item the 28 of Maye & the firste of June viij yrdes iij qtrs d. assure at ix s. iiijli 0 0d
“for Nicholas Francklinge. “Item more j yrd. d. assure at ix s. xiijs vjd
“For Garrat Wall of Eye. “Item the 18 of June j yrd. d. assur at ix s. xiijs vjd
“Item the 13 of Julij 1579, j yrd. d. of assur at ix s. the yrd. Some xiijs vjd
“Item the same daye iij yrdes. of blake at xviij s. the yrd. Some liiijs
cili—19—9
“Some totalyes of all the clothe is as aperethe cjli xixs ixd
Endorsed by the Earl :—“Kymton.”
1 p.
790. The Merchants Adventurers.
1579. At the request of the Merchants Adventurers abiding at Calais, and in the parts of Holland, Zealand, Brabant, Flanders, and other places beyond the seas, it was granted to them, by King Henry VII., by his letters patent, dated the 28th of September, anno regni sui xxj., as hereafter followeth :—
First, authority to choose at Calais a Governor or Governors of themselves, and 24 assistants, who, or the more part of them, should have full power and authority to govern the Company, and to do justice in all causes and quarrels, moved or to be moved, among them, or betwixt them and merchant strangers, in the said town of Calais.
Authority to the said Governor, &c., to make statutes, ordinances, and customs, for their better government, being not contrary to the crown, honour, dignity royal, or prerogative, or to the diminution of the common weal; and to set penalties, by fines, forfeitures, or imprisonments, or otherwise, for the observing of the same. And the same acts and ordinances to revoke and disannul at their wills and pleasures; And all merchants contrarious, and rebels to the Governor and assistants, or to the Acts, Ordinances, and Statutes, &c., made or to be made, to fine and punish as the quality of the offence shall require, without declining from the power of the said Governor, &c.; And without any further appeal or provocation.
Authority to assign, and ordain, one or divers officers, as well within the realm as at Calais, which shall levy all fines, forfeitures, &c., of every merchant convict of breaking any of the said statutes, &c. And for default of payment, or for disobedience, to arrest the bodies and goods of such offenders.
Authority to choose other assistants in the place of such as will not or cannot attend, and them to remove and discharge.
Every subject intermitting or using the acts or feats of a merchant adventurer shall be contributory and obedient to all Acts, &c., as a merchant adventurer.
Authority to choose weighers, porters, measurers, ployers, and packers.
Item, by one other Charter from King Henry VII., dated 24 Jan., anno regni sui xxj., it is granted to them as followeth :—
First, authority to keep assemblies and courts within the city of London, or elsewhere, and to commit to the next gaol or prison any merchant not appearing at the hour and place appointed, being lawfully warned, or for disobedience or any offence done, or to be done, against the common weal of the said merchants, or to any privilege to them granted under the great seal of England, and further to punish such offender by fine or fines, after the quality of the trespass.
Item, by another charter from the said King, dated the 24th of June, anno suo 22, it is granted to them as followeth :—
License given to the said Governor and Company freely with their goods and merchandize into the said Low Countries to pass and repass, and there to enjoy all and singular grants and privileges by him or his progenitors granted by letters patent.
Exr. per G. Gerrard.
Certain articles which the said merchants require to be newly granted unto them by the Queen's Majesty :—
First, where they be incorporated by the name of the Governor, Assistants, and Fellowship of Merchants Adventurers trading the countries of Holland, Zealand, Brabant, and Flanders, they desire now to be incorporated by the name of the Governor, Assistants, and Fellowship of Merchants Adventurers of England, and to sue and to be sued, and to give and to take by that name.
Item, to have authority by that name to purchase houses or lands to the value of xlli.
Item, authority to assemble themselves beyond the seas, as well in the countries aforesaid, as also in East Friesland, Overyssel, West Friesland, Gelderland, Groningland, Hamburg, and Lubeck, and other countries and places, east and north-east on this side the Sound of Denmark; And there to choose a Governor and his Deputy, or Deputies, and 24 Assistants, and to do all things there, as they have done before this time in other places by virtue of their former grants and privileges, and also to put in execution amongst themselves all privileges and grants which be or hereafter shall be granted unto them by any foreign Princes or Governors of the countries aforesaid.
Item, that every brother of the Company which shall hereafter marry any woman born out of the Queen's Majesty's dominions, or purchase any lands in any the said parts beyond the sea, shall, ipso facto, be disfranchised, and such as have already married any foreign woman, or have purchased or obtained any lands or tenements in any the said parts beyond the sea, shall, during so long time as he or his wife shall inhabit out of the Queen's Dominions, be excluded from every assembly, court, or consultation of the said Company.
(fn. 1) Item, in avoiding of many inconveniences which grow by the disordered trade of divers artificers and unskilful merchants, that no person not being free of the said Fellowship, shall use any trade in the said countries, provided that the Merchants of the Staple shall not be restrained to transport into the countries aforesaid all kind of wool, or wool fell, or to make return thereof from such places where the Merchants Adventurers shall keep their marts, in other wares and merchandises, in manner and form as before the making hereof they lawfully might.
A grant and confirmation of their ancient liberties, privileges, customs, and franchises, &c.; And a commandment to all to whom it may appertain, to suffer the said Governor, Assistants, and Fellowship, and every member thereof, to have the benefit of these letters patent, and to aid them in the execution of the premisses.
Exr per G. Gerrard.
Endorsed :—“Request of the merchants adventurers for their incorporation. Anno 21 Eliz.”
pp.
791. News from Scotland.
1579. “I cannot say how it cometh to pass, but they have bruited it so in this court that the Duke of Brabant should be so evil satisfied in Flanders, as he intendeth to return into these parts, so soon as the Marshal Biron may be arrived in the Low Countries. Withal they say in this court how her Majesty will not leave her liberty, but rather sheweth to be contented that Monsieur may marry the Princess of Navarre or of Lorraine. The French king hath promised the Pope's servant how, after the coming hither of Cardinal Borromeo, he will introduce the decree of the Council of Trent in France, upon condition the Pope will grant he may for certain years enjoy the tenths, and sell some church lands. The Pope's Nuntio, about four days past, hath delivered money to [the] Scottish Queen's minister, unto whom the Scottish Queen did write that they had placed all their trust in the Pope for the redeeming of the King of Scots, on whose liberty dependeth their life and better estates, which letters were delivered by Morgan unto the Scottish Queen's minister here.”
Endorsed :—“1579. Sir H. Cobham decyphred, Scotland E.”
1 p. [Murdin, p. 343. In extenso.]
792. Victuals for the Troops in Ireland.
1579. Amount of victuals (biscuit, beer, beef, saltfish, butter, cheese, wheat, and malt) sent for the use of the troops in Ireland.
Endorsed :—“1579. Victuals provided by Bland, for the service in Ireland.”
1 p.
793. Lands of Irish Rebels.
[1579.] “A note of the lands found by officers to be her Majesty's within the counties of Cork and Limerick by this Rebellion.” The lands are those of the Earl of Desmond, Sir John of Desmond, John Omwllawny, John Browne, John Suppell, Garhill McThomas, Richard FitzThomas called McThomas, and Piers Wale.
Endorsed :—“A note of certain outlawed that were in and with the Earl of Desmond in his rebellion.”
7 pp.
794. The Queen to the [Duke of Anjou.]
[1579.] “Monsieur, quant je considère qu'entre tous les liens le plus estroictes, il n'y a un que tire plus fort, que celuy que la sincère, affectionné, & non meslée amitié compose, je me puis vanter d'avoir reçeu de vos déportementz en mon endroict tant d'obligations, & si infinies modes de contentementz, qu'un fuilet de papier seroit mal suffisant à les racompter. Et quant je vois que ne menases spirituelles, ny inductions politiques, ny le peur de dishonneur, ny la crainte de contrarier vos proche affectionnés, ny le malice de telz que, pour obvier mon bien, ne se chailent de vostre perte, ny toutes les inventions diaboliques, n'ont rien prévaleus pour détourner vos dessains, je me confesse insuffisante pour me venger de telz démérites, and pense que à grande paine me quitteray je de ceste debte; mais, en part de payement, je ne laisseray oncques à le recognoistre par tous les honnorables moyens qu'une prince le peult à aultre, d'ont (sic) aures raison tousjours de vous en fayre estat assurément. Je prie Mon. Simie à vous escripre quelque particularités, d'ont je vous rendz compte, comme telle que ne vous souhaite ignorant de choses si nécessaires, & qui vous touche de si près. Nonobstant lesquelles, Simie entendra toutes les circunstances nécessaires pour vostre arrivé, si demoureres en ceste mesme volunté après le receipt de ces lettres. Comme Dieu sçait, auquel je prie de vous donner la victoire pardessus tous vos ennemis, & bonne vie & longue, Vostre très-assurée sœur & cousine, Elizabeth R.”
Endorsed :—“No. 1.”
Holograph. No address. 1 p.
795. The Anjou Marriage.
[1579.] Rough draft, by Elizabeth, with respect to the articles of her proposed marriage with the Duke of Anjou. The articles referred to were those brought over by Simier on behalf of the Duke, including proposals for the Duke's coronation, and for the annual payment of a certain sum of money, even in the event of the marriage being dissolved. The Queen expresses her wish that the articles should be concluded when the Duke arrives in England, and remits them for consideration by the Parliament, promising to support and urge their adoption.
Endorsed :—“N. 4.”
French. 1 p.
Modern copy of the preceding; very faulty. 1 p.
796. The Queen to the Duke of Anjou.
[1579.] “O Mounsieur, l'ennuy qui tient ma fantacie, enveluppé en tant de paine, me pousse à vous suplier de bien poiser quelle la fin & sequele de ce voyage vous peult effectuer de contentement, ou pleu tost de crèvecœur, si l'affayre ne se paracheve par mariage. Comment je me suis mauldicte depuis la concession du passeport, en pençée que ma main vous procurast, ou quelque désastre ou deshonneur. Vous ne pouves imaginer la moindre part de mes doleurs. Je ne fais aultre chose que resver, désirant plus que de vivre de m'assurer tousjours qu'il n'y aura diminution de vos bonnes grâces, ny de vostre singulière affection en mon endroict, quelque fin que ceste cause aura. Et me seroit le plus grand guerdon, que mon cœur reçevast oncques, de ne m'en doubter, en qui me pourres fort consoler pour reçevoir cest honneur d'en estre assurée de vostre main, qui jamais escripvit chose qu'il me pençast. Je m'imagine, Mon trèschir, à Vous dire franchement, qu'il y a de vos fidèles ministres que vous hastent la venue, crainnant que la rupture de ce négoce ne leur soit imputé, à faute de ne s'y estre sagement employé, ou à manquement de n'en avoir esté asses circumspect. Et pourtant j'ay pris la hardiesse un aultre coup, comme içelle qui vous souhaite tout l'heure & renommée du monde, de vous importuner de ceste, à ce que je me persuade de n'avoir rien obmis que je vous dois admonester, me rendant toute dévote à vous complaire en ce qui sera convenable pour nous deux, n'ayant la pençée à moy seule, ains vous ayant en plus d'esgard, comme Dieu sçait, & m'en porte tesmoignage, à qui je prie de me conserver en vostre bonne grâce, & vous concéder çent ans de vie. Vostre trèsassurée, comme y estant tant obligée, Elizabeth R.”
Endorsed :—“N. 10.”
Holograph. 1 p.
Modern copy of preceding; very faulty. 1½ pp.
797. The Queen to the [Duke of Anjou].
[1579.] “Monsr, quant il me souvient qu'il n'y a debte plus licite que la parolle du juste, ny chose qui plus lie noz actions que la promesse, je m'oublieroys trop en vostre endroyt, & â mon honneur, si j'ometasse le terme ordonné pour ma response à la cause que long temps nous avons traicté. Vous n'ignorez, mon trèscher, que les plus grands retardements consistoyent à faire que nostre peuple le devoyt congratuler & applauder. A quoy faire, j'ay prins le temps qui communément y faict plus que la raison, & ayant uzé de tous d'eux, n'ay gardé de ne vous déclarer rondement comme je cognoys, & vous trouverez tousjours véritable. Je voyz bien que plusieurs s'eut vont repentiz d'en faire téméraires judgements au premier coup, sans avoyr peizé en meillieure balance le fon de leurs opinions. Je m'assure que aulcuns, avecques hazarde de leur vies propres, souhayttent de n'y estre si sottement gouvernéz. Et non obstant, je vous promets sur ma foy, qu'encores n'a jamais reçeu tasche, que le public exercice de la Relligion Romaine adhère tant en leur cœur, que je ne consentiray jamais que vous veniez entre telle companie de malcontents, sans qu'il vous plaize de considérer que les commissionaires relaschent l'estroyts termes que Mr de Simiers nous offryt, & pour ne vouloyr que vous les mandastes sans que la cause s'y concluast. Je vous supplie en tenir grande considération, comme de chose qui est tant dure a supporter aux Angloys, que ne le pourriez imaginer sans le cognoistre. De ma part, je confesse qu'il n'y a prince au monde, à qui plus volontiers je me rende sienne qu'à vous mesme, ny à qui je me pense plus obligé, ny avecq qui je passeroys les ans de ma vie, et pour vos rares vertus & le doux naturel, acompaigné avec tant d'honorables parties, que ne puis reciter pour leur nombre, n'y en oze faire mention pour la longeur qui m'y conviendroyt. Tellement que s'il vous plaist considérer comme la sincérité m'acompaigne en ceste négotiation, du commencement jusques à présent, je ne doubte de comparoistre devant le siège de vostre droyct jugement pour me quitter de toute cautèle ou dissimulation. Je me doubtoys pour voz particuliers accords, estant incertaine aultant de ne complaire comme non assurée, que je me consentasse pr . . . voyant les grandes questions qui se faisoyent pour la nation, d'où vous estes, puis pour la mode du gouvernement, & plusieurs aultres choses qui ne se doyvent esc[r]ire. Esquelles y ayant uzé tant de moyens pour les faire agréables, je ne croyt avoyr faict œuvre de forte, mais plustost de grand ouvrage, pour toute la semaine. Et à cest heur, je ne vous deçevray pour ne mettre devant voz yeux apertement comme je treuve la cause, & que j'en pense, en laquelle j'ay eu aultant de regard à vostre aize & contentement, comme à ma propre vie ou considération de mon estat, qui m'eust aultrement esmeu à faire aultre response. Et, pour conclusion, je ne puis ny ne veux que ce négoce nous fasche plus, ains que demeurions fidèles amis, & assuréz en toutes noz actions; s'il ne vous plaize de faire résolution aultre que l'aperte exercice de la Relligion, & qu'il vous semble bon de m'en esc[r]ire, ou mander quelque bonne response, car je ne désire rien qui ne vous cantentast. Il y a encores pour la pension quelque choze à dire, que J'ay donné en charge à ce porteur de le vous déclarer bien à mieulx, comme aultres choses, lequel il vous plaira de vostre bonté acoustumée ouyr, & vous fier comme à fidel, comme le cogneyssez, & je l'ay bien approuvé; pour lequel je vous doibz ung million de graces pour l'honneur, faveur, & ibéralité qu'avez uzé en son endroyct, pour lequel vous m'obligez bien avant. Je reçeux huict jours a une lettre qu'il vous a plu me mander, par où je voy que vostre affection ne se diminue pour absence, ny se refroyde par persuasions, pour laquelle je ne puis rendre qu'une sincère & immuable bonne volonté, preste à vous servir en toutes occasions adverses (fn. 2) ou mauvaises, & telle que jamais délaissera vostre fortune, mais en prendray ma part. Je n'ay jamais ouy de vous (fn. 3) nouvelles aulcunes ou de France, ou du Pais Bas, ou de quelque autre quartiers, depuis l'arrivée de Simiees, & croy que vous vous doutez trop de silence de femme, ou autrement j'entendroys moyns par aultres moyens, & plus par vous. Car d'aultre lieu j'entens plus qu'il vous plaist me communiquer, comme Dieu scayt, à qui je prie vous conserver en bonne vie & longue; avec mes recommendations à ma treschère grenouille.”
Endorsed :—“N. 17. I—.”
Draft. 2 pp.
798. [The Queen to the Duke of Anjou.]
[1579]. “Monsieur, si je vous osasse accuser de sorceleries, je le pense fayre à bon droict, puisque me sens si altéré de la vielle mode de procéder que je tousjours er (sic) en l'endroict des aultres princes qui m'ont souvent solicité de la veue seule, chose qui me sembla trop pour à la fin pour laquelle il me recherçoient; non pas que je dédaignois leur requeste, mais n'ayant opinion de leur pouvoir octroyer leur désir, d'en estois je esloigné d'en ouyr parler. Mais asteur [à cette heure], combien que je ne m'assure nullement de la fin, ne m'ose persuader de l'issue, si est ce que je sens l'efficase de vos honorables offertes & la franchise des conditions si intimées & affectionnées, qu'elles me rendent enchantée, de sorte que je me laisse gouverné de vous mander le sauf conduict, lequel, si se ne soit si ample que le souhaites, que je le sache, & se sera adjousté en telle mode que mieulx vous satisfera pour l'honneur & seurté. Il est vray que je [j'ai] prié M. de S[imier] que le temps se diffère par telles occations que j'espère vous contenteront, & quant me verres, peult estre que la souhaiteries plus avant prolongué, tellement ma veue vous amoindra le désir. Monsieur, je ne puis omettre de vous rendre humblement grâces de l'honneur qu'il vous a pleu faire à mon Embassadeur en la visitant en propre personne, chose de qui je le confesse indigne, m'en rende infiniement obligé, & le metz au rencq de vos infinis faveurs, dequels (sic) le nombre est trop grand pour le povoir compter, comme sçait le Créateur auquel je prie de vous donner les années de Nestor.”
Holograph. Endorsed :—“No. 20.”
pp.
799. Memoranda by Lord Burghley.
[1579]. Item, in casu quod dicta Domina Regina supervixerit dictum Ducem, dicta seren. Regina pro dotalitio suo recipiet singulis annis talem et tantam summam monete qualem et quantam in proximo colloquio habendo Commissarios dicte Regine et Regis Christianissimi dicti Ducis deputandos censebitur apta, congrua, et sufficiens, super dominia dicti Ducis, cum securitate, &c., ut in articulo.
Struck out and the following substituted :
Eam quam in proximo colloquio Commissarii dicte Regine et Regis Christianissimi ac dicti Ducis post hac deputati censebant fore congruam et sufficientem, &c.
In articulo de Relligione addatur :—Non tamen recusabit comitari Reginam ad Ecclesiam temporibus congruis atque iis maxime solemnibus.
Et addatur articulus prius conceptus de receptione in Brit. &c.
On the back :—“To Pallavicino—16,636l., videlicet, ult. Feb. 1579 8,000l., ult. Octob. 8,600l.
“Spinola—12,121l., viz., ult. Junii, 1579, 5,000l., ult. Decemb. 7,000l.
In Burghley's handwriting.
1 p.
800. The Duke of Parma.
[1579?] Three reasons, among others, ought to induce the Duke of Parma to make himself Lord of the Low Countries : just pretext, facility, and assurance of maintaining himself therein.
This pretext can be based on the ground of reprisals on the King of Spain for his usurpation of the kingdom of Portugal, the children of the Duke having more right there, because of their mother, than the said King. By usurping the Low Countries in this way the Duke would be judged by all unprejudiced persons to be acting justly, alike for the above reason, as also because he knows that the said King, in the division of France which he has made with the Leaguers, looks to no other rights but his own. So the Duke will be badly advised if, with such an example, he does not improve his affairs, when the opportunity is so good and lawful. The Most Christian King, who is acquainted with the aforesaid division of his country by the King of Spain, and also the Queen of England, will be very glad. As to the Lords of the League, they will not dare to blame him for it, being convinced that they wish to do the same without any right or pretext, and being annoyed that they encountered more obstacles in the matter, than the Duke will in the possession of the Low Countries. This will be easy for him, and the other fact should induce him all the more to undertake it, because it is certain that all the three orders of the States will consent thereto very willingly.
With respect to the clergy, they will always remember that the King of Spain allowed himself to be advised, a long time ago, to deprive them of as much of their goods as would enable him, in time of peace, to maintain all the garrisons in the Low Countries. Being advertised of this, they immediately joined the party of the late Prince of Orange, and only withdrew from it when the men of Ghent deprived them in Flanders not only of all their goods, but also the exercise of their religion, constraining them even to leave the country. Thereby can be judged how easily they accommodate themselves to the party which can best maintain them in the entire possession of their goods, and, not being out of fear that the King of Spain is still desirous of executing his first design, will be quite content, in order to remedy the same, that the Duke of Parma should make himself Lord of the Low Countries. And as that could not be done without treating with them, as the first of the estates, they would not need to provide for the same, and would have no fear on that score, by reason of their assurance of the Duke of Parma's good faith, as one who never failed in anything he promised.
With respect to the nobility, all, saving a few lords and gentlemen, have signed against the King of Spain, and they believe that he has pardoned them only in appearance and through necessity, in order to use them in recovering his territories, and that done, to deprive them both of life and goods. They, therefore, will also be very glad to be delivered from that fear, by means of the Duke of Parma, and will have no objection to take him for their Lord, alike for the above consideration, as for his own virtues and merits.
With respect to those in the towns and open country, nothing more agreeable or profitable could happen to them; agreeable, inasmuch as they are tired of war; profitable, inasmuch as the citizen would enjoy his income, the merchant would trade freely, and the labourer would no more work for the soldiers, from whom, besides the loss of his goods he receives an infinity of insults. Moreover, the most ignorant person in the Low Countries, of whatever order or quality he may be, is well aware that, during his life time, there will neither be an end to this war, nor an assured peace, except by the execution of this design, since nothing will suffice the King of Spain or his posterity in their endeavours to regain by force the United Provinces, bordering on the sea (through which meanwhile, all the principal trade with the said Countries is done) even when those are supported, (as they are,) by the favour, and defended by the forces, of the Queen of England.
If all the foregoing is based on sufficient reasons to induce him to make himself Lord of the said Countries, the assurance of maintaining himself therein is no less so. Thus the means for everything is in his hand, by resting in the King of France, on the Queen of England, and if there is need, on the Kings of Denmark, Sweden, Poland, and the Princes of Germany, who, because of the desire they may have for the diminution of the King of Spain's greatness, will enter willingly into a league with him [the Duke] alike to take care that no army, by sea and by land, belonging either to the King of Spain or his heirs, may attack him, as to succour him, if need be. For there are few of all those monarchs and princes, who have not been offended in such a way as to make it agreeable to them, to be so well avenged, at so little cost and danger to themselves.
French. 2½pp.
801. The Queen to the [Duke of Anjou].
[1579 ?]. “A Monsieur, la nécessité de la cause m'a contrainte, contre ma coustume, de mander une lettre au Roy, premier que vous en advertir. Vous me pardonneres ceste fardée, que je n'ay point commis en intention de trop retarder les Commissaires, n'estant chose demandé digne de leur redarder, s'il tient envie de leur achemenement, &c. S'il se monstrera tardif à perfayre vostre cause, vous aures occation d'en mésurer le désir qu'il tient de vostre grandeur. Je vous mande ma lettre, comme à qui je participe tousjours mes folies, espérant tant en la bonté de vostre naturel, que croyes que vostre plus grande affayre se traictera aultant que commodément poves pour vous contenter. Et ne m'en doubte trop, s'il se traicte par grande clairté, & selle qui ne s'obfusche par mauvaises menées, qui renveriera le tout ès cœur des Anglois. De vous, Mo[nsieur], tout le monde peult à bonne raison s'assurer que posposes toutes aultres pençées seulement à me rendre voctre; par vostre inenarrable constance aures bien mérite, que je tiens engravé en mon cœur, pour vous en servir à jamais.”
Endorsed :—“N. 14.”
Holograph. 1 p.
802. The Duke of Anjou to Simier.
[1579?]. Was very glad to receive his letter and rejoices always in his welfare. Simier must still have patience, the Duke's affairs being in such a state that he cannot see him at present, but on his return will take such order as will give him satisfaction.
Meanwhile he is to execute the Duke's commands and not to take his departure until he hears from him. Captain “Bour” will tell him the rest.
French. 1 p.
803. The Duke of Anjou to the Queen.
[1579 ?]. Veray, one of his secretaries, has arrived with the result of the negotiations during his stay with her Majesty. Has immediately despatched him to the King in order to learn his determination and to entreat him in all affection to be as favourable to himself as he is entitled to hope from the expectations held out to him.
French. 2 pp.
804. The Duke of Anjou to Lord Cobham.
[1579?]. Has been very pleased to hear recent news of the Queen, his mistress, and to be assured, both by her letter and by his own, that she continues in good health and well affected towards the peace of this kingdom. Simier has shown him the letter written to him by Lord Cobham. Assures him that so far as it lies in his power all things shall go on well and to the satisfaction of his mistress.
Addressed :—“A Monsieur Coban, embassadeur pour la Royne Dangletere pres du Roy mon frere.”
French. 1 p.
805. The Duke of Anjou to the Queen.
[1579 ?]. Is miserable at seeing his obligations to her Majesty increase to such an extent that he feels himself incapable of repaying them by any services he can render. The King his brother has been very ill these few days past, but is now better and in a short time will be able to go out. Everything at the court is going on well. There was a rumour that Fontarabia had been taken by certain Frenchmen, but they have since learnt that it was without foundation, whereof the Spanish Ambassador was much pleased. Obeys the command which her Majesty gave him before his departure to acquaint her with any news from these quarters, and is equally prepared to do so in all other respects.
French. 1 p.
806. Memorial of the Offers made by the Lord Hume for satisfying the King's Majesty and the Lord Regent of Scotland.
[1579?]. 1. He is willing to confess his offence and defection, and to obey his Majesty and the Regent, and to find “caution” under such pains as the Regent and Council think expedient.
2. The said Lord has offered the marriage of his eldest son and heir to be bestowed on any of the Regent's friends; as also, the marriage of his eldest daughter to any of the Regent's sons, kinsmen, or friends.
3. Also, offered for the full restitution of his lands the sum of 10,000l. money of Scotland, to be paid at the feast of Candlemas next to come.—Undated.
Endorsed :—“The offers of the Lord Hume to the King and the Lord Regent's Grace—referred to letters from the Lord and Lady Hume to her Majesty of the 10th of July.”
1 p.

Footnotes

  • 1. This article has been marked as cancelled.
  • 2. The word “bonnes” is struck out and “adverses” inserted by Elizabeth.
  • 3. Inserted by the Queen.