Cecil Papers: January 1575

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 2, 1572-1582. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.

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'Cecil Papers: January 1575', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 2, 1572-1582( London, 1888), British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol2/pp83-87 [accessed 17 July 2024].

'Cecil Papers: January 1575', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 2, 1572-1582( London, 1888), British History Online, accessed July 17, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol2/pp83-87.

"Cecil Papers: January 1575". Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 2, 1572-1582. (London, 1888), , British History Online. Web. 17 July 2024. https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol2/pp83-87.

January 1575

227. The Earl of Oxford to Lord Burghley.
1574/5, Jan. 3. Is sorry to hear how hard his fortune is in England. In order to stop the exclamations or rather defamations of his creditors authorizes his lordship to sell a hundred pounds a year more of his land wherever he shall think it fittest so as to disburden him of his debts. Desires his Lordship also to dismiss from his service one Hulbert whom he states to have abused the trust reposed in him. By doing these things his Lordship will greatly oblige him, for he has no alternative but to part with his land, there being an end to all hope of helping himself by her Majesty's service, his youth being made an objection to him, and for every slip of his a block being laid in the way.
Sees that it is but vain to kick against the pricks, and the worst of things being known it is easier to bear them with patience. Till these incumbrances be passed over has resolved to continue his travels. Thinks that before anything is likely to occur to improve his position he will be so old that his son, who will enjoy it, must give thanks therefore, and he must content himself with the reflection that it is his hap, according to the English proverb, “to sterve like the horse whilst the gress dothe growe.”—Siena, 3 January.
Endorsed : “3 Januar. 1575. The Erle of Oxford, by Mr Spinola's packet. Recd the 17th of Feb.”
3 pp.
228. William of Nassau, Prince of Orange, to Lord Burghley.
1574/5, 4 Jan. Letter of commendation for Colonel Chester, from whom Burghley will hear what he has seen in Holland and Zealand.—Vlissinghen, 4 January 1574.
French. 1 p.
229. Thomas Greves to Lord Burghley.
1574/5, January 20. His former letters not having been given to Burghley, shews how he might “prove the feigned hearts of some in Gloucestershire,” who now fawn upon him, naming Richard Barkley, who anno 12 Eliz. struck the High Sheriff before the Justice of Assize and travelled into Italy; Sir Wm. Poyntz; Thomas Throgmorton, son-in-law to Mr. Barkley; Morris Sheppard; Edward Veale; Ralph Lyggon, the late Duke of Norfolk's agent; John Batt, bailiff of Thornbury; and others.—Lille in Artois, this 20 January.
Endorsed by Burghley : “20 January 1574, Thos. Greves, from Lile in Arthoiss, sent by D. Wilson's pacquet.”
230. James Russell to the Queen.
1574/5, Jany. 20. Was granted a licence to transport grain, and is bound to sundry merchants that they shall transport 3,819 quarters, the remainder of his licence; but by reason of the restraint lately made he is prohibited therefrom. Prays that he may enjoy the full benefit of his licence.—Undated.
[Note by Thomas Sekford that the Queen grants the petition.—The Court at Hampton, 20 Jany. 1574.]
1 p.
231. Edward Woodshawe to Lord Burghley.
1574/5, Jan. 26. Thanks Burghley for the twenty marks received of my lord ambassador, which could not have come at a better time, having been disappointed of the receipt of 900 guilders, which the Lords of the Finances to the King's Majesty gave him order to receive in Flanders. A proud Spaniard called Jan de Issonnca went betwixt him and whom, so that at this present he is driven to begin for other assignations. If he could receive half the money the King owes him, he would never serve Spaniard more. Since the ambassador's coming over, has been twice at Gravelines and once at Calais. Being upon Twelfth Even at Gravelines, which is a night of great cheer in these parts, was very merry and made great cheer with M. de la Motte, and as occasion served, used (as covertly as he could) some talk of Calais, and wished that Calais were English again, and the rather, because his lordship was Governor of the town and castle of Gravelines, and that then La Motte should have a better neighbour than the French; who wished it with his heart as gladly as the writer did, and desired to speak with him more at large in the morning. The next morning he repaired to La Motte, and they alone walked round about the walls of the castle divers times. La Motte asked if he thought that the Queen would have wars with the French King, to which he replied, he could not tell. Then he told him, that to provoke to get Calais was a great matter, but yet, he said, if the King his master would have it, he would not doubt but to get it upon the sudden. Further, that if he were an Englishman and a councillor there in credit, he would find the means to win it, for, he had four soldiers within the castle, that were his subjects, and held their lands of him in a village called Collumbris [Colombiers] on the frontier of Boulognois; which soldiers he could command, and were as spies for him, if the French did pretend anything against Gravelines. Also, he (La Motte) knew a place in France which would stand the English in better stead, easy to get, and being got, Calais should be in a great distress, and not able to be victualled neither by land nor sea, considering the great strength the Queen is able to make by sea. But then, said La Motte, it was very expedient that the Queen had peace and great amity with the King his master, so that the French should have no provisions out of Flanders or Artois; which he thought would be quickly granted by the King of Spain. The rather, because, for his cause only, Queen Mary made war with the French King, and that further his Majesty might very well have rescued Calais, had he not been blinded by the false flatteries and subtle glossings of the Cardinal Carrafa. Thinks La Motte meant Boulogne as easy to win and commodious for their country. Asked his permission to communicate the foregoing to a friend in great credit with the Queen and her Council, to which he consented, so that it were done secretly and closely; and further he told him, that if it were well liked in England, that in sending some wise man over to communicate further with him, he would utter much more of his mind both for Calais and the other place, which if got, considering the great trouble the French King had in his country, that no doubt the Queen would have what appointment she would desire either for Calais or any other matter.
Desires Burghley to write or to send over in secret wise either Sir William Drury or Mr. William Pelham, who are both wise and experimented in martial affairs; the lord ambassador here is very discreet in law matters and disputations. The ambassador desired the writer to inquire who did make a certain book much to Burghley's dishonour, “if lies might be true tales.” Could get at the truth if Moussars were here, as he helped to translate it into French. By the ambassador's request has spoken with Mr. Francis Norton, whom he found the best affectionated towards the Queen of all the rebels in these parts, and told him, that if he spoke the truth of all such things as the ambassador should examine him of, he might obtain pardon. Through the persuasions of the ambassador had spoken with one Thomas Moffett, who shewed him a letter in cipher which Lord Leicester sent him, sealed with Leicester's seal of arms, which made him give the better credit to his sayings, though the ambassador said he would in no case take knowledge of Moffett's practice. In the end Moffett disclosed to him how it were possible to get the Earl of Westmoreland or some of the chiefest rebels by force out of that country; whose practice he somewhat liked, the rather because he (Woodshawe) was as good a guide as any in all those countries, and had good friends in Artois who would make much of the Earl of Westmoreland, especially M. de Ramingham, brother to the Conte de Reulx, and Henry Baillie, and the Governor of St. Omer hard by the Forest of Torneham and the Forest of Leckes [Liques], not 4 leagues from Sandingfield or Whitsand Bay, where a small boat might lie ready to take any man in by night. Then he had a gossip called John Lewis, a proper landed man at Guisnes, dwelling in a great farmhouse hard under the Forest of Guisnes, where any man might be closely and secretly kept. If he and Moffett, in whom both the Earl and the rest have a good opinion, had horses and money to lend and ride abroad to see countries and to make good cheer with the said lord, is well assured he could carry him into Flanders and Artois, or almost whither he would. If he had but word from Burghley and Leicester to do his diligence therein, would either deliver him captive into their hands, or else, his head in a “budgytt” Has a great doubt of Moffett, because he is so great a player at dice. Beseeches Burghley's trust, in spite of all false reports and slanderous tongues. Would have caused the ambassador to write, but he is much troubled with other weighty matters, and so many jealous and inventing heads that come daily to him.—Antwerp, 26 January 1574.
Modern copy of the preceding. 6½ pp.
[On another sheet, endorsed by Burghley, “26 Januar. 1574. Edw. Woodshaw,” and containing a seeming postscript to this letter, the following is advertised] :—
The first news of Holland he learned from Dr. Longinus himself, who had been divers times with the Prince in Holland, as Commissioner from his Excellency and the States, who told him that the Count of Guasenborg [Swartzenburg] and the Count Holoffz [Hohenlohe], brothers-in-law to the Prince of Orange, with their wives, and five other young counts of the Emperor's court, were at Dort, and that on Jan. 25, there came thither to the Emperor all the States both of Zealand and Holland, and that he hoped a peace would be concluded, the rather because the States and Commons were so willing thereunto. If the peace were not concluded, he told the writer that he feared a general revolt in those parts; but he thought it would be arranged, because out of those Low Countries came all the King's forces, so that in a manner he would be compelled thereunto. The said doctor had returned thither again. Other news, a gentleman of his acquaintance, of the Marquis Vitelli's house, who had recently come out of Italy, told the writer, that the Turk was dead, and that he had a son of the age of 24 years, a very valiant prince, bellicose and cruel, who was making very great preparations to go either into Spain, Italy, or some of the isles. He said that the truce between the Emperor and the Turk was not thoroughly concluded. The King of Spain likewise was making great preparations in all places against the said Turk, and his “royalmes” in Spain had offered him great sums of money to maintain his wars. The knights of Malta were also preparing, in case the Turk should descend and besiege them. The King had found such a “pratycke” in Spain of late, as would be worth 10,000,000l. or more to him. He had heightened the reals of plate “from 34 marvadissis to the value of 40 marvadissis,” equal to four stivers and a half of Flemish money. All the rebellious Spanish soldiers had been marched towards Maestricht where, it was said, they would muster and receive two months' [pay] in cloth and four months' in money. If their Walloon soldiers or Almains had made but half a revolt, as they have made three or four great ones, they would have been all put to the sword, like the poor Almains of Count Ladron, in the Duke of Alva's time. As the writer gets any occasion for true news, he will not neglect his most bounden duty towards Burghley.
Endorsed by Burghley : “26 Januar. 1574, Edw. Woodshaw.”
Seal. 5¼ pp.