Appendix: Miscellaneous 1553-1571

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 2, 1572-1582. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.

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'Appendix: Miscellaneous 1553-1571', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 2, 1572-1582, (London, 1888) pp. 541-552. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol2/pp541-552 [accessed 18 April 2024]

Miscellaneous 1553–1571

A.D. 1553.
1. Sir Thomas Chamberlayne to the Privy Council.
1552/3, Feb. 20. On Tuesday last the Estates of the Low Countries were assembled in Court, where the Emperor and his sister, the Lady Regent, were present. His Majesty told them he had confidence they would be willing to give him aid in their defence against such an enemy as the French King, who forced him to these wars. The aid required was 600,000 guilders from Brabant only, 900,000 from Flanders, and 300,000 from Holland. The spirituality must give the half of their revenues; so that by this means and by the great loans made in Antwerp, his Majesty shall want no money to make the French King a good war this summer. Is informed that the Count Palatine is appointed to come to the Emperor in order to require him to allow the King of Bohemia for his coadjutor in the Empire; and, upon that condition, the Princes of the Empire will be content to take the wars wholly upon them and make the French King restore what he hath usurped. A bruit goeth that the Emperor is in great jealousy of the Venetians, who have lately made the Duke of Ferrara their general.—Brussels, 20 February 1553.
Holograph. 4 pp.
[Lodge, I., pp. 192–194. In extenso.]
A.D. 1561.
2. “Myghell Tymbarman” to the Queen.
1560/1, March 21. Petition for the freedom of the City of London, and for letters to the Lords of Scotland for the recovery of debts due to him there.
Endorsed:—21 March 1560.
¾ p.
Encloses copies of two letters from the Mayor and Aldermen of London to the Queen, giving their reasons against his admission to the freedom, as a stranger and a merchant. [One of the letters is dated 26 March 1553.] 2 pp.
A.D. 1564.
3. Pierre Vassaictz to M. du Dellay, a Gentleman of the Queen's Chamber.
1564, Mar. 10. Informs him that by order of justice he has sold his armour to the highest bidder, the price realised being sixty gold crowns. There is still owing a sum of 41 livres which he entreats him to send by the bearer.—Paris, 10 March 1564.
French. 1 p.
A.D. 1567.
4. Appointment of Captains in the Town of Antwerp by the Prince of Orange.
1567, Mar. 21. Certificate of the Prince of Orange and the Count de Lalaing of the names of the persons appointed by them as Captains of the Town of Antwerp “and to address and appease the common people assembled in the street commonly called La Meure, the number of whom is too great for them to do so personally?—Antwerp, 21 March 1567.
Copy. French. 1 p.
A.D. 1568.
5. John Jackson to Sir William Cecil.
1568, June 8. As one of the officers of the sheriffs of London, he arrested at the suit of Thomas Sympson, goldsmith, one Martyn Gredofskey, Secretary to the Lady Cecilia. Was ordered to take his prisoner to the Court at Greenwich, where the Lady Cecilia kept the prisoner forcibly from him. Is now sued by Thomas Sympson for the debt. Prays Cecil to take order that he be no more troubled in the matter.—Undated.
Endorsed :—“8 June 1568.”
½ p.
A.D. 1571.
6. Memorandum touching the return of Burgesses.
1571, April 6, 7, and 9. Extracts from the entries in the Journals of the House of Commons of the appointment of a Committee to confer with Mr. Attorney and Mr. Solicitor about the return of burgesses from towns that returned none in the last Parliament, viz. :—East Looe, Fowey, Cirencester, Queenborough, East Retford, New Woodstock, Christchurch, Aldborough, and Eye; and of their report of the validity of these returns, the charters of the towns to be examined elsewhere.
¾ p. [Printed in Commons' Journals, Vol. I., p., 83.]
7. The Articles brought by M. Cavalcanti.
1571, Ap. 13. 1. That the marriage shall be solemnized without the use of ceremonies not conformable with the religion of Monseigneur.
2. That he and his servants may make free exercise of his said religion without thereby infringing in any manner the order thereupon received and approved by law in England.
3. That as soon as the marriage has taken place Monseigneur may have the title of King of England, and may govern and administer the same conjointly with the Queen.
4. That the day after the marriage has been consummated Monseigneur, as husband of the Queen, shall be crowned and received by her subjects as King.
5. That he shall receive sixty thousand pounds sterling yearly from the revenues of the kingdom of England in order that he may suitably maintain the state and dignity of King.
6. The offspring of this marriage shall succeed to the paternal and maternal possessions in accordance with the laws and customs of the kingdoms and countries in which they are placed.
7. In case the said Queen shall predecease him, leaving issue of the marriage, Monseigneur shall retain the name and title of King, and the government and administrations of the said kingdoms on behalf and for the benefit of such issue.
8. And in case there should not be any issue surviving the said Queen, Monseigneur shall enjoy during his life the said sixty thousand pounds sterling, in order that he may be able to continue his former state and splendour.
That between the Most Christian King and his children, the Kings of England and their children, shall be perpetual amity, fraternity, league and union.
Endorsed by Lord Burghley :—“13 Aprilis 1571. Articles brought by M. Cavalcanti from the French Kyng.”
French. 1 p.
8. The Answer to the Queen's Ambassador in France.
1571, Apr. 14. A note of the points omitted and of alterations to be made in the nine heads of the Answers which were sent to Her Majesty's Ambassador in France.
Latin. 1 p.
9. The Answer to the Eight Articles proposed by the King of France on behalf of the Duke of Anjou. [Corrected and enlarged.]
1571, Apr. 16. An “exposition” of the Articles proposed by the Ambassador of the Most Christian King, power being reserved for a fuller explanation when occasion shall require it.
1. The marriage shall be celebrated according to the laws and rites of the Kingdom of England, such other civil and royal solemnities being observed as are becoming in marriages of the Kings of England. In the celebration whereof it shall be permitted to the Duke to have present his ministers, as well ecclesiastical as civil, to act as witnesses and to reduce all the proceedings into legal Acts according to form of law. And if it shall happen, which is not very probable, that any part of the said ceremonies or solemnities shall be manifestly offensive to the conscience of the said Duke, as being openly repugnant to the religion called Catholic, he shall not be expected to act so that his conscience would be wounded thereby.
2. The Duke and his servants, not being subjects of the Crown of England, shall in no wise be compelled against his or their conscience to exercise any ecclesiastical rites according to the custom of the English Church.
The said Duke, as the husband of our most gracious Queen, shall not refuse at suitable and accustomed times to accompany her to the Church or Oratory. Moreover, the said Duke shall, neither by himself nor in any other manner, procure that any change or innovation of the Ecclesiastical Laws concerning religion in the Kingdom of England shall be made or attempted; nor shall he shew or permit to be shewn by his followers any favour to any subject of her Majesty by whom the said Laws may have been in any degree violated or despised, but shall rather take pains that such a transgressor of the laws shall be condignly punished. Nor shall he permit any of those over whom he can exercise control, in any wise, either publicly or privately, to despise and reprehend the laws and ceremonies of the English Church, nor, if they are able to hinder it, to suffer them to be so despised and reprehended by others.
3. The Duke, after the marriage contract has been celebrated and consummated, shall, by virtue of such marriage, enjoy together with the Queen his Consort, the style, honour, and name of King as long as the said marriage shall subsist. Saving, however, the rights, laws and customs of the Kingdom of England, and the other provisos and covenants which on this behalf were especially stipulated by the Treaty of Matrimony between the late Queen Mary, her Majesty's sister, and Philip, the present King, and then Prince of Spain.
4. It is not right to consent to such a demand as this, nor can it be done without manifest injury to the heir or successor of Her Majesty; nor was this ever demanded by the Emperor Charles V. in the Treaty of Marriage on behalf of his son Philip King of Spain.
5. Although it may seem but right that the Duke should support his household at his own expense, yet as it is probable that when he is invested with the style and dignity of King he will have to increase his state, and thereby greatly augment his expenditure, it will be provided by Her Majesty that whatever shall seem to be necessary for his further support in respect of such marriage shall be honourably supplied to him from the public Treasury of the Kingdom.
6. The children born of this marriage will succeed to their maternal inheritance in the Kingdoms, according to the laws and customs thereof. That is to say the eldest son will succeed to the Crown which the Queen his mother holds, and if no male offspring shall exist the daughters, if any, will succeed in turn, namely the eldest first. And, whenever the customs of the country will admit thereof, the same as is done in cases of paternal inheritance is to be understood.
7. If the remaining demands to be made from the Duke are granted, “as far as they shall be just,” the custody of the son or daughter, to whom as issue of this marriage the kingdom of England shall belong, will not be denied to him, nor the government of the Kingdoms, in the same manner and on those conditions and provisions which were fixed by certain Acts of Parliament in favour of the King of Spain, when the late Queen Mary was thought to be pregnant by him.
8. Nothing of this kind can be granted by her Majesty in favour of a husband who shall survive her, especially where no children shall exist of the marriage, unless it is done by the authority of the whole Kingdom, and by consent of the three Estates of the Realm, nor was anything of this kind sought by Philip King of Spain in the time of Queen Mary, nor by any other King or Prince in the time of her present Majesty when she has been sought in marriage by several suitors.
And if anything of this kind could be hoped for in the future, it is the more to be expected that it should be granted by the Estates of the Realm, when the Duke shall have become better known to them and to the Kingdom. Nor does her Majesty doubt but that she will be able to obtain from them whatever shall seem to be just, and meet for the dignity of her husband. Finally, it is most desirable for each kingdom that the firmest possible friendship and perpetual alliance shall be entered upon.
Endorsed by Lord Burghley :—16 Aprilis 1571. “Responsum ad 8 Articulos missos a Rege Christianissimo ad Reginam. Correctum ct auctum in 1. 2. 5. 8.”
Latin. 2 pp.
Draft by Lord Burghley, of the preceding endorsed :—“Hoc scriptum in po., 2o, 5o, et 8o, mutatum est.”
Latin. 2 pp.
10. Demands of the French Ambassador.
1571, Apr. The Duke and his household, not being subjects of the English Crown, shall in no wise be constrained in their religion against their conscience; especially in those things which shall seem to be opposed to the religion called Catholic.
If the customs of the countries deprive the daughters of the succession, they shall be compensated by a sum of money by way of dowry.
If the Duke shall survive, together with an heir, he shall enjoy the royal title, and shall be called “Rex Pater,” but if the heir shall not survive he shall be called “Rex Dotalis.”
If the Duke shall predecease her Majesty there shall be levied from his possessions one hundred and twenty thousand pounds in French money to be yearly assigned to her as dower; but if on the other hand he shall survive her, twice that sum, since she is by far the more wealthy, shall be assigned to him from the possessions of her Majesty. And that shall be guaranteed by the Most Christian King on behalf of his brothers, and by the Estates of England on behalf of the Queen.
French. 1 p.
11. The Queen's Marriage.
1571, June 4. A summary of certain things which must be considered, and of necessity demanded, when further consultation or treaty shall be had respecting the matrimony of the Queen of England; all which, with many other Articles of the same kind, are expressly contained in the Treaty of Matrimony concluded between Philip King of Spain and Mary Queen of England, A.D. 1546.
1. In the first place, the Queen by virtue of the marriage is to be admitted to share all the possessions of the Duke of Anjou (as well present as future) during such marriage; and in case she should survive him, is to receive as dower the sum of [ ] to be secured on all the Lordships and possessions of the said Duke, or for greater security on those of the kingdom of France.
2. Also as far as concerns the paternal heritage of the kingdom of France, the children to be born of this marriage shall succeed in the same manner as to the maternal heritage of the Crown of England, according to the laws, statutes, and customs of the country. Further, if no male heir shall be born of this marriage, but only daughters, and if the laws and customs of the kingdom of France will not permit the Lordships, &c. of the said Duke to descend to females, in that case the Most Christian King shall provide that each of such daughters shall receive such and as great a sum of money as heretofore has been paid to or settled on any daughter or sister of the Most Christian Kings Francis I., Henry II., and Francis II.
3. It must also be assured that whosoever shall succeed to the paternal or maternal heritage shall leave to all such lands, kingdoms, and Lordships their rights, privileges, and customs intact and inviolate, and shall govern them by born subjects of the same according to the rights and customs thereof.
4. The said Duke shall promote no foreigner to any office, government, or benefice in the kingdom of England or other dominions of her Majesty.
5. The said Duke shall do nothing to cause any innovation in the state and right, public or private, and in the Laws and customs of the kingdom of England and its dependencies; but on the other hand shall confirm and preserve to all estates and orders their rights and privileges.
6. The said Duke shall not take the said Queen beyond the limits of her kingdom unless she herself desires it, nor the children who shall be born of this marriage; but shall permit them to be there brought up and educated in the hope of future succession, unless otherwise shall be resolved by consent of the Queen and of the Magnates of the Realm. And in case the Queen should predecease him, leaving no children, the said Duke shall claim for himself no right to the said kingdom, but shall permit the succession to devolve upon those to whom according to the rights and laws of the kingdom it shall belong, without let or hindrance.
7. Also the said Duke shall not carry or transport beyond the said kingdom any jewels or goods of great value, nor shall he alienate to anyone any of the appurtenances of the kingdom of England, or permit any of them to be usurped by his subjects or by others. But shall take care that all the places of the kingdom, and especially the fortresses and frontiers thereof, are faithfully guarded and preserved by born subjects and natives of the same. Nor shall he permit any ships, artillery, or other munitions of war to be removed therefrom, but, on the contrary, shall cause them to be diligently guarded, and when necessary renewed.
8. The said Duke shall permit her Majesty to have, hold, possess, and enjoy during the said marriage, as if she were Queen sole, her Crown and sovereignty over all her kingdoms and Dominions in as ample manner and form as she now holds them, so that no right to the said kingdoms, &c. shall accrue to the said Duke at any time by reason or pretext of the said marriage. Provided only that all gifts, charters, and royal writings in which the name of the Queen shall appear, shall contain also the name and style of the said Duke, in the same manner as the name and style of the Catholic King Philip were jointly inserted with the name of Queen Mary his consort.
9. Lastly. Although it is not to be despaired of that the Most Christian King now reigning shall have of his marriage sons who shall succeed him in his kingdom, yet because in human affairs nothing can be considered as certain or immutable, it will not seem absurd if it should be taken into consideration in what manner (if God should so will that hereafter, for default of children of the Most Christian King, the right to the Crown of France should descend to the children to be born of the marriage of the said Duke with the Queen of England), the right of the Crown of England should be maintained in all its prerogatives, lest it should in any way suffer by the accession of the Crown of France; that is to say, whether it would be possible by covenants and facts now to ensure that the Crown of England should maintain its prerogatives intact, and should, if it were possible, have always a King present in the country and governing, as it has had in times past. Concerning which matter many things might much better be thought out in mutual discourse than in the present writing.
Endorsed by Lord Burghley :—“4 Junii 1571. The Demands of the Queen's Majesty for things to be considered for hir Mariadg.”
Latin. 3½ pp.
12. Interrogatories and Answers of Francis Rolleston.
1571, June 18. Has had no communication of late with any man touching the bringing in of the old religion; or touching the Scottish Queen, or setting her at liberty, or making her party strong to the intent she might help to alter religion. Knows John Hawes, servant to the Earl of Shrewsbury, and was twice at his house. Knows Sir Thomas Gerard, but never communed with him or with Hawes touching the matters aforesaid.—18 June 1571.
[Examined before Sir Francis Knollys and Sir Tho. Smith.]
¾ p.
13. Declaration of John Hall.
[1571], [June 20.] A fragment of his Confession.
[See pp. 503–507 of Part I. of this Calendar.]
14. Interrogatories for Sir Thomas Stanley.
1571, July 16. 1. Who broke the matter first unto you of the delivery of the Scottish Queen out of prison, or were you of the first deviser?
2. When did you and Sir Thos. Gerrard confer thereon?
3. What was then determined upon between you and him?
4. What did Francis Rolleston at your house at Lathom at that time, and what communication had you together?
5. Did Hall and you not meet Sir Thos. Gerard in the highway toward Wynnhill, where you alighted? What did you there show to Sir Thos. Gerard?
6. What offer was made by you and others of horsemen and footmen for the delivery of the Scottish Queen, in a letter to be showed to her in cipher? Who subscribed it beside you?
7. What manner of subscription used you there, who devised the letter and who wrote it?
8. What answer had you again of the Scottish Queen? and who brought it?
9. In what manner was the Scottish Queen to be delivered and conveyed away, where taken ship and what resting place?
10. What assurance had you of yourselves after her escape?
11. When the answer was brought by Hall why did you rend the letter and cipher in pieces and say you were all undone? Whereby knew you that it was disclosed?
12. Who procured the letter from the Bishop of Ross by which Hall should be sent into Scotland? and where? &c.
¾ p.
15. Answers of Sir Thos. Stanley.
1571, July 16. 1. “To the first I say that Sir Thomas Gerrard told me that Fras. Rolleston being at his house would gladly speak with me, to which I agreed. The said Francis was the first that brake the matter to me. I never had of my own device any such thought.”
2. “In the second week of August last past, was the first time that Sir Thos. Gerrard spoke to me of it. It was told the same time to my Lord Dudley and my brother.”
3. “Nothing was determined then or at any other time, but only talk passed.”
4. “He shewed me that he was sent to me from the Queen of Scots to break a matter to me, which was that she desired I would help to convey her into Scotland by that coast, if such provision could be made by hers to receive her as she thought might be well. She desired I would keep this secret and for further understanding of her mind when she would be determined, he delivered me a cipher. Which when I saw, having never seen any before I asked him what I should do withal. 'There is one Hall,' said he, 'sometime servant of the Earl of Shrewsbury, shall come to you that understandeth the same.'”
5. “We did meet him and shewed him that we intended to write in answer and alighted by the way.”
6. “There was neither horsemen nor footmen offered. We did write that we had received such a writing by Hall, and that if we could do her good and ourselves no harm we would be glad. That that concerned horsemen was but a motion, it was never agreed unto nor determined because dangerous. I think, Sir Thomas Gerrard did subscribe besides myself but no more.”
7. “I used that letter a that was appointed. I devised the letter to the effect before written. I put my Lord Dudley his note appointed. What it was I know not. My brother was not privy to the letter, being gone to be a suitor to Mistress Strykland. There was no note for him in the cipher but a g put for him.”
8. “Nothing but thanks for our good wits, and that we should hear more from her, and desire of our continuances.” Hall brought the same and said he had it of the Master of her household.
9. The manner was not determined but it was talked she should disguise herself, and so have stolen away by laid horses and not to have rested by the way, and to pass at such creek where least repair was. But it rested upon further talk which was cut off, and she should have passed to Donbreten as it was said.
10. The matter did never grow to any thorough determination.
11. He burnt the cipher without any such words, no living creature being present. He knew the matter was disclosed by old Rolleston's report who said his son had accused him to be a practiser to convey her away.
12. He did it of his own consideration to put Hall in safety. A stranger delivered it.
Most humbly beseeches mercy and compassion for his first fault. The Council shall see such repentance in him as never to think their mercy ill bestowed.
1½ pp.
16. The Duke of Norfolk to Lawrence Banastre.
July 1571, 30. “Bycause I do longe to understand from you your opinion for the naminge of some two learned men about the Councell in the Marches to be joyned in commission with you and other my officers for the perfytinge of my survey of Clunne and Oswestrie, and whom you thinke best for me to chose in that behalfe, I have sent over this bearer only of purpose to heare from you thereof, bycause upon his returne I may resolve thereupon as I shall thinke best. And therefore wysshinge you not to faile hereof I end.—From Howard House the xxxth of Julie 1571.”
½ p.
17. [M. de la Mothe Fénélon] to M. De Verac.
[1571], Augt 27. “Je suis en peine de ne pouvoir faire entendre de vos nouvelles au [symbol] [King of France], lequel par ses deux dernières dépeches m'a mandé que je lui en escrpvisse, dont je vous prie me donner moyen que je le pu (sic) puisse faire et que je lui puisse rendre compte de ce qui a succédé despuis Vostre arrivé en Escosse et du trettement qu'on vous y a faict et comme l'on vous y aura receu venant de sa part, et respecte ses pacquets que vous y avez aportes, j'ai veu des lettres de Monsieur de Lethingtoun et de Monsieur de Granges qui en faysoient quelque mention, lesquelles pour ceste occasion et pour aulcunes aultres choses qu'elles contenoient je les ai envoyées en France et pourrez assurer les dicts seignrs et ceux de l'honneste party que [symbol] a prins aultant à cœur vostre injure, ou pour mieux dire, la sienne, et s'est si fermement résolu d'entreprendre leur protection et de remédier à leurs affayres qu'il ne fault qu'ils en demeurent en aulcune doubte, dont j'atans (sic) d'heure en heure l'ordre qu'il aura donné de mectre des deniers es mains de Monsieur de Glasgo pour le rembourcement des marchans qui leur en auront preste comme j[e] m'asseure qu'il l'a desja faict, et qu'il aura porveu à ung plus ample secours pour eux et cependant je leur envoye deux mille escus de ceux que luy et la [symbol] [Queen of Scots] ont mis en mes mains pour leur faire tenir, n'ayant ozé pour ce commencement en azarder davantage par ceste voye, mais si ceux cy sont portez seurement nous ozerons puis après y en commettre plus largement. Monsieur de Foyx est icy pour le faict du mariage lequel est accordé en toutes choses tant de l'association en l'administration et de corronnement que des assignations et aultres particularités, reservé le seule point de la religion lequel reste encores en quelque doubte, mais je m'assure que s'il se conclud que les choses d'Escosse demeureront bien accommodées à l'advantasge de [symbol] et à la tranquillité de son royaulme, et sinon encores seront elles maintenues en la bonne sorte que [symbol] y est obligé par les trettés. Cependant je prie très instantment les dictz seigneurs de bon party qu'ils se veuillent maintenir fermes en leurs vertueuses dellibérations, et qu'ils entrepreignent ardiment ce qu'ils jugeront estre expédiant pour le bien de leur cause, mais que ce soit pru[d]entement et sans se précipiter e[n] semblables dangers où ils sont naguyères [t]ombés; car porveu qu'ils se conservent, ils peulvent estre très assurés d'estre secourus et assistés du [symbol], aydant le Créateur auquel je prie appres me estre recommandé humblement et de bon coeur à vostre bon grace qu'il vous doint bon et longue vie.—De Londres ce xxvii d'aoust.”
¾ p. In cipher. [Intercepted letter, see Barker's confession, September 10.]
18. New Articles for the Duke of Anjou, not delivered to the Ambassador.
1571, Aug. 28. Demands to be made from the Duke for the preservation of the religion received in England in the respect due to it, and for the consolation of those who are scrupulous lest any thing should be detracted therefrom.
That both the Most Christian King and the Duke shall make oath that they will observe the articles to which the Duke shall consent in this behalf.
That the Duke shall accompany the Queen to and take part in the public devotions to be celebrated in her chapel, provided that he shall have a convenient and secret place assigned to him, which the Queens were formerly wont to occupy.
That the Chaplain and priests of the said Duke shall say in his presence the morning and evening prayers in Latin in the same form as that appointed in England; that is, the psalms, the lessons selected from the holy Scriptures, and the other prayers hymns or collects used in the English Church which are also made use of in the Gallican Church.
That neither the Duke himself nor any of his household, nor any of those whom he is able to prevent, shall by word or deed disparage or condemn, or permit to be censured or condemned, the rites or ceremonies of the English Church; and that when such public devotions as aforesaid are exercised in the said public places and oratories, free access thereto shall be permitted to any Englishman.
That the said Duke shall never attempt directly or indirectly to alter or change the English laws now enacted concerning the form of public devotions, but shall resist with all his power all making such attempts, and shall rather procure that such attemptor shall be severely punished according to the said laws.
The Demands of the Duke. That as long as he shall observe the foregoing, and until he can be more fully initiated and instructed in the aforesaid religion as received in England, so that he shall consider it sufficient for him without any other external rites, it shall be allowed him three times a week to make use of the forms of his own religion under the following circumstances and restrictions, viz. : in any private place or chamber within his own bedchamber, and where no one can conveniently seek to approach except the said Duke and six or seven others at the most, besides the minister, the priest, and one who shall minister to the priest. And that this shall take place before the Queen has gone to public prayers in her oratory, so that the said Duke shall be publicly seen to accompany her Majesty to the said prayers as is aforesaid.
That if there shall be any “precaciumcula” or anything else in the book of English public prayer which is not contained in the holy Scriptures, nor made use of in the Gallican Church, or if in the administration of the sacraments there shall be anything diverse from the rites and usage of the said church, neither the said Duke nor his household shall be compelled by the law to make use of such rites and prayers otherwise than as they shall be persuaded by their consciences.
That no Englishman shall offer by word or deed any injury, affront, or disparagement to any priest or chaplain of the said Duke on account of the foreign rites made use of, provided that such priest or chaplain shall not first have given occasion therefore by disparaging or depreciating the rites, prayers and ceremonies of the Church of England.
That if her Majesty shall at any time perceive that public offence has arisen, or may possibly grow, to the disturbance of the public peace in consequence of the exercise of rites and ceremonies differing from those in use in the English Church, the said Duke will consent to obey the counsel, advice and decrees of the Queen and her advisers, in order that he may do all things which are reasonably resolved upon and provided for the remedy and amendment of such evils or danger.
That the said Duke will not refuse to hear and to be instructed, at fitting times and places, of the truth, sanctity and sufficiency of the religion now received in England, provided that no unbecoming or unsuitable expressions are used in disparagement of that which the said Duke has hitherto concientiously professed.
Endorsed by Lord Burghley :—“28 Aug. 1571. Novi Articuli &c., sed non traditi Oratoribus. For Henry, Duke of Anjou.”
Latin. 1½ pp.
19. Sir Thos. Smith and Dr. Wilson to Lord Burghley.
1571, Sept. 4. Forward the Duke of Norfolk's examination and answers which if they shall seem strange, will appear more strange if Burghley will read and weigh Higford's second examination. Have sent for Barker to see if anything may be gotten of him.—Tower of London, 4 Sept. 1541.
P.S.—To his answers the Duke in no wise would subscribe, saying he never was wont at any time to subscribe. He desired everything with such confidence and such detestations that he did astonish all. The writers wist not how they should be affected or judge of him.
½ p. [Murdin, p. 69. In extenso.]
20. Wm. Barker's Confession.
1571, Septr. 5. “When I delivered the bag to Higford I cannot remember that he said he came by my Lord's command. Belike he spake it at one time or another. What I said to my Lord of the money I do not remember verbatim, but only that I had received 600l. He neither saw money nor letters, both of which I received of the Ambassador of France, to do good & make peace & amity, as he and M. De Fois did affirm, whom I went to visit at his coming, to renew the acquaintance I had with him when the order of St. Michael was brought to my Lord and Lord Leicester.”
Endorsed :—v. Sept.
1 p. [Murdin, p. 18. In extenso.]
21. Sir Ralph Sadler to Lord Burghley.
1571, Sept. 10. Mr. Henry Skipwith came to me at the Savoy this morning, sent by the Duke of Norfolk to intreat me to come and speak with him, which I did. At my coming he forthwith fell on his knees and told me he had written his humble submission to the Queen, and was resolved no longer to colour or hide his faults, but to disclose all, praying me to send his letter of submission, and therewith to write to your lordship. His special and earnest desire is to deal with you and me, with whom he saith he will proceed so plainly and truly as to leave nothing unrevealed. Though it be painful to your lordship to come hither, yet it shall serve to purpose, for the Duke will disclose to you that which he thinketh not meet to utter to others. Again your lordship being acquainted with the matter of Ridolfi can best appose the Duke.—From the Tower, 10 Septr. 1571.
¾ p. [Murdin, p. 152. In extenso.]
22. Common Interrogatories.
[1571, Oct. 4.] Touching the matter of the marriage intended betwixt the Queen of Scots and the Duke of Norfolk.
Endorsed :—“duplicate.”
1 p.
23. Lord Burghley to the [Earl of Bedford].
1571, Oct. 23. Two or three of the Lords of the Council are appointed to come to-morrow to your house for the examining of the Bishop of Ross, and mean to dine with you. Make no great preparation, for I would we should dine privately in some chamber.—From Cecil House, this 23 October 1571.
Draft. ¼ p.
24. Thomas Pullford to John Presstaull.
1571, Novr. 8. Asking him to pay to Mr. Controller at Dover the money which he had not paid Mr. Clitherow at Calais, but which he had promised to pay him within 20 days at York.—Dover, 8 Novr. 1571.
¾ p.
25. The Sovereigns of England.
[1571]. A List, in the handwriting of Cecil, of the sovereigns of England from William the Conquerer to Queen Mary, with the names of their respective consorts.
1 p.
26. Gasper van Vosberghan.
[?157l] License empowering him to transport to Boston or Lincoln or some other part, the artificers from Flanders, with the tools necessary for furnishing certain handicrafts to be set up in cos. Lincoln and Northampton; and also to import, paying custom, 250 balls of woad and 50 balls of madder, &c., for dyeing drapery.—Undated.
Burghley's draft. ¾ p.
27. Ciphers.
[? ]. Three alphabetical ciphers, with signs for certain royal and other personages. [These ciphers probably belong to the correspondence of Mary Queen of Scots.]
2 pp.
28. The Queen of Scots.
[? ]. A statement by Lord Burghley of the perils to be apprehended from the Queen of Scots.
Modern copy.
3 pp.
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