Calendar of State Papers Colonial, East Indies, China and Japan, Volume 3, 1617-1621. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1870.

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, 'Preface', in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, East Indies, China and Japan, Volume 3, 1617-1621, (London, 1870) pp. vii-lxxxi. British History Online [accessed 25 May 2024].

. "Preface", in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, East Indies, China and Japan, Volume 3, 1617-1621, (London, 1870) vii-lxxxi. British History Online, accessed May 25, 2024,

. "Preface", Calendar of State Papers Colonial, East Indies, China and Japan, Volume 3, 1617-1621, (London, 1870). vii-lxxxi. British History Online. Web. 25 May 2024,


The last volume of the Calendar of East India Papers comprised all the documents in the Public Record and India Offices, from our first intercourse with India to the year 1616. The present volume begins with 1617, and includes all papers from the same offices to the end of 1621. With the year 1616 we left the East India Company in the full tide of prosperity, their shipping numerous and powerful, their traffic increasing in every part of India, their intercourse with the native Princes satisfactory, and their great enemies, the Portuguese, crippled by continued losses in more than one pitched battle at sea with the English. In short, the untiring energy of the East India Company, and of the able officers in their service, carried everything before them, the Great Mogul himself being so impressed with their valour and industry as to "much applaud our people's resolution," and prophetically to declare that "his country was before us, to do therein whatsoever ourselves desired." (fn. 1) This volume opens with accounts of a very different character ; and the papers now calendared prove in an unmistakeable manner that the English had more reason to complain of their supposed friends, the Dutch, than of their sworn enemies, the Spaniards and Portuguese. The latter, always carefully guarded against, were but a partial hindrance to English enterprise in India ; while the former, though always protesting friendship, were nearly the cause of the ruin of our trade in those parts, and of the dissolution of the East India Company.

The letters calendared in this volume are full of complaints from almost every factory against the Dutch ; of their inimical and overbearing conduct, and their persistent attempts to displace the English from their most profitable places in India. "The Flemings thunder it most terribly in these parts," writes the President of the English factors in January 1618 (245). "Their untruths are daily more discovered, and they are rather feared than respectcd by their brutal carriage," says another factor ; while a third declares openly that "the Hollanders are mortal enemies to the English in their trade." These grievances became so frequent and so serious that the East India Company, in September 1618, drew up two formal declarations of complaints, one of which was presented to the King, the other to the Privy Council (425). In these documents the Company complained of the "efforts of the Hollanders to dispossess them by force" of many places in the East Indies ; of "their most outrageous behaviour, as any mortal enemies could do ;" of the "unjust seizure" of the Company's ships, and keeping their men "prisoners in irons," and "declaring they will take from the English all the trade in the East Indies," as "they care not for our King, for St. George was now turned child." The "statement of the injuries done by the Hollanders to the English in the East Indies" was divided into two parts, viz., "to the King in his dominions, and in his honour by word and by fact ; and to his subjects in their fame, in their persons, and in their estate" (425. I. ii.) These declarations were, by the King's commands, sent to the English Ambassador at the Hague, who was required to present them to the States General, and to demand their answers how far they will allow these insolencies of their subjects, or how they will punish them and make reparation ; and to insist particularly that they send "commissioners, articulately instructed, to give satisfaction at the treaty to be instantly held between us and them."

Instructions were likewise sent to Sir Dudley Carleton for his speech at the next Assembly of the States General, and their ambassador, Sir Noel de Caron, undertook that commissioners should come over instructed "not only to accommodate the former business first propounded by themselves, but with full power to treat and conclude, and give satisfaction of all differences" (443). The Commissioners were to have arrived in England on the 1st September 1618 (425), but the "resolution of the "States General to send over to England their commissioners with the deputies of the East India Company" was not passed until the 9/19 of the following month (460). Then a new difficulty arose. A report was generally credited at the Hague that the King had ordered the arrest in England of some of their East India ships (495). The Dutch Commissioners took alarm at this, and "would not venture their persons where (as they said) there was no safety for their goods" (485). So that Sir Dudley Carleton was obliged formally to declare in a written "memorial to the States General" that this report was not only false, but that, on the contrary, the King was expecting the arrival of the Dutch Commissioners to treat amicably upon all differences (495). Thus assured, the commissioners, ten in number, viz., four members of the States General, including Sir Noel de Caron, and six deputies from the Dutch East India Company, received their credentials from Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange, as also from the States General of the United Provinces, "to treat for the preservation and increase of navigation and traffic in the East Indies" (487-8, 491-2). Within a week they arrived in London, and Chamberlain, on 28th November 1618, informed Sir Dudley Carleton that "the States Commissioners had arrived, and people begin to flout them, saying brawn is likely to be cheap, as so many boors are come to town." (fn. 2) They had audience of the King at Newmarket on the 10th December (506), following, when it was discovered that they had "no such commission under seal as was expected." The King was very angry at this, and told them it was "an imperious fashion of proceeding, as if they were come to treat of what themselves pleased, and to give law to His Majesty in his own kingdom ;" and Sec. Naunton, in a despatch to Carleton, written "at four in the morning" (509), says "His Majesty bad me tell you he must either think you an idle ambassador, or else little respected and illused by them." The Dutch commissioners were not prepared for this reception by King James ; "they heard him with a troubled and dejected countenance ;" and in another despatch to Carleton (513), Sec. Naunton writes, "We persuade ourselves the commissioners will give the King better satisfaction hereafter," adding, "His Majesty is resolved not to lose or neglect his right, his honour, or his time." A clear and succinct account of the progress of these negotiations, which lasted more than seven months, will be found in the papers calendared in this volume. (fn. 3) In the despatches from the English Ambassador at the Hague, and the instructions he received, we see the exact workings of the King's mind throughout these negotiations ; and the Court Minutes of the East India Company admit us, as it were, into the confidence of the responsible and governing body of the English Company. We can trace, by the help of these minutes, the various influences that were exercised on those in immediate proximity to King James, as well as their effects ; and in the other calendared papers in this volume on the same subject we have what is wanting to make a complete history of this transaction, supplying, as they do, every detail connected with these negotiations, which at length culminated in a "treaty between the English and the Dutch concerning trade in the East Indies," concluded on 2nd of June, and duly ratified on the 16th of July 1619 (679. 706).

It will not be out of place to draw attention to some of the papers that have reference to these negotiations. They were several times broken off. On one occasion the Lords, taken by surprise at the Dutch Deputies being on their departure, "professedly entreated" Sir Noel de Caron to stay them ; but the King directed for answer that if they will be wilful and go, it is their own fault, and His Majesty will not stay them ; but if they have any complaints, they may assure themselves of His Majesty's justice (565). The Dutch complained that the English Commissioners stood too strictly upon restitution of our merchants' ships and goods (555, 559, 632). The losses, however, sustained by the English Company through the Dutch, before this treaty of peace was proclaimed in India, were very considerable. The Hollanders have taken in all eleven sail (wrote the English factors), whereof most were laden, besides burning the English house at Jacatra ; whereas the English have only taken the Black Lion, worth 71,000 ryals (883). In two of the English ships alone, the Bear and Star, were 100,000 ryals (p. 385). The commissioners met at Merchant Tailors' Hall. Our men find the Dutch very subtle and cunning ; "how they will agree in the end," writes Chamberlain, "I know not ; but we hear that hitherto they speak loud on both sides" (558) ; and it was acknowledged that, unless the King and the States "interposed themselves, and overruled the merchants on both sides, 'twill prove a fruitless labour" (572). Upon this King James, through his Lord Chamberlain, sent them "a kind message" (632), and the States Commissioners declared they would refer themselves wholly to His Majesty, who said he would end the business between them (639). But the King's health temporarily prevented him from receiving the commissioners, and again they were "on both sides at a standstill, and like to break off" (647), and did, after all, again "break off about the fortifications ; the Dutch would not allow ours to have anything to do in the managing of them, though they "offered to bear half the charge of maintaining them" (658). The King was very dissatisfied at this, and said "their association being a matter that so nearly and highly concerned the weal of both countries, he would not spare any labour to effect it, nor be partial to either side, but look upon both as his own subjects" (665).

At a meeting held on 21st May (1619), the Committee of the East India Company were of opinion "that this treaty was but a colour to give time to work all the insupportable wrongs against them, and therefore fit to press it home unto His Majesty." At another meeting on 25th May they came to the conclusion that the unkind carriage of the Dutch, and their malice against the English (as exhibited in the letters from India), should rather persuade the English to an agreement, although upon some unequal terms, seeing it is so generally desired, and that without it there is danger of the overthrow of the whole trade. They therefore came to the resolution to submit to His Majesty's wisdom, and let the article of forts rest unperfected until they hear out of India, as it hoped hereafter the Dutch may be drawn to yield to forts (669, 672).

Between February and September 1618, sales were effected of the old or first joint stock at prices ranging from 203l. 10s. to 218l. per cent. profit, whereas the new or second joint stock only realized, during this period, 18l. 5s. per cent. the highest price, the lowest price being 10l. per cent. profit, sold in September 1618, just before the arrival of the Dutch Commissioners in England (284, 445).

On the 14th May 1619, the articles of the treaty were communicated to the Committees of the East India Company, the point for forts in the Moluccas and Bandas being the only one in difference. They were all discussed at this meeting, and "the King having made known the "willingness of the States Commissioners to refer themselves to him to overrule the business, the Company were of the same mind, after making known their desires to His Majesty" (666). In the end the King "dissolved the difficulties of the East India business, and by his own wisdom and authority brought them to accord ;" they, on their part, were "to acknowledge his gracious and peaceful disposition, and to answer it in like measure when it came to their turn" (677). The States Commissioners said how honourable and just the King was in their cause, and "all honour and thanks was by them wholly ascribed to His Majesty" (668, 673).

It was ordered in a Court of the East India Company that no copy of the articles be given to anybody, "lest they be made known to the Portugals," neither was anybody to be allowed to take notes "to publish them abroad." At the same Court a request of Prince Charles to adventure 6,000l. was "very willingly yielded to" (p. 286). He had previously been admitted a free brother of the Company at his own desire (375).

Before leaving England the States Commissioners dined with the King (668), and a great feast was given to all the commissioners at Merchant Tailors' Hall for a farewell. The Artillery also gave them a great supper, with a warlike dance or mask of twelve men in complete armour (657). The King knighted the three Dutch Commissioners who signed the treaty (707). The patent conferring knighthood on John de Goch sets forth "his skill, prudence, and courtesy towards the King in the management of the recent treaty" (710).

What the public opinion of this treaty was may be gathered from Chamberlain's letter to Carleton, who writes on 5th June (1619), "But say what they can, things are passed as the other would have it, which makes the world suspect that they have found great friends and make much use of their wicked mammon. Our men will never have the like means and advantages to bring them to reason as they had ; now the opportunity is lost and the heat cooled. The Company have petitioned the King, protesting against the twenty-fourth article of the treaty, touching the question of forts, framed by the States Commissioners, and which has received H.M. approbation, as utterly cutting off the Company from all hope and expectation of their obtaining any parts of the forts at any time hereafter, which in the end would utterly exclude the Company from the whole trade of the Indies, and they beseech the King to take the subject into his gracious consideration" (683).

The English Ambassador at the Hague himself admitted "that the treaty might have been more advantageous for our men in the point of fortifications," but then he says the Dutch are stiff not to quitter prise, and it is better "to meet upon these terms than to remain as before, which could not but turn to the ruin of both" (693). The Secretary of State, Sir George Calvert, in a despatch to Sir Dudley Carleton, says that "the treaty is in effect but a prorogation of the treaty to a longer and more fitter time," and "in the meantime both parties are to trade peaceably, abstaining from all acts of hostility and violence, without prejudice to the right of either" (701). The Prince of Orange and the States General ascribed, with much thankfulness, the conclusion of the treaty to King James (695), but neither the English Commissioners nor the English Company were satisfied with it, and Lord Digby was in consequence commanded to deliver a message from His Majesty at a meeting of the General Court on 2nd July 1619, when Lord Digby told them "that upon complaint of my Lords, His Majesty's Commissioners and the rest of the English Commissioners, that they found too great advantage against them in this treaty with the Dutch, they being some of them the States themselves, who are interested in the action, have the best furtherance and assistance of the States General, who make it a matter of state, and therefore stand so earnestly in defence thereof, authorizing and maintaining whatsoever hath been done by them ; and the English that oppose them are but private merchants, and too unequal a match (in that respect) to contend against them. Whereunto His Majesty's gracious answer was, that he esteems the East India Company a great ornament and strength unto his kingdoms, whom he hath and will maintain, wishing them to proceed comfortably in their trade, which only increaseth when all other trades decay ; and doubted not to procure them in some convenient time their own desires in the Indies, which if the Dutch should deny, that quarrel should be no longer the Company's but of the State, and that if the Dutch hold not good correspondency with his subjects beyond the Line he will not hold any with them here, willing the Lords of His Majesty's Council to take knowledge of his resolution, and to cause an Act of Council to be entered to make it appear to be his act." [Court Minute Book IV., p. 379.]

The States General not thinking they had sufficiently expressed their contentment in the success of their late embassage by their letters to His Majesty, sent by Carleton a message "full of gratitude and acknowledgment of eternal obligation to His Majesty to whose wisdom, and singular insight into affairs of greatest doubt and difficulty they said they wholly ascribed the good event of this treaty" (728).

The treaty was hardly signed-it had not been ratified -before a private committee was appointed "to have due consideration thought upon to present divers noblemen and others with, who were employed as commissioners in the treaty, especially those who have taken the most pains, as Mr. Treasurer of the Household (Sir Thos. Edmondes), the Chancellor of the Exchequer (Sir Foulke Greville), Sir Clement Edmondes, and some others" (697). Chamberlain told Carleton what this "consideration" was ; he wrote that the English Commissioners had been well paid for their pains, having had presents from both sides. Lord Digby and Sir Foulke Greville had each a basin and ewer of gold of the value of 300l from the States, and a chain of gold of the like value from the English East India Company, and he knew not how many more had their part au gateau in proportion (713). Carleton himself complained that while the Company had been so liberal to the commissioners, he, "the prime instrument," as he called himself, was forgotten ; but he said he was not insensible to such neglect, "and sooner or later may have an opportunity to make it appear" (725). In a letter to the Secretary of State in reference to his "pains in this business," the English Ambassador says, Il n'y eut jamais de si bonnes noces qu'il n'en eut de mal dins (729, see also 777. 796.). And thus it was, with the privy councillor as with the ambassador and the merchant, each and all of them expected a "consideration," and, what is more, they got it, by no means an uncommon transaction in this reign, of which there are several instances in this volume (p. 311, 1168). Thus a treaty was concluded which was never adhered to. It was to remain in force twenty years, but in less than twenty months both the English and Dutch Governments were compelled to re-open fresh negotiations, which will be found fully described in this volume, and so futile was their result that differences between the two nations were constantly arising, and complaints were continually being made to both Governments of wrongs committed and cruelties practised, which eventually culminated in the frightful atrocities committed by the Dutch at Amboyna in 1624, and will receive ample illustration in our next volume.

The Bull, Capt. Robt. Adames, which took out the treaty of peace, did not arrive in India until March 1620 (934). Capt. Jourdain had only shortly before "been slain basely, being in parley with the Dutch," and the English admiral had determined with his 11 sail to try their fortune against the Dutch, who had 17 sail. The Bull arrived just in time, "for surely," wrote the master of the Expedition, "if we had met before this news of peace had come, it would have been a bloody proceeding." Much joy was shown on both sides for so happy a union "before any more Christian blood was spilt, and heathens to stand laughing at us and make benefit of our dissensions" (845). Capt. Adames wrote home that he rejoiced that it was "his good fortune to stop that bloody business" (842).

One of the main objects the Dutch had in view during the progress of this treaty was to effect a conjunction of the two companies. This was not a new idea ; (fn. 4) it had long been thought of, if not openly talked about. As early as December 1617, Carleton told Sec. Sir Thos. Lake, when the King of Denmark was setting out four ships to the East Indies and the French were going upon the same adventure, that King James was likely to be moved to join the two companies, for, he adds, "if the English neither join with the French who seek us, nor with the Hollanders by whom we have long been sought, the French and Hollanders may join to our prejudice. Again, the Spaniards and Portuguese may recover their ancient possessions, against which they are only kept by the strength of the Hollanders, who it is impossible can continue the charge without assistance" (215). The Dutch of their own accord first propounded by Sir Noel de Caron that there might be a meeting of commissioners on both parts to treat of the settling a joint stock between the two companies (238, 443), and the King himself told the English Company he wished them to join with the Hollanders (505). According to the testimony of Robert Bell, one of the commissioners appointed by the King to treat with the Dutch, these last in 1618 maintained 22 forts in the Indies, wherein they kept 4,000 men in pay continually, and had near 30 sail of ships, and he was decidedly of opinion that "the trade of merchandise was not able to support any such charge." This was undoubtedly the case, as our own ambassador then resident at the court of the Great Mogul confirmed. Sir Thos. Roe strongly advised the Company "never to join stock with the Dutch to profit and loss, for their garrisons, charges, and losses by negligence would," he said, "engage the English Company to bear part of their follies for no profit" (fn. 5) ; but he urged that "your accord must be by a stint at those parts common to you both, and agreement to what ports you may resort without offence one to the other." If, he argued, "they keep you out of the Moluccas by force, I would beat them from Surat to requite it. In both these I have been large to Mr. Secretary and some of the Lords, that they may have feeling of the injuries and be assistant to you" (p. 121).

This Calendar illustrates in a particular manner the lives of three very remarkable men of this reign, all of them in the service of the East India Company at this period-Sir Thomas Dale, Admiral of the Company's fleet in India ; Sir Thomas Roe, the first English Ambassador accredited to the Great Mogul ; and Nathaniel Courthope, the heroic defender of the Company's territory at Pooloroon and elsewhere.

Sir Thomas Dale had already earned a considerable reputation in Europe as well as in America, which our State Papers fully bear witness to, and he very soon made his name famous in Asia. In all these quarters of the globe he served in a different capacity. He was a successful military commander in the service of the States General of the United Provinces. He was selected by the Virginia Company in London as the Governor of their infant colony in America, and the East India Company chose him as their admiral of the largest and best appointed fleet that had up to that time ever left these shores for India. He returned from Virginia in 1616, "from the hardest task that he ever undertook," leaving the new colony "in great prosperity and peace, contrary to men's expectations." It was Sir Thomas Dale who brought to England the celebrated Pocahantas, the daughter of Powhatan, with some ten or twelve other natives of Virginia. Soon after his return he wrote to our ambassador at the Hague that his absence from those parts had left him destitute of friends ; that the Earl of Salisbury and Prince Henry got him leave of absence from the States for five years, but they would detain his entertainment to the time of his return, and he entreated Carleton to make the States acquainted with his case. At his departure he had married ; now his wife was sick, and he was afraid to lose her. (fn. 6) Lady Dale was the sister of Sir Wm. Throgmorton (265). This letter was followed by one from King James himself, who requested Carleton to deal effectually with Count Maurice and the States General to procure satisfaction for the arrears of Sir Thos. Dale's pay during his absence in Virginia at the request of the, late Prince Henry. (fn. 6) Three months later, in Feb. 1618, Carleton wrote to Secretary Sir Thos. Lake that "by reason of Sir Thomas Dale's good service in Virginia, wherein there is a common interest, and of the King's recommendation, the States have consented to the payment of his entertainment for the full time of his seven years' absence" (fn. 6) for which he received 1,000l. (288).

At a meeting of the East India Company, on 30th Sept. 1617, Sir Thomas Dale and Sir Richard Hawkins were both nominated for the command of the newly appointed fleet to India. On 28th November following, the Company came to a resolution to appoint Sir Thos. Dale chief commander, and the same day he entered into articles of agreement with the Company, whereby he was to receive a salary of 480l. per annum (p. 148).

His first letters to the Company which he sent home by a Flemish ship most probably never reached their destination. He doubted "whether they (the Dutch) had the honesty to deliver them ;" certain it is, that if they were delivered, they have not been preserved. The first letter in this volume is dated from Jacatra 1st March 1619, and in the form of a journal gives an accurate picture of the state of the Company's affairs in India at this period, and of "a cruel bloody fight" between his own and the Dutch fleet.

[East Indies, O.C., Vol. VI., No. 767, Cal. No. 609.]

"Honorable Sirs,-My love and servyse remembred unto you, &c. My last letters wer wrytten unto you from the bay of Saldanya and sent hom by a Flemysh ship ; wether they had the honestye to delyver them or no, I know not, but hop the best. Som two days after the departure of the Flemysh ship for England, I went to an island caled Penguyn Island to get refreshing for the fleet, and with me went three boates and som 40 men and the Presydent (John Jourdain). At my retorn, one of the three boates wher cast away and sum 12 men drowned, myself and the Presydent hardly esscaped (by the great goodnesse of God, for which His Blessed Name be praysed). The 25 of Jully we set sayle for Bantam, having recovered at Saldanya the most part of our syck men. The 31 of Jully we took a gallyon of the Portingalls, but she having nothing in her profytable for the Companye, I let her go without hurt or damayge. The 13 of August I cam in syght of the L. Admyrall Carryck of the Portugalls, wherin was Comander Don Chrystofylus de L'orayne, she being of 1,600 tonns, maned with 800 men, and exceding rych in money and merchandyse as is reported ; we somend her to yeld ; they mad answere that the Generall was of an noble house, and that he and the chief offycers had taken the sacrement never to yeld the Kinges ship upon any condytyons what som ever, but to fyght yt out to the last man or els to burne and synck in the sea ; wherupon we prepard ourselves to fyght one both sydes, our blodye colleris being out, and my ship and his redye to begine the fight, when he hung out a flage of truce and desyred a parley, the effect of which was that to save the bloud which that day would be spent, he would make some restytutyon in part, for former losses and damages we had receaved by ther natyone, wherupon I demanded 200,000 dollers in part of satysfactyon for losses our company had receaved by them. To be bry, after 20 days of treatye, having had no fighting whether, but stormye weather for 20 days, and he lykly to get from us every nyght, we excepted of 70,000 dollers for the Companye, and 10,000 for the men in the fleet, and so we parted without bloudshed. The 24 of September, Capteyn Parker dyed. The 15 of November we fell [in] with an island caled Enganio, about 3 of the cloke in the morninge About 6 a'cloke in the morning the Sonn was cast away, wherin I lost all that I had in that ship to my shirt, myself being in a smaler ship with the Presydent, we being both of us syck at that tyme, and then were newly recovered. This was a great losse both to the Companye and myself, God's wyll be doun. The 19 of November we cam to Bantam road (wher we fownd Capt. Prin's fleet,) wher we aboad ther to refresh our men untyll the 20 of December. The 5 of December a consell was held concerning the insolencyes of the Duch, and the great losses our companye had receaved by them, as the taking of 5 of our ships of the ould joynt stock, the kylling of many of our men and keeping the rest as slaves in the Moullucas. A resolutyon was taken to mak warr agaynst them for satysfactyon of oure former losses. This evenynge we decryed a Duch ship called the Black Lyon in the straightes, wherupon I went oute with 4 ships to take her, the which we tooke the next morning by 8 of the cloke without the losse of any man's bloud, although the Duch resolved to blowe her up when our men were entred. This ship would have bin worth to the Companye verry much, she being very rychly loaden. The 20 of December we sett sayle for Jackcatra, sum 15 leages from Bantam, where the Duch fleet were, they having a strong castell there and most of ther provytyons for ther fleet. That nyght we ankered neare an island of thers where they intended to fortyfye. Ther fleet which rode in the rode under ther castell cam forth this nyght and anckered within one Englysh myle of our fleet ; the 22 in the morning by break of day they set sayle towards us, where we were forced to cut our cables and ply to get the wynd of them, the which we had much adoe to get that day. The next day we began the fyght, they being seven ships and we eleven, whereof their Black Lyon was one being apoynted to look one, and the Pepercorne which was loaded with our money and goods, and the Thomas which was prepared and fytted with fyerworkes and ordayned to have bin burnt, for the fyering of ther Admyrall, she being good for nothing els, so that we wer eight fyghting ships to seven of theirs, but five of theirs much better then ours, yet there was but five of our ships that fought, the mor sham for som of them. We began the fyght with them between tenn and eleaven of the cloke the 23 day of December, and fought untyll 3 of the cloke after mydday a cruell blodye fight, 3,000 great shott betwen both the fleets, many men maymed and slayen one both sydes, but they had (as we are gyven to understand) 4 tymes as manye men slayen and maymed as we hade. Three of ther ships is reported to be suncke by the Javas, how true yt is I know not, but I am suer they wer soundly banged. The next nyght we cam to an ancker within shot, one fleet of the other. The nyght overtaking us, they cam fyrst to an anker, and we after the nyght was begun, so ther we ryd untyll morninge. In the morning they had the wynd, but yet began not with us, although som of our ships in turning to get the wynd of them wer allmost aboard of them. Now our yll fortun was to dyscover three of our ships out at sea which cam from Bantam, and we plyed of to joyne with them for ther better saufty, and mayd sum smal stay untyll they cam up to us. In the mean tyme ther fleet (which by this tyme was nine sayle) cut dowen ther mayn sayles and away to the eastward for Banda, we imagyning they would not have passed, ther rode under ther castell at Jaccatra, and have rune away from ther people as they dyd, and so by this meanes we lost them which troubled me very much, for if our thre ships had not com in syght that morning, they had never gotten away from us, which was a great hynderance to our proceedinges to the Molloccos. In this fyght I lost Roger Dale, my man, who had his legg shot of, and three days after dyed. Now having chased ther fleet thorow the bay of Jaccatra in the syght of all the Javas, to whom formerly they had mayd ther great bragges, the nyght overtaking us, we ankered near Jaccatra. This nyght a jonck was fyred and cam crosse our fleet, and many of the ships wer much trubled to get cleare of her and were forced to way, and thens we cam to an ankcor nearer to Jackcatra the next day in the morninge, at what tyme the Black Lyon had order to anker neare unto the Admyrale to unlowd the best of her goodes into dyvers ships. That morning about 2 of the cloke, three or four drunken roges brok open her hould and went to steal rack ape, and as they wer drawing therof, set yt one fyer, sum being spylt one the flower, took fyer and fyred, that which was spylt and that in the caske, and so fyred the ship. Thes roges being amassed [amazed] at this excedent [accident], stole out of the hould and covered the scuttyll, as who should say they had not bin ther, and sum of them fell to breaking open of chestes. In the mean tyme the ship was one fyer about ther eares and unpossible to be quenced, and so they consumed all that welth in her, an unfortunat excedent. But who can withstand the myghtye hand of God. The 27 I sent all the boates to the ryver of Oruque to water, the same day I dyspached away the Frances for to releve our fort in the island of Polerone and to incourayge them to hould yt out agaynst the Duch."

The remainder of this letter of fourteen pages refers chiefly to the business affairs of the Company at their several factories (see No. 609).

Sir Thos Dale afterwards returned to Engano to see what he could recover from the Sun, but got nothing but a little of his own plate ; he found not one Englishman alive, but some 16 or 18 of their skulls lay in a heap together, so he killed two of their people, burnt and cut down part of their houses and trees, and left the place, "but the diseases our people took there and aboard the China junks left them not until many ended this life" (775). Between Engano and Masulipatam Road eighty died in Sir Thos. Dale's fleet ; among them the Vice-Admiral, Peter Bowers, and several factors of note. Sir Thomas himself was very sick, and shortly after his arrival on 19th July 1619, "he departed this life in peace" (p. 325). Wm. Methwold, a factor at Masulipatam, in a letter to the East India Company, says that when Sir Thomas was advised of his extremity of sickness he desired to have some place fitted for him on shore. He was brought to the Company's house, where after twenty days' of languishing sickness and many testimonies of good Christianity, contempt of death, and singular zeal and affection towards the Company's service, he died, and his body was "enclosed and housed in form of a tomb, which is almost finished" (782). Capt. Robert Adames wrote home that Sir Thomas Dale "died of the flux" (842).

On 23rd July 1619, instructions were agreed to by the East India Company for Sir Thomas Dale to take the command of the first fleet that shall be jointly set forth by the English and Dutch, of sixteen or twenty good ships of war, to prosecute trade on the coast of Malabar, and endeavour to open and enlarge trade with the Chinese, by the advice of a council of defence, himself to be one, if not employed at sea (p. 286). But he had been dead four days when this resolution was passed, and Capt. Martin Pring had succeeded to the chief command (814).

Sir Thomas Roe was proposed to the East India Company by the Governor, Sir Thomas Smythe, "as a gentleman of pregnant understanding, well spoken, learned, industrious, of a comely personage, and one of whom there are great hopes that he may work much good for the Company" [Court Minute Book, III., 219] ; and his instructions as ambassador to the Great Magoar [or Emperor of the Oriental Indies] are dated 29th December 1614. [East Indies, Vol. I., No. 44.] Two or three among his numerous letters calendared in this volume will give some insight into the history of his proceedings for the East India Company, how they were acknowledged by King James as well as the Company, and his general character. A letter (Oct. 1617) to the factors at Surat is characteristic. He says-

"The Company have imposed on me no such authority as that it should hinder their business, nor so shortened yours as that in your merchandising affairs you may not proceed roundly. I am not a man that stands upon idle points ; whatsoever you do for the best, we all, I hope, consent to, and I do give all my power to you. He that resisted your speedy proceeding under colour of my name, I have by my last made him see his error, For all other particulars, as yet come into my mind, I have sent you here remembrances. For Persia those of the 8th, to which I am constant. To the factories I have advised to receive their directions from you, and to follow them ; to further which and dispatch all, I will not fail with all occasion." [East Indies, O.C., Vol. V., No. 552.]

The remainder of this letter contains instructions on all kinds of subjects connected with the Company's business, and concludes,-

"Thus very weary, never in more hope of good success, I commit you and all our endeavours to God's blessing, desiring him to direct us, for such ravenous people I never wish to see if I escape these" (172).

His efforts to open a trade with Persia are thus acknowledged by the King :-

[East Indies, Vol. I., No. 57. Cal. No. 30.]

King James "to our right trustie and well-beloved servant, Sir Thomas Roe, Knight, our Ambassador resident with the Grand Mogull."

James R.

"Right trustie and wel-beloved,-Wee greete you well ; Wee have seene your lettres written unto us in February last, and we have bene also more particularly informed by our principall secretary of the adverticements which came from you at that time in your other private lettres, which have given us very good contentment, being resolved to retaine in a gratious memory the dilligences and dexterity which you have used in your negociations there. In particular we do approve of the entrance of a treaty which you have begon to make with the Sophy of Persia, for the opening of his Gulfe and inlarginge the trade of our subjects into his dominions, especially for the traffique and commerce of silke ; being resolved to prosecute the same to effect, accordinge as we shall judge it requisite upon the further adverticementes that we shall heerafter receave from you. In the meanetyme we do authorize you to proceed in your good beginnings, and to dispatch into Persia some fit persons, with such instructions as you shall receave from the Governor and Committees of the East Indie Company, to ripen and prepare that busines. And moreover, if you shall find all things there so well prepared that you may come to the conclusion of a treaty to the purpose above named, without further circumstance, we do in such case heerby give you power to perfect and conclude, or cause to be perfected and concluded, a treaty of commerce betwixt the said great Sophy and us, for the mutuall good of the subjects and dominions of us both, without attending from hence any other directions then a confirmacon only of that treaty, which shalbe by us foorthwith ratified, according as you shall in our name undertake the same. Given under our signet at our Pallace of Westminstre the 4th of February 1616[-17.]"

The following is the answer of Sir Thomas Roe in reference to this Persian trade, to which we shall presently direct attention :-

[East Indies, Vol. I, No. 58. Cal. No. 271.]

May it please your Majestie,-

The most gratious reception of my travells and the commands which your Majestie hath vouchsafed to mee, your unable and unwoorthy vassall, have given new life and quickened mee almost in the grave. Ther is no bond more stronge then that by which I am tied to your Majestie as your subject, but that it hath pleased you, out of your Royall grace, to give occasion to my weakenes that also addeth strength and couradge to a minde already wholly devoted and offered up to your Majesties service.

The negotiation of Persia by your Majestie, to mee committed, was begunn a yeare past by the factors of India, and overture made in the name of your Majestie, of which proceedinge I was utterly ignorant ; but had written some letters and sent divers propositions n myne owne name as your Majesties minister unto the Sha-bas (Shah Abbas), to give him understandinge of your desires in generall, and to discover to him somwhat of the Portugals' dealings with those who too easily granted them admittance or 'retraicts of strength.' The 'succede' of both is, the Sha hath sent your Majestie a very noble lettre, procured by Edward Connok, with divers lardge and ample priviledges granted unto your Majesties subjects for their acceptance and quiett commerce, directed for deliverie unto Sir Thomas Smythe. There yet are many difficulties unconsidered in the beginning, which forbide mee to give judgment eyther of the conveniency or possibilitie of this trade untill, upon knowledge of the merchants' meanes to compass it, without prejudice to your Majesties kingdomes and to their owne profitt and securitie, their farther resolution bee declared. The particulars are both too many and of too low an elevation to troble your Majestie ; your generall commande beeinge obeyed, I have opened my poor understanding in the rest unto your Majesties Principal Secretarie, from whom you wilbe pleased to receive lardger enformation. If I finde by one yeares experience more that this trade may bee made by vent of the commodities of your Majesties kingdom, or by the industrye of your subjects from divers ports, without greater exports of money or bullion then Europe is able to beare, considering how many wayes it bleedeth to enrich Asia, I wilbee bould to confirm in your Majesties name the treaty already begunn, and to add to it some other conditions, which shall as well make it profitable for your Majesties estates as easy, for your subjects, to which end I have sent, under the limitations received from Mr. Secretarie Wynwood and instructions from the East Indya Companie, a commission to proceede in and perfect this affare, or tymely to foresee the hazards and inconveniences, that wee may retyre without dishonor.

To the monarch with whom I reside your Majesties minister, I delivered your royal letters and presents, which were received with as much honor as their barbarous pride and custoomes affoord to any the like, from any absolute Prince, though far inferior to that respect due unto them. I have stroven somtimes to displeasure with their tricks of unmeasured greatnes, rather then to endure any scorne. I dare not dissemble with your Majestie their pride and dull ignorance takes all things done of duty ; and this yeare I was enforced to stande out for the honor of your free guifts, which were sceazed uncivilly. I have sought to mayntayne upright your Majesties greatenes and dignitie, and withall to effect the ends of the merchant ; but these two sometymes cross one another, seeing ther is no way to treate with so monstrous overweening that acknowledgeth no equal. He hath written your Majestie a letter full of good woords, but barren of all true effect; his generall [letter ?] and thanks (?) are yet to publish. What hee will doo I know not. To article on even terms he avoyds, and houlds mee to his owne customes of government by new firmans apon new occasions, in which hee is just and gracious. It may please your Majestie to accept the translation, being faythfull ; the original in Persian, as yet of use to us, to urge him to performe it, I am bould to keepe, untile I shalbee made happy by falling at your feet.

Greater matters then truth I dare not boast of, neyther will steale payne prayses by false reports. What my endeavor is, and how faythfull, what my travell in the Camp of Confusion, I hope your Majestie will graciously conceive. This I will presume to avow, that I will not live and suffer your Majesties royall name to bee diminished for any consideration. And, for the success of my employment, that I will establish your Majesties subjects in as good tearms for theire traffique and residences as any strangers or the naturalls themselves enjoy, or at last by our force teach them to know your Majestie is lord of all the seas, and can compell that by your power which you have sought with curtesie, which this King cannot yett see for swelling.

The Portugall is not yet wise enough to know his owne weakenes, who rather enviously hinder us then, like noble enemies, hurte us. Lett your Majestie bee pleased to give mee leave to enforme want of a peace with them, which by your royall authoritie were easyly commanded, makes all these trades of Indya and hopes of Persia heavy and dangerous to the undertakers.

I dare not troble your Majestie with more unnecessarie discourse, but humbly crave pardon for so much intrusion. And that you wilbee pleased not to bee offended after five yeares' pilgrimage that I take leave to envy the happines of those which attend your presence, desiring the Almightie God to make your reigne so long, so blessed, and so glorious, that your name may bee the object of all envy and the example of all prosperitie.

"Your Majesties most humble vassall and devoted servant, THO. ROE."

"The Camp of Ghehangeer-Sha Greate Mogoll, Feb. 15, 1617[-18]."

The same month Sir Thomas Roe wrote to the East India Company :-

"I was fully resolved to returne by this fleete, as you may perceive by many passadges, but your earnest desier prevayles above myne owne occasions. Sir Thos. Smyth had power to send mee out, and hath lost noe part of his interest in mee. I doubt not his Majesties lettre to mee was procured by you, wherin I find his gratious acceptation above my meritt, which bindeth mee to endeavour above my abilitie. I must acknowledge the favour you did mee in relations to his Majestie. That is the reward I labor for and expect, and you shall finde I will not fayle you in my uttermost endeavours. When my experience was raw, I wrote you many things by report, and I am not ashamed to recant ; but the end shall judge of mee and of my ends. The next yeare I shall take your offer to returne in one of your shipps, and to command her" (267).

We have seen some of his doings in Persia. The following letter from the Great Mogul to King James, translated by Roe, testifies to the Great Mogul's appreciation of him in India, and to the friendship of the writer towards the English nation :-

[East Indies, Vol. I., No. 68, Cal., No. 525.]

The Great Mogul to King James I. 1618 ?

When your Majestie shall open your letter, lett your royal hart be as fresh as a sweete gardeine. Lett all people make reverence at your gate ; lett your throne be advaunced highe, and amongest the greatest of the Kinges of the Proffytt Jesus ; lett your Majestie be the greatest, and all monarchyes deryve theire councele and wysdome from thy brest as from a fowntayne, that the love of the majestie of Jesus may revyve and florish under thy protection.

The letter of love and frendshipp which you sent me, and the presents, token of your good affection towards me, I have receaved by the hands of your ambassador, Sir Thos. Roe (whoe well deserves to be your trusty servant), delivered to me in an acceptable and happy hower, uppon which my eyes were soe fyxed that I could not easely remove them to any other object, and have accepted them with great joye and delight, uppon which assurance of your royall love I have geven ray generall commaund to all the kingdomes and portes of my dominions to receave all the marchantes of the Englishe nation as the subjects of my frend, that in what place soever they chuse to lyve in they may have reception and resydence to theire owne contents and saftye ; and what goods soever they desyre to sell or buy, they may have full libertye, without restraynt ; and at what port soever they shall aryve, that neither Spanyard, Portingall, nor any other shall dare to molest theire quyett ; and in what cytyye soever they shall have resydence, I have commanded my Governors and Captaynes to geve them freedoms aunswerable to theire owne desyres to sell, buy, or to transport into theire cuntrye at theire pleasures.

For confyrmation of our love and frindshipp, I desyre your Majestie to commaund your marchantes to bring in theire shipps of all sortes of rarytties and rych goods fitt for my pallaces ; and that you be pleased to send your royall letters by everye opportunyty that I may rejoyce in your health and prosperous affayres, and that our fryendshipp may be enterchangable and eternall.

"Your Majestie ys learned and quyck-syghted as a proffytt, and can conceave much by fewe words that I need not to wryte more. The Great God of Heaven geve us increase of honour." (fn. 7)

The last letter Sir Thos. Roe wrote from India was as follows:-

[Holland Correspondence, 29 May 1620. Cal. No. 885. II.]

Copy of the writing I gave to Frederic Hoffman to be delivered to the President of the English in East India.

Sir, "Meeting here with Frederic Hoffman, admiral of a fleet of eleven ships of Holland, bound for Bantam, but now two only in company, of good force and well manned, the rest dispersed on the coast of England. We have had some conference about the bad humours begun betwixt us in India. He professeth affections of peace, and that he hath no instructions to the contrary, and avoweth the arrival and reception of the States Commmissioners in England to treat an accord. We have agreed mutually to send our advices ; I to you by him, he to his General by the Bear, of what we hear, and that it is probable an union will be made hereby, on both sides, to prevent, if possible, any further occasions which will not be so easily quenched. If you find in effect as much as he professeth, a man of his place and authority may much advance our desires, so it may be done with due respects of honour and the Company's service. So I commit you to God.

"Mr. Barwick, Admiral THO. ROE. of two good ships, the Bear and Star, ready to depart the 11 May 1619."

This letter was commended by the Committee of the East India Company "for a very wise and worthy course, hoping it would be a means to withhold them there from further hurt and mischief" (743).

On his return to England Sir Thos. Roe was received with every mark of distinction. The Court of the East India Company had notice on 15th September 1619, of the arrival of the Anne in the Downs, and the landing of the Lord Ambassador, and immediately gave direction for his expenses together with his lady's to be defrayed to Gravesend, where a Committee would assemble the next day to conduct them to London, and a dozen coaches were ordered to be ready at Tower Wharf to carry him to his house (743). Ten days later he informed the court that he had had an audience of his Majesty, and given an account of his embassy (745). At this audience he presented the King with two antelopes, a strange and beautiful kind of red deer, a rich tent, rare carpets, umbrellas, and such like trinkets from the Great Mogul (749). On 6th October, in a full Court of Committees, Sir Thos. Roe gave a particular account of his proceedings, which is thus entered in the Court Minute Book, Vol. IV. p. 421, (750). Sir Thomas Roe desiring to give the Company satisfaction of his proceedings since his going into the East Indies, first gave to understand in what a desperate case he found the factories at Surat, Ahmedabad, and elsewhere in the Mogores country, proclamations out against them, to prohibit them of all trade, and to depart the land, which at his coming to Court he caused to be revoked, and procured phirmaunds to command their acceptance and friendly entertainment, proving against the Prince himself, that those things had been done without authority from the King, and by wicked subornation to have overthrown the trade of the English, assuring the Company that now by a fair and gentle course held and good correspondence and observation of the governor in some reasonable sort they may have as fair a passage of the business as can be expected or desired, making it appear what a profit may be hoped for and had by the trade into the Red Sea, where articles are confirmed with privileges for trade and freedom thereof, and capitulations set down with the Governor of Sana and Mocha, that for any commodities which may be carried thither (whereof he hath intelligence of the particulars vendible) centum pro cento, which commodities to serve those parts may be furnished to the value of 10,000l. for Surat, (without prejudice to the Prince his ship,) and 30,000l. worth from Dabul and the ports thereabouts. At which place of Mocha Capt. Shilling acknowledged that he was most kindly used there, affirming that there is as much security there for their goods, as can be expected, which they dare not go about to infringe, or attempt any thing to give distaste. And seeing those of Surat cannot trade safely thither without the company of the English into the Red Sea, where it is said that trade is for two millions yearly, they will be glad of the company of the English for many reasons delivered, which ship of theirs returning is of very great value, having 1000 of their people in her, will be as a pawn and assurance for the good usage of our people at Surat. And this trade in time may be enlarged by the English as other commodities may be gotten from sundry other places of the Indies, and will be the life of Surat and Persia to supply both those places with money which trade being brought to good perfection he hopeth they will be careful to preserve, and continue it notwithstanding any discouragement that may be objected by the factors at Surat, who are unwilling to have that trade prosper (as is collected by many circumstances). Lastly he made known that he recovered all the extortions which had been exacted by sundry unjust govenors that year and the year before, and had left all matters in a good, settled, and peaceful course, drawing out twenty-one articles, (fn. 8) most of which he procured the King to confirm, and got sundry phirmaunds granted for frigates to be delivered furnished to the English for their defence against the Portugals, (who as was delivered were preparing an armada against the English,) together with many other privileges, which he thought as much in general as he could expect or desire. And recovered all debts, leaving none in the country but only one of a Banyan who was the King's prisoner. And yet for him he hath the King's promise to force him to pay the said debt, or else to deliver the party dead or alive unto their hands. And lastly of all he caused a list to be read which he had drawn of the remainders in the country at his coming away, both money in specie at the several factories, what good debts and commodities that would draw in so much money within the compass of such a time, and what of those things were appointed to make provisions ready for the Lyon against the next year, together with a note of the remainders of all the general goods in the country, and what is ordered to be provided for the Southwards, Persia and Mocha. And having made this general relation, (which gave very good content and satisfaction,) the Company intended to meet at some special times with him to view all his notes and writings, sort them, endorse them, and put them to be kept in their several places, where they may be found hereafter upon any occasion to use them. (fn. 9)

A committee was then appointed to cast up Sir Thos. Roe's accounts. His charges, both ordinary and extraordinary, for housekeeping, travelling with the King, etc., amounted one year with another during his residence in the country to about 600l. a year, and the Company adjudged he had been very frugal (762). A few days later the Committee announced that his accounts had been "perused and ended." The Company found "great good husbandry in his expense of housekeeping which cometh to about 250l. or 260l. a year," and "having duly weighed his carriage and behaviour from the beginning till this present, they esteemed him a very worthy gentleman, that hath husbanded things exceedingly well, and very moderate in his expenses, and one that by his modesty, honesty and integrity, hath given good satisfaction." And "the question being put to three sums of 1,000l., 1,500l., and 2,000l., there was given him by erection of hands the sum of 1,500l. as a gratification for his service performed, wherein they had no regard to the future time, but hearing of his readiness to give his assistance at any meetings hereafter, they supposed his future service might deserve according to the time; and he presenting himself Mr. Governor made known the Company's mind, who acknowledging his honesty and frugality, and commending his care, desired him to accept of the foresaid sum of 1,500l., which they held too little compared with his desert, but their small returns pleaded partly the excuse. Sir Thomas Roe made known that he took in good part whatsoever is given. In the mean time purposed to think thereof, and at next Court purposeth to come and give his thanks." (Court Minute Book, Vol. IV., p. 451, Cal. No. 765). At the next Court a letter was read from Sir Thos. Roe, of thanks for the gratification bestowed upon him, and of offer of service for the good of the Company. His fair carriage was commended and compared with others who have made use of their time by private trade, and "supposing his experience and means here have enabled him to do the Company good service, either at Court upon occasion, or by his advice in drawing their letters and commissions, and that there is a kind of necessity to use his help about the new trades, it was thought fit to have him accepted as a Committee amongst the rest, and so to reward him accordingly by giving him a present yearly allowance to bind his presence and advice amongst them, which will be an honour and reputation unto him and right to the Company." Remembering also that some about the King having lately pressed to ruin that business of my lord of Warwick's, (fn. 10) and that Roe took it wholly upon himself, and told the Lords that it was his own act, and he was ready to justify it, "which gave a taste what further use there may be of his courage and service," it was resolved to give Roe for this Year ensuing, until the election in July, 200l. The presents made by Sir Thos Roe in the Indies allowed, and the 100l. which was laid out in plate for him at his going bestowed upon him, "that his money disbursed for those gifts may not return barely to him again." (768.)

At the next meeting of the Court, Sir Thos. Roe was offered the appointment of Principal of the fleet to Bantam; but he, acknowledging the Company's favour and liberality, desired a breathing time, though ready to perform any service for them both by word and deed. (772.)

Sir Thos. Roe did not, however, remain long in the East India Company's service. On 3rd Aug. 1621 he informed the Company that he had entered into communication with the Turkey Company for employment as ambassador to Constantinople. He complained that some of the Company had reported grudgingly of the 1,500l. given to him on his return, which he presumed he had deserved, also that there was given him (as he understood) 200l. per annum pension, "but it seems the Company meant it not so," which was the reason of his not being able to pay in his adventure. He had paid in 800l., and was 300l. behind, which he said would be paid by Sir Henry Roe at Christmas. "The only thing that made him look another way" was the Company ceasing the 200l. pension. Through his intended employment, and the increase in his family, he was driven to larger lodgings, and he wished to buy of the Company some velvet hangings and Persian carpets. These the Company bestowed upon him as a token of their good wishes, regretting they were so unhappy "as to lose the employment of so well a deserving gentleman, yet their loves should follow him." (1068.)

Upon this Sir Thomas Roe left the service of the East India Company to go ambassador to Constantinople.

Lord Carew suggested to Sir Thos. Roe how he might himself raise a monument to his own fame. "Be careful," he said, "to make a map of the Mogul's territory as you intended ; it will leave to the world a lasting memory when you are dust." (244.)

A cotemporary writer thus sums up the character of Sir Thos. Roe:-"He understood the dispositions of men so exactly, could suit their humours so fitly, observe opportunities and seasons of actions so punctually, keep correspondence so warily, wade thro' difficulties so handsomely, wave the pinch of a business so dexterously, contrive interests so suitably, that he was advised with concerning the most important affairs of the kingdoms he resided in abroad, and admitted of the Privy Council while he lived at home, where his speech against the debasing of the coin at the Council table will last as long as there is reason of state in the world, his settlement of trade as long as this is an island, and his Eastern MS. as long as there are books to furnish libraries, or libraries to preserve books." (fn. 11)

A "memorable accident" is related by Sir Thos. Roe of a rajah or great prince, "a desperate atheist," who died through one of his women plucking a hair from his breast, which, being fast rooted, caused a drop of blood to issue, and the wound gangrened incurably and almost miraculously. The rajah lamented that he had been a despiser of the Godhead, and though a soldier that he should die by a wound less honourable than from a lance or sword ; "but now," said he, "I confess that great God whom I scorned needed no greater weapon than a hair to revenge himself." (289.) The Archbishop of Canterbury told Sir Thomas Roe that he thought his account of how a heathen lord came to his end by the pulling off of a hair a marvellous example of the power of God upon rebellious atheists, and that, "Sir Walter Raleigh amongst us did question God's being and omnipotency, which that just Judge made good upon himself in over humbling his estate, but last of all in bringing him to an execution by law, where he died a religious and Christian death, God testifying his power in this, that he raised up of a stone a child unto Abraham" (594.)

Nathaniel Courthope petitioned for employment in 1609, and entered into an agreement to serve the Company for seven years. (fn. 12) He soon afterwards left England in the Darling, one of Sir Henry Middleton's fleet, and shared in all the adventures that befel Sir Henry, and in his captivity with the Turks at Aden and Mocha ; went to Surat, and from thence with Capt. Downton to Tecoe, who has left a full "Relation" of the misfortunes which happened to the fleet during two years' voyage, "began with glory and set out with great charges, but since deluded and abused in most places." (fn. 13) So disgraceful was the conduct of the Turks, that a "letter of advice" was left at Mocha and Socotra "for all English ships to shun the Red Sea," setting forth their tyrannous treatment, their treacherous surprise and massacre of the English on 28 Nov. 1610, after promise had been given that they should be well used, eight being killed, fourteen wounded, and the rest, 51 persons, put in irons and imprisoned by express command of the Grand Turk. The reason assigned for this shameful treatment was that the English had gone "so near the Turks' holy house of Mecca." Their goods were confiscated, and in an attempt of 100 armed Turks to surprise the Darling, on board of which was Courthope, three Englishmen, together with twenty-six Turks, were slain. The Bashaw afterwards praised "his own mild nature" in not putting all of the English to the sword. (fn. 14) Courthope was next appointed to the factory of Succadana in Borneo, and helped to frame the instructions for Sophony Cozucke, who was sent to confer with the governors of Landak "upon what security the English might settle a factory there." The last article of these instructions is characteristic of Courthope, "above all," he says, "do not be flattered with fruitless hopes, but if possible bring firmans for what is said or promised." (fn. 15) In his attempt to settle this factory "up the river of Landak" he was seriously repulsed by the Dyaks, and escaped a "marvellous danger." (fn. 15) The master's mate of the Darling, Thos. Herode, in a letter to the East India Company in July 1614, gives some details of Courthope's doings. He says, the people of Landak were very desirous that the English should settle a factory there, where all the diamonds and most part of the gold and bezoar stones come from, but that through the "saffeigenes" [savageness] of the Dyaks they lie in the rivers on purpose to take off the heads of all they can overcome. On the first attempt to settle a factory, the English were assailed by 1,000 men, "but the Dyaks, not being used to powder and shot, were fain to run ashore." On the second attempt nine Englishmen again went up the river. The King of Sambas promised them he would meet them with 1,000 men, "which they of Landak having intelligence of, the people sought by treachery what they could not do by force," for the force of the whole country was not able to withstand the nine men, "so they endeavoured to split the English prow against the rocks." No wonder the English were so desirous of settling a factory, for it was reported that 3,000 or 4,000 carats of diamonds may be had there yearly, besides gold, bezoars, and wax. (fn. 16)

In October 1616 Nathaniel Courthope received his commission and instructions as commander and chief merchant of the ships Swan and Defence, for a voyage to Banda. He was to sail for Sambopa in Macassar, to take in rice, and then proceed to Pooloroon, where the people "expected his coming, and would be ready to receive him." He was especially cautioned as to his behaviour towards the people, who were described as "peevish, perverse, diffident, and perfidious, apt to take disgust upon small occasions, and being moved are more cumbersome than wasps ;" and finally he was directed, in case the Hollanders "offered violence, to the utmost of his power, even to the loss of lives and goods, to make good the, same." (fn. 16) We shall see how thoroughly he carried out these instructions.

His first letter from. Pooloroon is dated 24 April 1618, and addressed to President Ball at Bantam. In it he speaks of "the hard fortune fallen to our ships bound hither this year." They met (he writes) with four Holland ships, of war, but the Solomon, being so deep laden, could not use her lower tier of ordnance,, "so they fought with them half a day, and being so overmatched they yielded ; but, being in the night, the Attendance, before they yielded, gave the Bandanese their small boat, so they escaped to Pooloroon ; but the Solomon was so belaid that the Bandanese could not go out of her. Mr. Cassarian yielded in that manner that if I had been in his place before I would have done it I would have sunken down right in the sea first. It was in this manner ; after they had fought from two o'clock in the afternoon until nine at night, being almost board and board, the Dutch calling unto him to take in his colours, strike his sails, and come himself aboard of them, which all he did, which before I would have struck my colours in that manner I would have sunk down right in the sea, so he being aboard of him they detained him and his boat, so our men in the ships played a good wise part likewise, for they, perceiving their commander kept aboard the Dutch ships, went and got the Bandanese swords, and hid them from them, but only two of them which kept their swords privately from our men, so they being nineteen of them in all those that had no weapons stowed themselves in the ships, and some 8 or 10 of them, with their creeses and two swords, at the Hollanders entering of our ships, killed of the Hollanders at least forty of them, and hurt divers more of them, most of this slaughter being done by two of the Bandanese only, for at their entering our men kept themselves upon the forecastle apart, whilst the Bandanese fought ; but at last, being taken by the Hollanders, killed 12 of them, and saved seven of the youngest of them alive. The loss of these two ships was only their late coming, having not westerly winds enough to bring them into the road."

Courthope complained bitterly of the President. He wrote, "you knowing the Flemings forces, and the tyranny they use us withal if they get the upper hand of us, I much marvel you sent this year with so weak forces, you seeing they use all the means possible they can to bar us of all trade in these parts. I am sure you must yourself needs know so much, and so far as I can perceive they neither respect right or justice, but stand altogether upon force of arms, which I see right and possession is too weak to deal with force ; therefore, if you mean the Company to have any trade of these islands or the Moluccas, it must not be deferred any longer, but to send such forces the next westerly monsoon to maintain that we have, or else all is gone, and not to be expected hereafter any more trade this way. This year I have withheld it from them with much difficulty, without any relief or aid ; not all this year, not so much as one letter from you to advise me what course you intend to take in this business, I having but 38 men to withstand their force and tyranny, which is a very weak strength to withstand their unruly odds of forces. Our wants are extreme ; neither have we any victuals or drink, but only rice and water, which had not God sent in four or five junks to have relieved us with rice I must have been fain to have given up our King's and Company's right for want of relief, which relief is weak. Therefore I pray you consider well of these affairs, and suffer us not to be forced to yield ourselves into such tyrants hands, which I know will have no Christianity in them if we be forced to yield ourselves to them ; therefore these are to let you understand that though with great want and misery we are like to endure, I am determined to hold it out until the next westerly monsoon, in despite of them, or else we are determined all to die in defence of it. At present they have 8 ships here and two gallies, and to my knowledge all fitted and ready to come against us ; so I look daily and hourly, and if they win it, by God's help I make no doubt but they shall pay full dearly for it with effusion of much blood ; thus hoping you will use such means both for our relief and for the Companies good and our country's credit as we may be able to withstand the pride of these our enemies that seek nothing more than our overthrow and disgrace, as you may plainly see and perceive ; besides you know we have undertaken the defence and aid of these countries. If we should be forced to give it over now, what would all other countries think of it."-[East Indies, O.C., Vol. VI., No. 644, Cal. No. 332.]

The Hollanders made an attempt upon 2d June 1618, landing 700 men, but were repulsed by the country people, and had killed and maimed about thirty people ; which attempt, says George Muschamp in a letter to the East India Company, hath hardened the Bandanese hearts for ever having any truce or commerce with them ; and they deeply vow that unless they be relieved by the English they will abandon their islands and destroy their fruits, which caused Mr. Courthope and the rest of us that were with him, for the future hopes of that trade and other places of the Moluccas near adjoining, viz., Cambello, Lugho, and other places upon Amboyna (who do still oppose the Hollanders, in expectation of our forces to relieve them), we determined to stay unto the next westerly monsoon with those comfortless provisions which we bought of Javas that casually came thither, being a small quantity of rice to relieve us and the country people (for the place affordeth nothing of itself), so with a bare and hard allowance we procured as much as would last us until the five of December, having only rice and rain water for our sustenance both in health and sickness, and the former six months we lived upon a coarse kind of bread called sago, brought from the island of Ceram, the trial whereof made many of our common sailors very unwilling to subject themselves to apparent misery ; but Mr. Courthope, his mild carriage and earnest persuasions, prevailed with them, who hath worthily respected his credit and the dutiful service he oweth to your worships in the prosecuting of this business imposed [on] him, (623.)

On 2 August 1618 Muschamp left Pooloroon for Bantam by Courthope's orders, to inform the English President of all that had passed, with some of the chief men of those islands, who were desirous to know if the English were willing and able to assist them, which, writes Muschamp, "I do think the President and Sir Thos. Dale absolutely determined to put in execution, and sent to Pooloroon a small pinnace for their present relief with provisions, intending suddenly to have followed with the fleet, but other occasions hath detained them, and the monsoon is so far spent that shipping cannot come thither this year. The causes I refer to my superior here resident, only presume to inform unto your worships of the miserable state of those poor men upon Pooloroon which live in great want, and in danger of their enemies, if it do not please God to send some extraordinary means to relieve them, and the hazard of losing that hopeful trade which the Hollanders seeketh to prevent, so it remaineth very doubtful whether the country people will be able to keep their islands this year, and if the Hollanders give an assault, there was not at my coming away above seven barrels of powder left for 22 pieces, which is a small proportion to withstand an enemy, howsoever their resolution was to maintain their possession or die in the defence thereof, unless want of relief force them from it."(623.)

The next letter from Courthope is dated 19 Aug. 1618, and is addressed to Churchman and other English prisoners with the Dutch at Pooloway. "As touching the keeping or delivering up of this island," writes Courthope, "I have written to Mr. Cassarian David, hoping he will show you what I have wrote, which I trust will give you satisfaction therein. And be assured, by fair means or foul, I hope to procure your releasements shortly, exhorting you in the meantime to bear your captivity with patience, until it shall please God to send the time of your release, which I desire may be according to my designs, either from Bantam or otherwise. Time being so short I cannot send such things as I would, but in the meantime receive a little basket of fish, desiring you all in general to agree like friends together in this your time of bondage, thus giving you to understand that I have sustained as great a loss as any of you all, for it is well known I had nothing left me but an old suit of apparel upon my back, and likewise last year Lawrence Ryall, General, offered me great satisfaction if I would have accepted of it, but knowing the infamy that would have redounded unto me, therefore I little respected it."(409.)

Courthope wrote again to these poor English prisoners in January 1619. He says, "I received some ten days since an advice from Jacatra from our new come fleet, General for the sea Sir Thomas Dale, Knight, with his Majesty's commission, and Capt. John Jourdain, President for the Indies on land, being sent of purpose by his Majesty of England to right our abuses formerly done and prosecuted by the Dutch, which shall well make apparent we have a King indeed otherwise than they have reported; and that they shall well know here in these parts, as they already have had a taste of, as, namely, before Jacatra, where as they fled in the plain field before us, and left their castles there in distress, the one being surprised by the English, the other, I make no question, by God's grace, but before this (being their strong fortification at Jacatra with fifty pieces of ordnance) is either taken or surrendered to the English, also the Black Lion, richly laden from Patani, already taken by the English ; and have comfort in God, for make no question but this year to be set all free, to your hearts' content, and regain our former losses, and what I conceal in heart our actions shall make manifest, and I pray use all patience in so short a time of extremity, for if God say Amen your date is determined, and Your bonds will be shortly cancelled. What extremity the Dutch useth unto you they shall have their measure full and abounding, either in gentleness or rigour; and whereas heretofore they have protested fire and sword, fire and sword they shall have repaid into their bosoms, Fear nothing, for we have the King's Majesty's commission for what we do, whereof the General hath sent me a copy, and for my own part I have my heart's content and shortly expect." (554)

George Muschamp, in a long letter to the East India "Company from Bantam, on 12th March 1619, says, Mr. Courthopp, myself, and 32 men more hath maintained the possession of Pooloroon, enduring much want and misery ; for your worships' benefit and our country's credit." This letter was received in November 1619, and very soon afterwards a motion was made at a meeting of the Court of the East India Company, by Christopher Clitherowe, one of the Committee, that Nathaniel Courthope, one of the Company's servants in the Indies, having kept possession of Pooloroon for the Company very valiantly, against the Flemings, and endured much misery, might receive some preferment from the Company both for place and salary ; and it was ordered that he have 100l. per annum, and be recommended to the president and council at Bantam for preferment (797).

What a cruel stroke was it to this brave and intelligent officer, who, after defending his little fort, upon which depended the whole Bandanese trade, for above two years ; after procuring the surrender of all those important islands to the crown of England ; after promises of speedy re-inforcements, and after so many gallant but fruitless efforts to drive the enemy from the coasts, at last to receive advice that the English Admiral, Sir Thomas Dale, was dead, the other officers upon bad terms with each other, and the fleet dispersed upon different voyages. But determined, though deserted, never to abandon the trust reposed in him, he went with a vessel to procure stores for his fort. In his voyage he was met by a large Dutch ship, which he fought for some hours till he was shot in the breast mortally. Finding that his vessel must strike, he plunged into the sea, to avoid falling into the hands of an enemy whose cruelty he was no stranger to, and thus ended the life of one of the bravest officers and most faithful servants the Company ever employed. (fn. 17)

Courthope was "slain by the Hollanders" in November 1620 (1032). In a journal kept by John Cartwright, appointed "second to Mr. Nathaniel Courthope," he says, Courthope was slain by the Dutch coming by night from Lantar over to Pooloroon, being betrayed by a Dutchman that first ran to the English, and at Mr. Courthope's going to Lantar run away again to Pooloway and informed the Dutch of his coming back, who laid wait for him, and he, being a man of that resolution not to submit himself to their mercy, was shot through. This was done two months before my arrival (Jan. 19), at which time it is thought the Dutch there living knew of the contract of peace which was agreed upon in the year 1619."

Capt. FitzHerbert, the Admiral of the East India Company's fleet, did not receive the news of Courthope's death until five months after he "was slain by the Hollanders." He wrote home in March 1621, from aboard "The Royal "Exchange, before Amboyna," that there had been fighting between the English and Dutch about Pooloroon, and that the whole island had brought in their arms, and submitted themselves to the Hollanders ; but he added, "I hold it fit neither to give it over nor to yield it to the Dutch at present. It would be a disgrace to our nation, both here and at home, to forego a thing so slightly that was so long kept by Mr. Courthope as obstinately." (990). A few days later Capt. FitzHerbert again wrote home (27 March) (997), that he had set sail from Amboyna on the 10th, and arrived at Pooloroon on 14 March. That the Dutch had taken Lantar, put all the English into prison, and seized all the Company's goods. Only three days before the English Admiral's arrival, the Dutch General had sent about 25 prows with 500 men or more to Pooloroon who sought to surprise the island, "whereupon the blacks came to Mr. Haies, and asked him whether he would defend them, and told him if he would that then they would fight it out to the last man. But Mr. Haies answered that he was not able, nor could not. The blacks seeing the 'eminent' danger, and how they were forsaken by the English, for whose sake they had stood out with the Dutch so long, began most pitifully to lament that they must become subject to the Dutch." So the Dutch landed unopposed, demanded of the natives "how they durst deliver their island to the English," and made them give up all their arms. The Dutch then compelled "this miserable people" to destroy all the walls which "ranged the whole island" and make them even with the ground, "not so much as sparing the monuments of the dead. In fine they were compelled to give the island to the Dutch by presenting them with a nutmeg tree in a basin, as the custom of these parts is in like cases. Thus was Pooloroon lost, which in Mr. Courthope's time, by his good resolution, with a few men, maintained itself, to their disgrace, and now by the fearfulness of Mr. Haies and his irresolution is shamefully lost in the time of peace." What other exploit the Dutch General has in hand at present is not known, wrote Fitzherbert. Some think he will go for Tidore, others to Macassar, but "I verily believe," said the English Admiral, "he will go where he may do the English most disgrace, one of the principal ends of all their designs."

While Courthope and his men had been suffering the greatest hardships at Pooloroon, the English on the neighbouring island of Pooloway fared, as we have seen, but little better. In a "bill of grievances endured by the English under the tyranny of the Dutch, and witnessed by Cassarian David, Bartholomew Churchman, and George Pettus,- being 'indongened' at Pooloway, besides all their Pagan like usage, as by that cruel man Lawrence Riall we were kept in such misery with stinking water and rice, half full of stones and dirty, not able to keep life and soul together ; and had not Derickson Vanlaine granted the English at Pooloroon free access to Pooloway, to bring us relief, we had been all ere this in our graves, but we passed away our times in expectation of better fortunes, as you have all from time to time promised ; but now again our misery is thrice doubled, hut being come to this place you have not only used us basely in other things, but have even taken away that poor sustenance which we bought with our money. * * * To be so handled is ten times worse affliction than ever was afflicted upon us, for to chain us up like so many dogs, and to let us lye in the rains and storms all night without any shelter. * * * And this is of a truth, that even your hogs after their kind, lye a night far better and drier than we in our kinds, being Christians, and the chiefest of our voyage, our grief being so much the more in that your men which were taken in the Black Lyon were used like men, and we like the most abject of the world; yea, more like dogs than subjects to the King's Majesty of England, and being in good respect with our worthy employers. But God that is above all, sees all and in His good time will remedy all these wrongs. Thus much they say, we have thought good to certify unto you (the Hollanders,) not by the way of entreaty, for that we see is in vain, but only that you may know that now even our lives are in apparent danger by these your cruel dealings, and that we never look to come home alive out of your hands, for by all manifest appearance you seek even to take our lives from us. This being a true pattern of our grieved hearts, whereby all men may take knowledge how unchristian-like we have been and are used by you. In all which we have not expressed the tenth part of your cruelty" (634).

The Dutch had also taken Lantar and put the merchant and the rest of the English into prison, and seized all the Company's goods. The chief factor at Lantar gives an account of the usage he received from the Dutch.

"They went," he says, "to the English house, seized the English and Chinese there, who they bound hand and foot, being made fast two by two, and threw over the wall." They sent a Japanese, who with two blows struck off the heads of the Chinese, and Randall, the chief factor himself, would have shared a similar fate, but the Dutch Governor, Houtman, "stayed his hand, whether by chance or of purpose he knows not," just at the right moment, for Randall was bound to a stake, and with a halter made fast to his neck, his head was "triced up," so that the Japanese might dispatch him the easier. The Dutch took at least 200 brass pieces, together with a great quantity of spice and other "luggage." But writes Captain Fitzherbert, in March 1621, one thousand men yet stand out against the Hollanders at Lantar, and if it were lawful to aid them with but 100 shot and some rice, they would yet beat the Hollanders off the island (997).

The President of the English factories in India wrote that the surrender of these Banda islands will not be worth less to the English than Amboyna is to the Flemings, which yields them at least 400 tons of cloves yearly, and in years of plenty three times as much. Amboyna was described as one of the places of least charge and greatest benefit in putting off English goods. Banda was said to sell 40,000 ryals yearly of clothing, victuals, and other necessaries, and all the islands to yield 1,000 tons of nuts and mace annually (pp. 106, 386).

The prosperity of the English in Japan began rapidly to decline after the death of Ogusho Same in April 1616. The new Emperor, Shongo Same, so curtailed their privileges, that the English were restrained to have their shipping and sales at Firando only (1. I.), and in spite of the utmost endeavours of our factors, these privileges were never again so enlarged as to be of any permanent benefit to the East India Company. The chief factor, Richard Cocks, was more than four month's at the Emperors Court, about renewing the Company's privileges, but he was told the matter could not be remedied at present, because an Emperor's edict, by Act of Parliament, having been so lately passed, it could not so soon be replaced without scandal to the State, but the Emperor's secretaries told Cocks that "if he renewed his demand next year, being so reasonable; they verily thought it might be amended." And Cocks, in a letter to the East India Company, says, I hope it may be, otherwise the Japan trade will not be worth the looking after. Cocks again went to the Emperor's Court the next year, in company with Richard Wickham and William Addames, hoping to get their privileges enlarged. But altho' the Emperor received their presents as from his Majesty with many complimentary words, in the end they were answered that they had as large privileges as any other strangers, wherewith they might rest contented, or if they found not trade to their content they might depart when they pleased, and seek better in another place. An answer was then requested to King James' letter, but the English factors were told that the letter was sent to Ogusho Same, the deceased Emperor, and it was held ominous among the Japans to answer dead men's letters (p. 126).

The President of the English factors in India, writing from Bantam in 1618, says, from Japan, silver, copper, iron, and good store of victualling may be had ; but, although no great benefit accrues from returns from thence, he was of opinion that were Japan supplied. as it should be, not with gally pots, pictures, looking glasses, table books, thread, and spectacles, "and such like trumpery from England," but with commodities from these parts of the World, (that is India,) it would prove none of the worst factories (p. 107). Cocks had written the year before that silver might be procured in Japan in great abundance, and liberty to carry it out at pleasure, but not with English commodities ; rather with raw silk and silk stuffs, all of which must be procured with money to have them in any quantities, so that to begin this factory (at Firando) a great sum of ready money or plate must be provided, and afterwards the profits arising will provide Bantam and other factories without sending any more out of England (12).

But the new Emperor of Japan, who is described as "no "martial man, but a great politician" (p. 358), was not satisfied with simply curtailing the privileges his predecessor had given to the English and other Europeans who traded with his subjects. He established a system of persecution, which he expected would ultimately drive every Englishman out of his territory. William Addames wrote home in January 1617 that the present Emperor, who had then reigned about nine months, was more against the Romish religion than his father was ; he had forbidden, on pain of death, any of his subjects to become Romish Christians, and also any stranger merchant from abiding in any of the great cities, for fear on that pretence that Jesuits and Friars might secretly teach the Romish religion (8). Three years later, Cocks in a letter dated March 1620, says, this Emperor is a great enemy to the name of Christians, especially Japans ; all that are found are put to death. He saw fifty-five martyred at Miako at one time, because they would not forsake their Christian faith, and among them little children of five or six years old burned in their mother's arms, crying out, "Jesus receive their souls." In Nangasaki 16 more were martyred, five burned and the rest beheaded, cut in pieces, and cast into the sea 30 fathoms deep ; yet the Christians got them up again, and kept them secretly for relics. Many more were thrown into prison who look hourly when they shall die, for very few turn Pagans (p. 357). Such were the accounts received from Japan at this period. But Shongo Same was not satisfied with having committed these great barbarities. He ordered every church in Japan to be pulled down, with the monastery of Misericordia, as well as all churchyards and burial places. All graves and sepulchres were opened, and dead men's bones taken out, and carried into the fields by their parents and kindred, to be buried elsewhere. Streets were made in the place of churches and churchyards, except where pagodas were commanded to be erected, and heathen priests sent to live in them, the Emperor thinking utterly to root out the memory of Christianity in Japan. In Nangasaki, in Ogusho Same's time, divers fathers and other Christians were martyred ; and in certain places, a little without the city, their parents and friends had planted green trees, where hundreds went every day to pray, but now, by the Emperor's command, all said trees and altars are quite cut down, and the ground made even. "Such is his desire to root out the remembrance of all such matters" (p.358).

The English were also "much molested in these parts of the world by the unruly Hollanders," who, by sound of trumpet, in the harbour of Firando, "proclaimed open war against our English nation, both by sea and land, with fire and sword, to take our ships and goods, and destroy our persons, to the uttermost of their power, as to their mortal enemies ;" Cocks' own life was "set at sale" for 50 ryals of eight, and 30 ryals were offered for each Englishman they could kill. The Dutch were in great dudgeon at the escape of some English from their ships, and demanded of the King of Firando that "their English slaves might be returned," but the King said he took no Englishmen to be slaves to the Dutch, and referred them to the Emperor. Upon this they attempted to enter the English house, and cut all their throats, which (said Cocks) had been successful, the Dutch being 100 to 1, but that the Japanese took part with the English. Between five and six hundred Dutchmen attacked the English factory, where there were only half a dozen Englismen, and wounded John Coker and another, and but for the interference of the Tono had been murdered. Cocks repaired to the Court to demand justice of the Emperor, and order was given to the Tono or King of Firando to hear both parties, and see justice done ; "yet from that time till now there is nothing done, although," wrote Cocks, "I have divers times very instantly desired it of the King" (818-820). Permission was subsequently given for a limited time for English shipping to go to Nangasaki and Firando. The harbour at Nangasaki was described as the best in all Japan. 1,000 sail may ride land locked, and the greatest ships in the world go in and out at pleasure, and ride before the town, within a cable's length of the shore, in seven or eight fathoms water at the least. It is a great city where many very rich merchants dwell, whereas Firando is a fisher town, and a very small and bad harbour, wherein not above eight or ten ships can ride at a time, with other inconveniences (820).

The accounts received in England from the English factors at Japan were of the most marvellous character. Particulars of wars wherein 300,000 were slain at a time ; a King's Court of 100,000 men continually resident ; his palace capable of lodging 200,000 men, far bigger than the city of York, wherein 100 Kings, with their Queens and families, continually resident ; immense cities, temples with 3 or 4,000 golden idols in each, and "colosses" greater than Rhodes ; the Emperor going hunting with above 100,000 in suite, "and a great number of other wonders, which," says Sir Thomas Wilson, " caused the King to say they were the loudest lies that he had ever heard" (315, 792).

The career of William Addames is brought to a close in this volume. In Sept. 1619 the English factor writes from Firando that Capt. Addames cannot leave, "he is sickly, and minded to take physic" (739), and the following year Cocks informs the East India Company that "our good Mend Capt. Addames died on the 16th of May last" (1620). "I cannot but be sorrowful," says Cocks, "for the loss of such a man as William Addames, who was in such favour with two Emperors of Japan as never was any Christian in these parts of the world, and might freely have entered and had speech with either, when many Japan Kings stood without, and could not be permitted" (930). As a proof of the Emperor's good will to Addames, he confirmed the lordship to his son which Ogusho Same had given to the father. Addames left the half of his estate to his wife and child in England, and the other half to a son and daughter he had in Japan. It was not his mind his wife should have all, in regard she might marry another husband, and carry all from his child, but rather that it should be equally parted betwixt them" (930). Mary Addames "had not only received a yearly allowance of 5l. from the East India Company on her husband's account, but her husband was in the habit of sending her 50l. or 60l. a year, and he gave the Company many thanks for the care they had had of his poor wife in his absence" (p. 128, Nos. 278, 535).

As to our intercourse with China, Cocks, in the first letter calendared in this volume, says he is still of the same mind as to procuring trade there, and that had it not been for the great wars between the Tartars and Chinese last year, the English had had entrance before now. Letters and presents, his own and other pictures, and some scarlet cloth, had been sent for that object, which he was told (125) would undoubtedly take effect ; and he suggested a white or red coral tree being sent, which he said the Emperor would esteem a most precious jewel" (p. 2). The chief factor at Bantam was not, however, so sanguine ; he wrote home that he fears Cocks's understanding is blinded with the expectation of incredible wonders. They could get none to translate his Majesty's letters to the Emperor of China, he said, much less to convey them ; he therefore sent them to Cocks in Firando, if happily his friend Capt. Dettis, who is a Chinaman, and the only one, can get them done and sent. It was upon the promise of Dettis that Cocks depended, and as it were made himself sure of trade in China. It was death for any Chinese to translate or carry those letters, or to give passage to any Christian carrying them. It seems it was revealed by oracle to the Emperor that his country should be subdued by a grey-eyed people. This prophecy may have operated in his forbidding all Christians his country. If letters be so hard to be delivered, argued Ball, trade will be harder to be procured, and cannot be expected by any fair course (p. 108). Lord Carew, in a letter to Sir Thos. Roe, early in 1617, says that the Commentaries of Matteo Biccio, a jesuit, who resided at Paquin in China many years, which were printed in 1616, reported, among other things, that a caravan was two years going from Lahore to Paquin, a distance of above 4,000 miles, and "if so, it follows that all our cosmographers are much mistaken, and China in the maps must be stretched further to the eastward." The friar's journey was undertaken by command of his superior, to discover Cataya and see Cambalu, both of which were mistaken, Lord Carew says, by our cosmographers, as there are no other countries called Cataya but China, and Paquin is the city called Cambalu (16). Cocks afterwards wrote that their China friends, Andrea Dittis and Capt. Whaw, will not only translate the letters, but send them by such as will see them delivered ; but he was assured nothing would be done with the King of China by force (p. 127).

In Dec. 1620 Cocks informed the East India Company that "no order had yet come out of China to let them have trade, for that the Hollanders have shut up their trade, that few dare look out," (p. 398,) but in the following January Cocks again wrote that he was informed by a messenger they sent to China, that the old Emperor had resigned the government to one of his sons, and the new Emperor had granted the English nation trade into China for two ships a year, the place appointed being near to Fou-chow (?) (963). Before, however, the English could take advantage of the privileges granted them, Cocks wrote (in Sept. 1621) that this year three kings of China have died, the father and two sons, the wives of the two brethren procuring the poisoning of them both, so that now a young man of 14 or 15, son of one of the deceased brothers, is King, which is a stay to the proceedings of the English to get trade into China, as new petition must now be made (p. 461).

Trade with Persia was a subject of much discussion with the East India Company, and Sir Thomas Roe, as we have already seen, was at great pains to obtain the requisite concessions from Shah Abbas for the establishment of a profitable intercourse with that country. His instructions to the English factors "employed in the East India Company's service at the port of Jask, or on any other on the coast of Shah Abbas," are calendared in this volume (156, 263). They had, however, authority to alter these instructions, as circumstances might arise which would make it necessary for them to do so, for said Roe, "I am not so much in love with my own opinion that I think it ought to be law . . . ; nor do I think that sober and discreet men should be tied so strictly to instructions as they may not have the use and liberty of their own reason and experiences, for I well know no man can sit in India and direct punctually in Persia" (156). The Archbishop of Canterbury commended Sir Thos. Roe, that he was "so wary in settling a trade for Persia, because the achieving of that business cannot be wrought without great difficulty there, and must needs procure some alteration in Christendome" (594). A fresh impetus was given to this trade by the news received by the East India Company that the King of Persia had overthrown the army of the Turk, and slain most of his men, the rest escaping with great difficulty to Turkey ; that the Persians had prohibited the sending of any more silks into Turkey, and refused to deal with the Spaniard for the same, "but continued constant in his promise to the English" (584).

A few months later the Company received from their factors in Persia an account of their audience with the Sophy, at "a princely and sumptuous banquet, whereto he invited all foreign ambassadors resident in his Court, viz., the Spanish, Indian, Turkish, Russian, Tartarian, and Uzebeck ambassadors" (753). At this audience his Majesty's letters were presented with much ceremony, and graciously accepted by the Sophy, when they were delivered into the custody of one of his attendant nobles for translation at a convenient time. A profitable trade, the English factors said, might be made in Persia without even dealing in silks. In the privileges granted by the Sophy to the English "(God grant performance)." it was agreed that they should have the whole trade of his gulf for silks, and he "voluntarily and solemnly vowed in this public assembly that he would inviolaldy preserve every article contracted and concluded," but with this reservation, that they must "be limited to the term of his own life, not knowing, as he said, what his successors might do therein" (753). Articles were proposed to the King of Persia in the name of King James by Sir Thos. Roe, which have been quoted in history as the treaty concluded with Shah Abbas, but he refused to sign these particular articles, though he confirmed a previous treaty he had made with the English (369). Upon this the English factors contracted with the Sophy for 8,000 bales of silk of 180 lbs. per bale, which they calculated would not be less in stowage than 1,000 tons. They declared that the silk made in Persia would yearly amount to 1,000,000l. ; and it was hoped that the Sophy would take English commodities to the same value (p. 158). Seventyone bales of raw Persian silk were sold in London, Sept. 1619, for 26s. 10d. per lb. (745). Sir Thos. Roe, in the instructions already referred to, told the English factors in Persia they might venture to give 7s. 6d. per lb. for the silk there (156). Besides silks, the commodities to be had in Persia, vendible in England, were rhubarb, musk, carpets, velvets, satins, damasks, taffetas, gold and silver cloths, bezoar stones, opium, and fruits. While those from England vendible in Persia were cloth, tin, brass, morse teeth, muscovy hides, vermilion, quicksilver, lead, coney skins, cochineal, coral, beads, iron, copper, and sword blades (p. 159). Roe "confidently affirmed" that 50 per cent, might be gained yearly with safety by trade with Persia (762).

Some time before this, Sir John Merricke had been sent to Russia to negociate for a free passage for English merchants to trade by the river Volga in connexion with their trade to Persia. The "Duke of Russia" wrote to King James 1st on this subject, and the letter was brought to England by a Russian ambassador, who came over with Sir John Merricke (307-312). His reception at the English Court, and the presents he brought over, are thus described : "This week," wrote Chamberlain, on 8 Nov. 1617, "Sir John Merricke is arrived from Moscovia, where he hath ben these three yeares and a halfe, and hath effected his busines with goode approbation. He was yesterday with the King, who used him very well and graciously, and had long conference with him. There is come an ambassador with him thence, accompanied with 75 persons, to the great charge of that companie, upon whose account they are like to tarry here seven or eight moneths. He wold faine have had audience before the K.'s going, but his furniture and some of his companie beeing not yet come to town, the King wold not stay his leasure, though he have brought some presents to his liking, as white hawkes, live sables, and I know not what els."-Dom. Jas. I., Vol. XCIV., No. 12.]

The following is Sir Gerard Herbert's account of the Russian ambassador's audience, and the presents he brought over with him. He says :-

"On Sunday afternoone (9 November 1617), the Russian imbassadour hadd audience at Whitehall in the banquettinge house where the Kinge, Queene, Prince (and many ladies appointed for that tyme) weare present. My Lord Shandois hadd the bringinge him to Courte, accompanied with Sir John Finnett and others in coaches, and coaches weare appointed for all the trayne of the Embassadour, which they refused, alledginge servantes ought to be knowne from there lordes, and was fitt they shold goe a foote. But in respect each of them carried some parte of the present, all which they desired publikelie to be seene, therefore the rather went afoote. The imbassadour, with the other four chiefe with him, at comynge to the Kinge, first inclininge them very lowe to the grownde and kissinge the grownde, after kissed the Kinges hande : which endinge all with the Kinge, after did in like manner to the Queene, and kist her hande, and then the like to the Prince. In goynge to kisse there handes they lookt upp no higher then the hande they weare te kisse, which so soone as kist, presently rann backe with all the speede they cold. In goynge forwards they putt there left hande on their breech behinde, and used gesture and fashion very strange and unusuall in these partes. The chiefe imbassadour himselfe especially (and the other 4) weare very rich in a great cappe of sable, under which a flatt cappe imbrodered with pearle and other stones, and longe wyde coate very richly imbrodered with pearle and gold, &c. Both he and the Chancelor delivered longe speeches in there owne language, who spake very lowde and readyly, and was interpreted by an English man still, as each speech was utterd ; but the interpreterr, whether abashed or imperfaict in the language, or not so well comprehendinge, was not so readie nor facound in his interpretacion, but made shift to goe through to the ende. I cannot yett understande that the imbassadge is for other then the continuance of the trafficke, and peace and amitie betwixt our Kinge and the Russian ; the imbassadour's publicke speech tendinge especially to that effect. The parcells of the presents they brought with them, valued very rich, and taken very acceptably, I have heereinclosed sent your lordship, and each parcell caried apart by one. There is a gowne of blacke foxe, valued at not so litle as a thowsande poundes, but the haukes the Kinge seemed most too wellcome and be gladd of."-[Dom. Jas. I., Vol. XCIV., No. 28]

Chamberlain adds something to this account. He says:-

"The King stayed Sonday to' entertaine the Muscovia ambassador, who had solemne audience, though with great confusion, by reason of the thronge ; and Sir Edw. Cooke, by what mischaunce I know not, stumbled and fell there before all the companie. Besides the principall ambassador, there is a chauncellor in commission with him, and three other especiall courtiers, that stoode covered. Theyre presents were caried publikly by theyre owne people, and were the greatest that ever came thence, the very furres beeing estimated by those that are skilfull at better than 6,000l., though some talke of much more ; there were divers hawkes with coates or coverings of crimsen satten and other coloures, embroidered with pearle, a rich Persian dagger and knife, bowes and arrowes, Persian cloth of gold, with divers other thinges I remember not. I was promised a list of all, but seeing yt comes not I must tary till my next. The King was very much pleased, and the more when he understoode Q. Elizabeth never had such a present thence."- [Dom. Jas. I., Vol. XCIV., No. 30.]

At a General Meeting of the East India Company, on 27 March 1618, a proposal to join with the Muscovy Company, which, at a meeting of the Court on the previous day, had been unanimously agreed to, was submitted for confirmation, and the consideration thereof referred to a Committee. On 1st April Chamberlain wrote to Carleton, that a "Great business was agreed upon yesterday between the East Indian and Muscovy Companies, for furnishing the Emperor of Russia with a loan of 100,000 marks, whereby they hope to engross the trade in cordage and other real commodities, and to trade with Persia that way. The Muscovy Company, unable to undergo the burthen of the loan without assistance, both Companies were to have an equal stock of adventure for eight years, and for their better encouragement the King had recalled and delivered into their hands the Scottish (East India) Patent" (319).

Ambassadors from Russia were doing their best to negociate this loan in England for their Sovereign. Their reception by King James in March 1618 is thus described :-

[Sir Gerard Herbert to Carleton, 26 March 1618, Dom. Jas. 1., Vol. XCVI., No. 83.]

"The Russian imbassadours (which are two joyned in commission), with there trowpe, came to Courte on Monday afternoone, where, after the Kinge (with the Lordes of the Councell) mett them in the gallery, the Kinge, risinge out of his chaire, wellcomed them, tooke them by the hands, and told them he hoped they wanted nothinge, but weare very well used, and excusinge the reason why he kept them heere so longe was onelie because the tyme of the yeare did no sooner serve, nor the seas open for there returne, with many other princely well pleasinge complements. Afterwardes they weare brought by my Lord Chamberlayne to the roome called the Stone Room, next the Councell Chamber, where they weare seated till the Kinge consulted some tyme with the Lords of his Councell. My Lord Chamberlayne at first mett them in the Privy Chamber at there comynge to the Courte gate ; (as the maner of there contry is very ceremonyous) they expected Lordes and greater trowpes, with gardes of men to convey them upp ; but Sir John Finnett and myselfe, who both weare appointed by my Lord Chamberlayne to fech and attende them in the Courte and backe agayne, told them it was not the maner of usinge greate ceremonies to any imbassadoures at audiences, save the first and last day, which they shold receave as much as any, and whereat they weare well satisfied. When the Lordes of the Councell weare sate downe in the Councell Chamber, they sent for the Russians to come in, which refused to goe, till the Councell themsellves came for them, beynge a ceremony of state which there country used to all imbassadcures. My Lord of Canterbury, my Lord Chancelor, and all the rest of the Lordes in there order came very curteously to fech them, who putt the two chief Muskoviam imbassadoures to enter before ; after went themsellves. Those two strangers beynge seated at the upper ende together, the Lordes of the Councell sate downe. Sir John Merricke and Sir Thos. Smith, with a merchant or two, weare also present in the Councell Chamber all the tyme, and Sir John Finnett. The three chiefe pointes of there imbassadge is, first, to thancke the Kinge for many curtesies shewed, and by his meanes so well labouringe and bringinge to passe a peace (by his imbassadour, Sir John Merricke, &c.) with there enemyes ; secondly, to make a league (very desirouslye) betweene there Emperour and our Kinge, and each to hellpe other in needes and as reason shall require ; thirdly, to borrowe 60,000 poundes of the Kinge. On Monday next they are to come agayne to Courte before the Councell. It is thought they shall parte very contented, and attayne all there desires ; that the merchantes in the Kinges behalfe will helppe to furnish them with the mony. The next day beynge the Kinges coronation (the Kinge having heard they very much desired to see the runninge), Sir John Finnett and myselfe weare appointed to bringe them to Courte, there to attende them, and backe agayne. The Kinge sent a rich coach of his owne with four horses another with four horses of my Lord Chamberlayne, and other five or six appointed for their trayne. In the next wyndowe to the Kinge, in the gallery, they weare seated with arras and cushins, and chaires, very well ; some ladyes neere them : there was my Lady Carlton's sister, my Lady Sydley. After all was ended the Kinge saluted them very frendly and princely, and after askinge them whether they liket the ceremony, after some other complements, the Kinge, partinge into his gallerye, they tooke coache in the Parcke, and so Sir John Finnett and I attended them home. The people which that faier day in most greate numbers flockt to the runinge and kept the streets, did all the way very much flocke and gaze aboute the coaches to see the Muskovians, even from there first settinge out, neere Crosebye House, in Bishoppegate Streete, where they lodge, till backe agayne. The Muskovian servantes, and all of them save the two chiefs and two of there interpreters, weare appointed a scaffolde without to see the runinge. All of them receaved very greate content that day, and exceedingely liked the ceremony of runinge, with there usadge by the Kinge, and curtesies receaved by my Lord Chamberlayne ; with the infinites of people, and so many beauties beheld all the way as they passt. This Lent they observe very austerelie, neither eatinge any flesh nor drinckinge any wyne, yett weare very liberall, and makinge Sir John and myselfe drincke of there contry wine, beynge old meade, stronge with spice. Sir John Merricke and one Russell, a merchant, went also with them, and helpt to interprett, and brought them backe. Capt. (Harry) Manneringe, so famous for the sea, whilst in his pranckes, was knighted a Fryday laste at Hampton Courte. The names of the tilters. I have sent your Lordship. My Lord Mongomerie, who ranne excellent well (gainst my Lord of Dorsett, who rann also very well), had for his devise a high mountaine, with a pure fluent springe in the toppe thereof ; beneath the mountayne was a cuppe into which the cleere springe from on high still ranne, and filld it full. His mott was Agnoscit originem. Sr. Sismond Alexander's mott was Aurem non aurum. Very good verses, which was delivered the Kinge, to signyfie my Lord Mongomeries conceite, I am promised, which I will send your Lordship, your Lordship beynge so much a lover of my Lord his brother and himselfe."

Before the Russian Ambassador returned home in the following month, a Committee of the East India Company was appointed to confer with Sir John Merricke as to the purchase of a present for him, and cloth coats for his followers, at the Company's charge. The former Ambassadors were wont to be feasted at the Company's expense before their departure ; but it was thought fit to give this Ambassador good content to make a feast to the Company at his lodgings, when those who have received New Year's gifts from him may requite him with presents (323). Sir Dudley Diggs went to Russia with them, but he failed in one of the chief ends of his embassage,-the free passage for the silks of Persia up the Volga. "There is news," writes one of Sir Dudley Carleton's correspondents, "which hath recompensed Sir Dudley Diggs for his defeat in Russia, and his return home. Having lent the Russian Emperor 60,000 marks, in the King's name, towards the maintenance of his wars against the Poles, he should have obtained privileges for the silks of Persia to be conveyed across the Caspian Sea, up the River Volga, and so through all Russia. The same trade is settled to the use of the East India Company by way of the Persian Gulf, Jask being their port, and Shiraz a city some ten days' journey off, their staple town or place of their factory" (465, 467, 1080). At a meeting of the Court of the East India Company in November 1618, they expressed themselves "satisfied with the state of their affairs" from letters they had received from Persia, and it was "resolved to send a good supply of commodities there" (480); so they "contracted with the King of Persia to bring their silks by the Persian Gulf, paying one third in money and two thirds in commodities. This will undo the Turk, who bring that for 150,000l. by the year which costs Christendom 800,000l., and unspeakably enrich our kingdom,-themselves at least" (475). In October 1621, news was received that four of the Company's ships had safely arrived in Persia, that silk bad been laded at Jask to the value of 9,000l., and that two ships might be expected late in the year from Surat and Persia to the value of 120,000l. (1128).

Abbas Mirza, the Shah of Persia, is described by one of the English factors resident at his Court as a tyrant who will not suffer any of his subjects to be rich. "He caused one of the richest merchants in Ispahan to be beaten to death with cudgels, took away his estate, and then had him hanged." His cruelty made the merchants afraid to have any quantity of goods. He had three sons ; "the eldest most butcher-like, having some five years past attempted to murder the King and seize his crown ; the youngest son, the favourite, upon whom it is thought the King will confer the crown" (p. 199). The "butcher-like" character of the eldest son was certainly a characteristic of the father, for Abbas Mirza had both his elder brothers murdered, and three of his sons blinded, and then beheaded ; one was "thrown over a rock head-long." (fn. 18) "The King is not beloved by his nobles," writes the English factor, "but feared for his tyranny." Ten days after his arrival, Edward Connok had an audience of the King. "In presence of the whole Court," wrote Connok, "the King took His Majesty's letter, put it to his mouth, then on his head, examined the manner of the sealing of it, and then opened it, satisfied that it was a true letter, and demanded what His Majesty chiefly required." Connok replied, "Amity, trade, and commerce between the two Kings and their subjects." The King then called for wine, and in a large bowl drank His Majesty's health, upon his knee, saying "that Connok was welcome, that the King of England should be his elder brother, that his friendship he did dearly esteem and tender, that he would grant us Jask or any other part we would require, and such freedom in every respect as in his honour he might grant." No customs or other charge worth speaking of was to be paid by the English, so that the silk could be put aboard the ships at Jask, free of all charge, at 6s. or 6s. 6d. the English pound of sixteen ounces. When the carriages and other things were presented by the English agent to the King, he again drank His Majesty's health, discoursed on His Majesty's disposition, his greatness and strength both, by sea and land ; that the English were a people free from lying or deceit, but that the Portugals had any time these twenty years told him not one true word (p. 46). The presents most acceptable to the King were, an armour of proof complete, both for the King and his horse ; a carriage, with furniture, and a coachman that knows how to manage and drive horses ; clocks, watches, and horizontal dials which may answer to the latitude of Ispahan ; looking-glasses, dogs of all kinds, gamecocks and hens ; peacocks, maps, and pictures bearing the resemblance of either man, woman, or other creatures, drawn to the life, "were much "desired by the King" (p. 159), as were likewise guns, sword-blades, turkeys, a skilful falconer, and terrestrial and celestial globes (p. 152). Neither peacocks nor turkeys had the King of Persia ever seen ; these, with "little womens' curs, he chiefly desires of anything you can send him" (124). At a consultation held at Ispahan by all the English factors there in July 1619, it was decided what the presents to be given to the King were to consist of ; they were to be worth 700l. sterling. It was the custom of the country, not only for Ambassadors, but for every private merchant, to give presents to the King, "whereby they enjoyed better freedom, better sale for their commodities, and less molestation from inferior officers" (p. 309). The East India Company were specially enjoined "at no time to send anything effeminate as to the King of India, but serviceable and for use, this King being reported valiant, and the discreetest Prince in these eastern parts" (91).

Sir Robert Sherley was twice employed by the Shah of Persia "to the Christian Princes, but especially into Spain, to contract for all Persian silks" (56), and Sir Thomas Roe went expressly to Persia to prevent any contract of the kind with Spain, and with "full commission from Engl and "to deal effectually" for the East India Company, and "to open the King's eyes, that he be not blinded with the smoky air of Spanish greatness" (15, 135). The following letter from the Archbishop of Canterbury to Roe (22), with others calendared in this volume (305, 784), supply some facts in reference to "the Sherley Brothers." The Archbishop writes as follows:-

"As for Sir Robert Sherley, it hath bene the happe of his father's children to bee all of them shifters, to venter on greate matters, and to carry high shewes, and in the end to come to beggery. Sir Thomas, the elder brother, lyeth heere in the Fleete, for the multitude of his debts. Sir Anthony in Spaine hath his pension seized, and the greatest part goeth toward his debts, some small portion being assigned unto him, to keepe him onely from sterving. Sir Robert Sherley, if hee have any religion, is a papist, as appeered when hee was at Rome, and being not able to gett one penny out of the Pope's purse, he desired certaine faculties, indulgences, medals, and Agnus Dei to bee bestowed upon him. These hee obtained, and among them one was, that hee had a power to legitimate bastards, of all which hee made use in the Popish partes of Christendome, where he passed openly, and of some of them secretly in England. Being with mee, I did chalenge him for the same, as also in pointe of religion, which hee avowed to mee to bee conformable to the Churche of England, and layd the faulte for dispersing of the other upon his wife, whom hee acknowledged to mee to bee by profession a Romanist, and told mee, that from that time forward hee would so restraine her that shee should give no scandall. In a worde, you know that he is an hungry felow and liveth meerely by his witt, and therefore you are not to marvell at whatsoever hee doth against his prince, countrey, or the religion there professed. I trouble you now no farther, but wish you to rest assured, that in all your occasions amongst us, you shall finde mee loving and respectfull unto you (22). [Dom. Jas. I., Vol. XC., No. 34.]

Lord Bacon was a member of the East India Company. Five days after he was created Lord Chancellor, he made a request for a gentleman of his bedchamber to be admitted to the freedom of the Company, and to be allowed to adventure 1,000l. It was resolved to grant his request, "if he will not accept 100 Jacobus instead, which the governor was desired to offer, as also to beg the Lord Chancellor not to make any further request of the like kind" (238). Bacon wrote a letter of thanks to the Company for admitting his servant Wooder a free brother, and allowing him to adventure 1,000l., "which his Lordship would be ready to deserve and confirm by some real testimony unto all the Company in general, or to any of them in particular, as occasion shall be offered" (284). When Sir Thomas Smythe made known to the Committee that he had had some speech with the Lord Chancellor, he told them, that Lord Bacon, "having heard of the justice of this Company and their upright carriage in managing their affairs," said, "it hath drawn his desire to be accepted into their society, which, because he supposeth that it will not be offensive to have him admitted, he entreated that it might be with the like favour and privilege for adventure that they have granted unto some others his peers, whom although he will not strive to exceed, yet he hopeth of the like grace, being as ready and willing to deserve it in public from the Company or in any particular man's private. And also to make his first year's payment, as others have done, presently, and the future at their several days, according to the Company's order." A question being raised that his Lordship would write for more than he wanted, and give it away to others, "he assured the governor to the contrary, and promised to return so much unto the Company as he shall not furnish in his own name, and never to dispose of any part except to some godly use, as giving it to an hospital, college, or the like, if God should take his Lordship out of the world, which his Lordship referring to his letter unto the Company they then proposed to resolve accordingly, not knowing how to deny his Lordship upon his motion, but willingly to give way thereunto" (287). Lord Bacon also wrote to Sir Thos. Smythe, "desiring him to "proceed to let his Lordship be admitted into this society" (301). His request was granted and on 18 March 1618 (p. 229) he was sworn a free brother, and adventured 4,000l., the Company "having found his Lordship very honourable, and expecting the continuance thereof as occasion hereafter shall present" (304).

The geographical discoveries made by Le Maire of the strait that bears his name, and King James' opinion of their importance, will be found illustrated in this Calendar. Sir Dudley Carleton informed Secretary Winwood, in a letter from the Hague, in July 1617, that one Spilbergh, of Zealand, had lately returned, and brought with him one Le Maire, son of a wealthy merchant of North Holland. "Le Maire pretends," Carleton writes, "to have discovered a new passage into the South Sea between 60 and 70 leagues beyond the Straits of Magellan in the height of 55 degrees and a few minutes, the passage being seven Dutch miles in breadth, which may be sailed through in one day, whereas it takes from three weeks to a month to sail through the Straits of Magellan. Le Maire makes Tierra del Fuego an island, and not a continent. He has given the names of the States and Barneveldt to two other islands (108). Sec. Winwood requested Carleton to send him a perfect relation of this passage," hut Carleton replied that he could not give him any further account of Le Maire's new discovery, because his papers, as well as his maps and journals, remain under arrest by the East India Company, who sue him for infringing their privileges ; and he is an earnest suitor to the States for an octroi in recompense of his discovery (163). His journal of the voyage was also seized by the Dutch Company (170). But tho' Carleton recovered the journal, and was promised the map of "the new discovery" (178), and sent them to Secretary' Winwood, these have not been found with the correspondence. The importance of this discovery was not however lost sight of in England. The King himself, at an expense of 300l., sent Sir Thomas Dishington "to satisfy himself of the particulars from Isaac Le Maire, who gave such encouragement that the King determined it should not be neglected" (323). So at a meeting of the Committees of the East India Company in March 1618 (304), the governor made known that his Majesty had acquainted him by letter with a suit made for a patent for the discovery, "a business that His Majesty hath a very great affection unto to have it brought to perfection, yet unwilling to stand further than may stand with the good of this Company." He esteemed the prosecution thereof a great honour to himself, and a great benefit to his subjects (323), and desired to be informed of the state of this business, and to be prepared with answerable reasons against the petitioners shall come to propound their further suit. A Committee was accordingly appointed to confer with Sir Thos. Dishington, young Le Maire, and others interested in the business, to learn the particulars, so that the Governor of the East India Company might give His Majesty satisfaction. In due course they presented their report to the King, who read it twice over, and having argued some points and received satisfaction, he replied, that "he esteemed his merchants more heroical than to be terrified by dangers in their discoveries, or animated with expenses without present profit." But as to that point of power which the Company claimed by their patent, the King said, "he was a little amazed, and demanded whether he were like Pope Alexander, who divided and distributed the whole world," adding, that he "conceived it but reasonable that the right of discoveries should be to such as made them." His Majesty's desire was to have the business prosecuted as soon as possible, he cared not by whom, so long as it was effected, and he approved of the Company offering to take in the new patentees amongst them. It was resolved, however, by the Company to "respite the matter for, a "few days" (329). But the patentees would not join with the Company, so a month's respite was given to the patentees "to see what they can and will do" (333). And here the matter stopped, so far as the East India Company was concerned, who took no further action in the matter. Some of the Company's objections appear in the Court Minutes of the East India Company of 10 April 1618 (323).

Of Thomas Coryate, the traveller and writer, who published an account of his adventures which he called "Crudities," and which are recommended in the verses of Ben Jonson, Donne, Drayton, and others, we have some account. "A vessel lately arrived from Surat," wrote one of Sir Dudley Carleton's correspondents, in January 1619, "brings news of the death of Coryate in Persia, who has left enough written to fill the world with new relations, and to have made any printer an alderman" (536). The Archbishop of Canterbury, writing to Sir Thos. Roe, says, "Wee could all have wished to have seene Thomas Coryate returned into his country, because wee do conceive hee would have made reports of the furthest Easterne Countries in a better fashion then any Englishman hitherto hath bene able. You shall do well to gett together all the papers wch hee had written if they bee delivered in any intelligible fashion. But I heard the Kinge our master much blame his judgment for some thinge, wch as it seemeth was written hither out of his Memoires. And that was, that in one place, I cannot tell where, hee should say that hee saw men have their eies pulled out and their tongues cutt off and other thinges of like nature, and yet before an idole they should speedily bee restored againe. His Majesty saith that this cannot bee done by the power of Sathan and hee is sure it is not by the finger of God. It was then in Thomas deceptio-visus" (594). It is not known we believe what became of Coryate's papers.

Two subjects are frequently referred to in this Calendar in which the East India Company were particularly inerested, and in both of which we see their influence as opposed to that of two of his favourites on the King's conduct. The one has reference to Sir James Cunningham and his Patent for a Scottish East India Company ; the other to Lord Rich and his setting forth two ships to the East Indies.

"The King had granted a patent to Sir James Cunning ham to raise a Scottish East India Company, he and his heirs to be governors, with other large privileges directly infringing upon former grants" (256). This patent was a source of great trouble to the English Company, and they resolved, if possible, to get it revoked. So they applied to the King, and in the end Sir Jas. Cunningham was commanded to desist from proceeding any further upon the new patent on his allegiance. "The King was very favorably disposed to this Company, and though the new company offered 5 pr. ct. custom for all goods brought in by them, yet his Majesty would not be swayed by fair promises against the East India Company, and assured them that if any beneficial grant should be made for Scotland, prejudicial to this land, it would be cancelled (294)." He therefore recalled, and delivered into the hands of the East India Company, the Scottish patent (319). A Committee was thereupon appointed, consisting of Sir Marmaduke Darrell, Sir Allan Apsley, and the rest of the green cloth, to arrange about "satisfying" the Scottish company (341) but some delay arising, the Privy Council, "by special command of His Majesty," wrote to Sir Thos. Smythe, that having called in Sir James Cunningham's patent it was His Majesty's wish it should be done with the least prejudice and hindrance to Sir James. Their Lordships were of opinion that his demands for compensation were very just, and fit to be reimbursed, and accordingly they requested that payment be made to Sir James without further trouble or delay, and they inclosed an estimate of the losses which they conceived he would sustain (378, 383). Upon this the Committee sought an interview with the Duke of Buckingham (387), who, however, a few days afterwards, sent a letter by one Fenton, requesting that payment be immediately made, "according to the warrant from the Council" (391). The Muscovy and East India Merchants replied jointly to the letter from the Privy Council, objecting to these demands, but "referring the consideration of the premises unto their wisdom, and craving their Lordships mediation to satisfy His Majesty" (397). This was in August 1618. But by the December following nothing had been done, and the King then blamed the Company for not having yet satisfied Sir James Cunningham; "related from point to point all particular passages therein, and concluded that he would admit of no further excuse, but expected to have the money paid, if for no other respect yet for his sake." The Company desiring that Sir James might make a release of his whole right in the Scottish patent, because of his speeches that he can take forth a duplicate, the King again promised that neither this nor any other patent hereafter should hurt the Company, and that Sir James should perform whatsoever they would have done. Upon this a debate arose at the next meeting of the Court, and it was concluded that a release be drawn of Sir James' patent to the Company, that the money be paid, and an end put to "that troublesome business" (505). At another meeting, on 19 January following, an acquittance was read from Sir James Cunningham for losses sustained by himself and Company, but no mention was made of any release, according to the Lords' promise ; so Mr. Solicitor was requested to get an effectual assignment and release for Sir James to seal (552). A draft copy of this assignment, "for divers good, special, and valuable considerations," will be found in this Calendar (379).

As to Lord Rich and the ships he set forth to the East Indies, Sir Thomas Roe wrote to the East India Company, "It seems that these ships missed their entrance to the Red Sea, and gave chase to a Guzerat junk belonging to the Queen Mother, and had not the English fleet arrived they would have taken and rifled her. Had this been done," said the English admiral, "all the Company's goods in India could not have made satisfaction according to their desire," (pp. 77 and 121.) In this Guzerat junk were by report thirty-five tons of silver, besides gold and goods to the value of 100,000l. She was 1,400 tons burden, and had 1,000 persons aboard. This good service was "exceedingly well taken both by the Mogul himself and his nobility" (p. 94, Nos. 302, 467), tho' Lord Rich "took it ill of the East India Company that they took his prize from him" (567).

In Oct. 1618 a report reached England that both of Lord Rich's ships had been captured in the Indies; and Lord Admiral Buckingham wrote to the East India Company, desiring to be informed if the report were true. The Company resolved "that they must and would justify the action, having done nothing but what they had power from His Majesty by his letters patent, and that they intended no restitution" (557). The ship Bull, belonging to the East India Company, returned to England about this time, so Lord Rich at once caused it to be arrested upon an action of 1,600,000l. Some of the merchants complained to the King, and he was sent for to compound the business. He was very earnest that he might have the benefit of a subject to wage law against the Company, but the King would not yield to it (591), and in a letter from the Archbishop of Canterbury we read that "Lord Rich had been before the King and Council about his men-of-war which he set out to the Indies, but was so handled among us that you shall hear no more of him there" (594).

On 15 May 1619 the King wrote to the East India Company, desiring to have half of the goods taken from the ships of Lord Rich, (who was now Earl of Warwick, and played so important a part in the subsequent reign,) which belonged to His Majesty, delivered to the Marquis of Buckingham for the King's use. Upon which the Company resolved to make it appear to His Majesty that they regard not the goods or the part, being the moiety, although it were a matter of greater value, nor are they desirous to gain by such courses, but intended only the preservation of their trade, to secure His Majesty's subjects, and preserve His Majesty's honour there, and are therefore willing to leave the whole to His Majesty's disposal, which being found hut a small sum, between 900l. and 1,000l., they were contented to have it made up an even 1,000l., and so presented to the King (666).

But this did not satisfy the Earl of Warwick or the King. His Majesty wrote to the East India Company, requiring satisfaction from the Company to my Lord of Warwick for the loss of his two ships in the Indies, and the overthrow of his voyage (532). Yet the King acknowledged the Company had done no more than what in justice was lawful, "notwithstanding he set this action apart by itself, expecting the Company should be as respective as His Majesty had been, who was pleased to remit and forgive all his part, but in any the like actions hereafter the Company should find his gracious favour to prosecute them with all extremity." The Company determined to stand upon their innocency as they had formerly done, when His Majesty and the Lords had seemed well pleased; but Sir Thomas Roe and Sir Dudley Diggs, from speeches they had heard at Court agreed it was not fit for the Company to recall what they had done, but to justify themselves upon His Majesty's Letters Patent, as Sir Thos. Roe hath satisfied many of the Lords. A Committee was therefore appointed to answer the messenger, that it should be known from my Lord of Warwick what he esteemed the value of the King's moiety which hath been bestowed upon him, and to make a final conclusion with him (772). Upon this Sir Dudley Diggs and Sir Thos. Roe saw my Lord of Warwick, who promised to set his claim down in writing (774). And a letter was read from my Lord of Buckingham, informing the Company that His Majesty having formerly granted to Buckingham that part of the goods which belonged to him out of the forfeiture incurred by the Earl of Warwick, and His Majesty having since written in Lord Warwick's behalf, therefore His Majesty willingly remitted to Warwick "all his interest and pretence which he had by His Majesty's said grant" (778). When Lord Warwick's demand was read, at a meeting of the Court, it was considered altogether impertinent, and differing from that which he hath been required to set down according to the true purport of His Majesty's letter. He demanded for his two ships, the Francis and Lion, with their furniture, provisions, and the like, and captains, merchants, and mariners wages, the sum of 19,466l., besides what he pretendeth the Company have been benefited by the said goods taken from him. All were charged upon their oath to conceal this demand, lest the rumour of so great a matter might be be by some apprehended to be more dangerous than there is cause to fear (781). The report of those appointed to enquire into this business on the part of the Company showed that by a certificate under the hand of his chief men the goods and money amounted in all to 1,278l. 2s. 5d. A copy of this was to be shown to his Lordship, and one half tendered, upon his receipt for His Majesty's part. And a Committee was appointed to see Lord Warwick with this answer, and to be ready to hear any reasonable demand from him. Some made question how far His Majesty's part may extend by law upon a prize taken in the Indies, and wished to have some civil lawyer's opinion, but it was held unfit to make any such question until it was found how his Lordship will press the business (783). But they were unable to come to terms, so that at length in January 1620, the King signified his pleasure that the whole controversy should be submitted to two arbitrators, and if they could not end it His Majesty would appoint an umpire ; and that His Majesty's mind was that the earl should be no loser by the voyage, (801). The King again wrote on the 17th February to the Company to the same effect ; but after consultation with those who had attended the King, as to what took place at their audience, it was concluded that this letter from the King "seemed to be obtained upon undue suggestions." So a committee was appointed to attend the Earl of Warwick at his house in Holborn and insist on their former resolution, in which case, "the Company would be no gainer by my Lord, and that they had always understood the King's pleasure to be that they should be no losers" (810). Upon this, Lord Warwick requested a meeting with the Company, and said he was willing to make a peaceable end, and not urge them to go to the King any more (823.) But the Company stood firm to their first offer, and though Sir Thos. Roe had a conference with the Earl of Warwick, the end of it was that the whole business was referred to arbitration (825, 829.)

The unity of the Muscovy with the East India Company, and the part they took in the expedition against pirates who infested the seas at this period (581, 589), are subjects both of which received considerable attention, and are frequently referred to in this Calendar.

"An old Frenchman" was perhaps the original inventor of chain shot. His invention, however, "to cut asunder the cordage of shipping with cannon shot," was looked upon by the East India Company "to be but a trick." He required for his pains and discovery 1,000l. in hand and 100l. a year during life ; but the Committee resolved "to have his project underwritten, that they do not believe any such instrument can be made, and are therefore unwilling to trouble themselves any further about it" (754).

Lord Carew tells Sir Thos. Roe a curious story. "The Hollanders this summer (1617)," he writes, again attempted the discovery of the N.W. passage by Fretum Davis, and it is reported that all difficulties are past. They found a nation of pigmies, and took two of them in a small canoe ; but seeing the cook dressing a piece of pork, and conceiving it to be man's flesh, and fearing to be devoured, they both leapt into the sea, and were drowned. I have this story but by relation, but think it true" (244).

Other papers on all kinds of subjects of curiosity and interest receive illustration in this volume, and may readily be found by means of the Index.

It will not be out of place to say, in conclusion, that fifty copies of the last volume of the Calendar of East India Papers were voted by the late Secretary of State for India in Council for distribution among the four Presidencies in India ; and that the present Governor-General, the Earl of Mayo, before sailing for India, inspected both the original documents and this Calendar of them, so far as it had then advanced, and requested that he might have a copy of the Calendar already published and proof sheets of this, "to "take out with him to read on his voyage."


Public Record Office, 31st October 1870.


  • 1. Cal. 1513-1616, No. 946
  • 2. Dom., Jas. I., Vol. ciii., No. 110
  • 3. There are transcripts on this subject from the archives of the Hague in the British Museum. Add. MSS. 17,677.
  • 4. See Sir Ralph Winwood's letter to Lord Salisbury, 10 March 1612. Cal. 1513-1616, No. 606.
  • 5. The Dutch had 17 forts and factories in the Moluccas, and their charges there and in the Bandas were estimated at 60,000l. a year. (p. 385.)
  • 6. Holland Correspondence.
  • 7. Sir Thos. Roe in reference to this translation says, "Many of these "phrases being in the Arabic, cannot be expressed literally in English "words, but they import the height of honor, and are in their own "dialect very elegant. The translation bears the full sense, many "flourishes being omitted, for the difficulty."
  • 8. See No. 402, 15 Aug. 1618.
  • 9. Sir Thos. Roe's journal of his embassy to the mighty Emperor of India, containing an account of his voyage to that country, from his original MSS., is printed in Churchill's and in Pickerton's collections of voyages.
  • 10. See pp. lxxvi-lxxx.
  • 11. Lloyd's State Worthies, pp. 1036-7.
  • 12. Cal. 1513-1616. Nos. 465, 467.
  • 13. Cal. 1513-1616. Nos. 603, 632.
  • 14. Cal. 1513-1616. No. 570.
  • 15. Cal. 1513-1616. Nos. 710, 736.
  • 16. Cal. 1513-1616. Nos. 760, 1171.
  • 17. Universal History X., p. 17.
  • 18. Anderson's Royal Genealogies.