Preface

Calendar of State Papers Domestic: Charles I, 1627-28. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1858.

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'Preface', in Calendar of State Papers Domestic: Charles I, 1627-28, (London, 1858) pp. v-xxi. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/domestic/chas1/1627-8/v-xxi [accessed 24 March 2024]

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In this section

PREFACE.

The period embraced by the present volume was one of great activity and interest. England, at war with both France and Spain, was engaged, either as principal or ally, in hostile operations which extended from the Canary Islands to the Baltic. This busy interval comprised a searching inquiry into the state of the Navy, conducted by Special Commissioners; the collection of a General Loan, levied by other Special Commissioners appointed in every county; military assistance sent to the King of Denmark under the command of Sir Charles Morgan; the Duke of Buckingham's expedition to the Isle of Rhé; contemplated measures for raising still farther sums of money by the exercise of the royal authority; and, finally, the abandonment of those measures, and the determination, for the third time, to summon a Parliament and solicit a supply. Many of the Conway Papers, recently acquired by the State Paper Office, in the manner mentioned in the preface to the previous volume of the Calendar of Charles I., fall within this period, and have extended this part of the Calendar in a way not at first anticipated, but great additional value has been thereby given to the collection of papers. (fn. 1)

The whole facts relating to the Expedition to Rhé, its preparation, departure, landing, and management; the endeavours made at home to support it with new levies and continued supplies; the state of anxiety and expectation in which both England and France were kept for several months by the progress of the siege of the citadel of St. Martin; its final abandonment, and the return to England of the shattered relics of the expeditionary army; are here detailed and illustrated with minuteness perhaps greater than has ever been applied to any similar event in English history—a minuteness which brings out and establishes the facts with a certainty from which there lies no appeal.

This Expedition constitutes the great event of the present volume. The papers are a reflection of the public mind, and throughout a great part of the volume treat directly of few other subjects than that one on which the general attention was concentrated.

During Buckingham's presence at Court he reigned there as the King's absolute and single minister. Every act of the government passed by or through his will. Except formally, the King was little seen or heard of in State affairs. He seldom even attended a sitting of the Privy Council, except to carry out some object of his favourite. When Buckingham went to the Isle of Rhé, the King entered openly and warmly into public affairs; in the words of Sir George Goring, he "knit himself up close to his business" (vol. lxvii., No. 105). Stimulated by natural anxiety for the success of his measures, and the safety of his friend, the Duke, he urged forward his languid ministers in terms which ought to have produced the desired effects. Letters of Charles I., written without the intervention of advisers, occur so seldom, that we will give at length the valuable examples of this kind—only four in number—which occur in the present volume. They are full of indications of character, and both in expression and temper bear the mint-marks of an unmistakeable individuality.

The first of them was written on the back of a letter addressed to the King by Lord Treasurer Marlborough and Sir Richard Weston, the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Some one had privately suggested to the King that an increase of revenue might be obtained by making various alterations in the Customs' duties on articles both of export and import. This informant had even given the King a list of suggested new rates of duties. The King sent the paper to the Lord Treasurer and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who referred it to the consideration of certain officers of the customs. Their answer was, that, with respect to the suggested increase on articles of export, the greatest part of the articles in question were manufactures which were already taxed to their full value, and that they would not bear any increase. On the imports, they remarked, that in the suggested new rates some things were mistaken and others left out, "which are as yet underrated, and may well bear a better rate." This opinion was communicated to the King by the Lord Treasurer and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, with a suggestion that the King's informant should be sent to confer with them, when "we shall either give him good satisfaction, or receive satisfaction from him." The King replied as follows:—

King Charles I. to Lord Treasurer Marlborough and the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

S. P. O., Domestic, Charles I., Vol. LXXI., No. 16.

"For exported commodities, I conceaue (fn. 2) that ther cannot be much proffit raised on them; but somewhat I thinke may be; and if, in the note I sent you, there be anie of the imported commodities which ar ether under-rated, or left out, your partes is, to raise or add, according to the best aduantage for my profite; not meaning to limit you, by my note, to raise no more, but not to raise less.

"Now, since I ame writing, this paper shall serue for that I thought to haue done the morrow, which is, that since I am now, by God's grace, going to the Progress, you know I shall haue littell occasion to press you for the expedition of my pressing affaires. I will not thinke that now, in my absence, you may emagen, that delaying answers will serue me: but I doe expect that now, more then when I am present, ye will diligentlie labor for the effecting of those things that I have left to your charge, for I asseure you, that the speedie effecting, or the slow performance, or neglecting of thease things, is the best or worst seruice ye can doe me: I need make no repetitions, for I am sure ye cannot err throw ignorance, onlie lett me giue you on causion; that ye doe not hyde from me those rubes that hinders your business, euer putting me in false hopes, till it be too late to helpe; but lett me tymlie know your impediments; yet making no more (thorow feare or lasiness) then ther is. So wishing you good success, and expect good accounts from you, I rest

"Your louing frend,
"Tib: 17 of July, 1627. Charles R."

Ten days afterwards, the King, having waited in vain for any further communication from the guardians of his empty Exchequer, despatched Lord Carlisle to urge them to expedition. Carlisle's mission was announced to them as follows:—

King Charles I. to Lord Treasurer Marlborough and the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

S. P. O., Domestic, Charles I., Vol. LXXII., No. 15.

"Tresore[r]s,—I wonder much that I have beene so long from hearing from you, for, except by Tom Carie (wch was not verrie much), I have receaved no answer of my laste, sent to you from Theobalds. This makes me imploy Carlie [Carlisle] at this tyme. to quiken you, or at leaste to see what ye ar doing. I confess theas delayes makes mee impatient, even almost beyond patience, if I did not hope that the goodness of your answer should in some measure recompence the slowness of it, by the cleare dispache of those things, that this bearer will tell you off, wch ar but the same things ye know of alreadie. One item, & so an end. Lett not my monies goe wrong wayes: & so I rest

"Your louing frend,
"Heston, 27 July, 1627. Charles R."

After a further lapse of five days of promise without performance, the King conveyed his wishes and opinions in a still more definite form :—

King Charles I. to Lord Treasurer Marlborough and the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

S. P. O., Domestic, Charles I., Vol. LXXIII., No. 1.

"Tresorers,—Now I begin to see sum good effects of your labors, yet it is but a begingin, and if ye goe not speedelie on to make an good end (I meane of those things that ar to be spedd out of hand) all that is past is worthe littell or nothing; by the next, and verie shortlie too, I looke to heare, that those things I sent Beecher (fn. 3) to you about, ar dispached; for if Buckingham should not now be suplyed, not in show, but substantiallie, hauing so brauelie, and, I thanke God, succesfullie, begunne his expedi tion, it wer an irrecouerable shame to mee, and all this nation; and those that ether hinders, or, according to ther seuerall places, furthers not this action, as much as they may, deserues to make ther end at Tyburne, or some suche place: but I hope better things of you. I lykewaise looke for an accont of the Mint business, and of the raysing of my Costomes; I hope ye will be industrius in all my affairs, but in this of the Costomes I looke ye should add bouldness to your care. So expecting a full & perfect account of all those things that I have earnestlie recommended to you, at Windsor, if not sooner; I rest

"Your asseured frende,
"Woodstock, the 1 of "Charles R."

"August, 1627."

[Addressed]— "For your selves."

The fourth letter presents to us the King in his domestic relations. The Progress to which he alluded in the letter of the 17th July, 1627, had commenced, and he had advanced to Alderton. The Queen was meanwhile drinking the waters at Wellingborough, then a fashionable place of summer resort. It occurred to her Majesty that her own Progress and that of the King might be combined, and Lord Carlisle, whose wife was in the Queen's Household, addressed the King upon the subject; suggesting, also, that in the Queen's journey towards the King she might diverge so as to visit "the two Burghleys,"—one, the princely mansion erected by Buckingham, celebrated for his Kenilworth-like reception there of the late sovereign, and the first performance, on that occasion, of Ben Jonson's masque of The Gipsies; the other, the not less princely, nor less celebrated, residence of the elder branch of the family of Cecil. The King answered as follows:—

"King Charles I. to James Earl of Carlisle.

S.P.O., Domestic, Charles I., Vol. LXXII., No. 37.

"Carlile,—For to answer right your last letter (your other needing none but one to my Wyfe, which you shall fynd heere inclosed), I must know first how long by anie lyklihude (for I will expect no certaintie of woemen's determinations) my Wyfe will stay at the Wells: for Windsor will be the soonest that she can meet me, wch cannot be nether, except she end drinking of the waters soone: but if ye thinke Tibols will be the soonest that wee can convenientlie meet together, then Cambrige, Adlyend, & Hatfeld will be fitt places for her to see, in her retorne: but the two Burleighs, in my mynd, if I bee not deceaved, will be much out of the way, housoeuer: this I know will not please my Ladie Oxford, but I hope she knowes me better then to emagen that my intent in this is contradiction or grugeing her of my Wyfe's favors. To conclude, I can say positiuely nothing, untill, as I sayed befor, I know how longe my Wyfe will drinke the waters; which the sooner ye lett me know, the sooner ye shall have the determination of
"Your faithfull frend,
"Alderton the 29 of July, "Charles R."

1627."

[Addressed by the King]—"For your selfe."

The long absence of the Duke of Buckingham in the Isle of Rhé occasioned, of course, a correspondence with his wife, his mother, his sister the Countess of Denbigh, and other members of his family. All these letters are worthy of attention. His wife writes with the full heart of a most affectionate woman. On his departure from England he slipped away without a formal leave-taking at home, notwithstanding a solemn promise to his wife to see her again. He had even assured her that he should not go with the expedition. Among the papers now calendered is a copy of her letter written to him in the first bitterness of disappointment. After upbraiding him for his breach of promise, she continues:—

"I confess I did ever fear you would be catched, for there was no other likelihood after all that shew but you must needs go. For my part, I have been a very miserable woman hitherto that never could have you keep at home. But now I will ever look to be so, until some blessed occasion comes to draw you quite from the Court. For there is none more miserable than I am now, and till you leave this life of a courtier, which you have been ever since I knew you, I shall ever think myself unhappy. I am the unfortunatest of all other, that ever when I am with child I must have so much cause of sorrow as to have you go from me, but I never had so great a cause of grief as now I have. God, of his mercy, give me patience, and if I were sure my soul would be well, I could wish myself to be out of this miserable world, for till then I shall not be happy. Now, I will no more write to hope you do not go, but must betake myself to my prayers for your safe and prosperous journey, which I will not fail to do, and for your quick return, but never whilst I live will I trust you again, nor never will put you to your oath for anything again.

"I wonder why you sent me word by Crow (fn. 4) that you would see me shortly, to put me in new hopes; I pray God never woman may love a man as I have done you, that none may feel that which I have done for you.

"Since there is no remedy, but that you must go, I pray God send you gone quickly, that you may be quickly at home again; and whosoever that wished you to this journey, beside you[r]self, that they may be punished, for it will be cause of a great deal of grief to me. But that is no matter. Now there is no remedy but patience, which God send me! I pray God send me wise, and not to hurt myself with grieving. Now I am very well, I thank God, and so is Mall. And so I bid you farewell.

"Your poor grieved
"And obedient wife,
"K. Buckingham.

"I pray give order before you go for the jewels, which I owe for.

"Burn this, for God's sake. Go not to land, and pity me, for I feel [most miserable] at this time. Be not angry with me for writing these, for my heart is so full I cannot choose, because I did not look for it.

"I would to Jesus that there were any way in the world to fetch you off this journey with your honour. If any pains or any suffering of mine could do it, I were a most happy woman; but you have send [sic] yourself, and made me miserable; God forgive you for it." (fn. 5)

Writing some time afterwards to Dr. Moore, a physician, who was with Buckingham in the camp, she intreats him to remain with the Duke, and to do his best to hinder him from landing at Rochelle:—

"I should think myself," she continued, "the most miserablest woman in the world, if my Lord should go into the main land, for though God has blessed him hitherto beyond all imagination in this action, yet I hope he will not still run on in that hope, to venture himself beyond all discretion, and I hope this journey has not made him a Puritan to believe in predestination. I pray keep him from being too venturous, for it does not belong to a General to walk trenches; therefore, have a care of him. I will assure you by this action he is not any whit the more popular man than when he went, therefore you may see whether these people be worthy for him to venture his life for.' (fn. 6)

On the Duke's return, after an absence of nearly five months, we have the following:—

Katherine Duchess of Buckingham to the Duke.

S. P. O., Domestic, Charles I., Vol. LXXXIV., No. 80.

"My Lord,

"Since I heard the news of your landing, I have been still every hour looking for you, that I cannot now till I see you, sleep in the nights, for every minute, if I do hear any noise, I think it is one from you, to tell me the happy news what day I shall see you, for I confess I long for it with much impatience. I was in great hope that the business you had to do at Portsmouth would 'a been done in a day, and then I should 'a seen you here to-morrow, but now I cannot tell when to expect you. My Lord, there has been such ill reports made of the great loss you have had, by the man that came first, as your friends desires you would come to clear all, with all speed. You may leave some of the Lords there to see what you give order for done, and you need not stay yourself any longer. Thus beseeching you to come hither on Sunday, or Monday, without all fail, I rest your
"True loving and obedient wife,
"K. Buckingham.

"Mr. Maule desires you to come to the King, though you stay but one night, for they were never so busy as now."

Buckingham's mother viewed the state of affairs somewhat differently from his wife, and treated him a little more roughly, but still with the pride and affection which a mother would naturally feel towards a son who had not only himself attained unexampled eminence, but had raised his relations to his new level. The following valuable letter is undated, but was probably written about the end of August, 1627:—

Mary Countess of Buckingham to the Duke of Buckingham.

S. P. O., Domestic, Charles I., Vol. LXXV., No. 22.

"My dearly beloved Son,

"I am very sorry you have entered into so great business, and so little care to supply your wants, as you see by the haste that is made to you. I hope your eyes will be opened to see what a great gulph of businesses you have put your self into, and so little regarded at home, where all is merry and well pleased, though the ships be not victualled as yet, nor mariners to go with them. As for moneys the kingdom will not supply your expences, and every man groans under the burthen of the times. At your departure from me, you told me you went to make peace, but it was not from your heart. This is not the way; for you to imbroil the whole Christian world in wars, and then to declare it for religion, and make God a party to these woful affairs, so far from God as light and darkness, and the high way to make all Christian princes to bend their forces against us, that otherwise, in policy, would have taken our parts. You know the worthy King your Master never liked that way, and as far as I can perceive there is none that cries not out of it. You that acknowledge the infinite mercy and providence of Almighty God, in preserving your life amongst so many that falls down dead on every side you, and spares you for more honour to himself, if you would not be wilfully blind, and overthrow yourself body and soul; for He hath not, I hope, made you so great, and given you so many excellent parts, as to suffer you to die in a ditch.

Let me, that is your mother, intreat you to spend some of your hours in prayers, and meditating what is fitting and pleasing in His sight that has done so much for you; and that honour you so much strive for, bend it for His honour and glory, and you will soon find a change so great that you would not for all the kingdoms in this world forego, if you might have them at your disposing. And do not think it out of fear, and timorousness of a woman, I persuade you to this. No, no! It is that I scorn. I would have you leave this bloody way in which you are crept into, I am sure contrary to your nature and disposition. God hath blessed you with a virtuous wife and sweet daughter, with another son, I hope, if you do not destroy it by this way you take; she cannot believe a word you speak, you have so much deceived her. She hath bestord [bestirred ?] herself carefully for you, in sending monies with the supply that is now in coming, though slowly; it would have been worse but for her.

But now let me come to myself. If I had a world you should command it, and whatsoever I have, or shall have, it is all your's by right; but, alas, I have laid out that money I had, and more by a thousand pounds, by your consent, in buying of Gouldsmise [sic] Grange, which I am very sorry for now. I never dreamed you should have needed any of my help, for if I had they should have wanted all, and myself, before you. I hope this servant will bring us better news of your resolutions than yet we hear of, which I pray heartily for, and give alms for you, that it will please Almighty God to direct your heart the best way to His honour and glory.

I am ever,
"Your most loving affectionate sad mother,
"M. Buckingham."

Glimpses of the actual state of the country and of the popular feeling penetrate clearly even through these letters of affection, but the great majority of Buckingham's correspondents were mere flatterers. In our Preface to Vol. I. of the Calendar of Charles I. we pointed attention to some egregious examples of this vice of the age as exhibited by Bishop Williams. In the present volume, other persons will be found almost contesting the palm with the ex-Lord Keeper.

Bishop Montaigne of London having sent a gift to the Duke which he hesitated to accept, the Bishop assured him, that to refuse his offering would break his heart. When God, he informs the Duke, returns back again a man's sacrifice, it is because he is offended with him; therefore the Bishop could not live if the Duke returned him his (Vol. lviii., No. 102). Bishop Theophilus Field, having been elected to St. David's, on the recommendation of Buckingham communicated to Bishop Laud on the Duke's departure to Rhé, tells his patron that he had imitated God himself, who "very oft, as he passeth by and seems to turn from us, leaves a blessing behind." The new Bishop is full of ardour on the Duke's behalf. He compares the late parliamentary opposition to "dogs in a village, barking for company, with full and foul mouth," and burns with desire to throw off his rochet, that he may turn soldier, that he may see the Duke's face and be in the head of his troops, to encourage them to cry St. George, to pray and to fight for the Duke (Vol. lxxv., No. 84). The Earl of Exeter, the grandson of Burghley, assured the Duke, as the opinion of "his most passionate and admiring servant," that what he had achieved at Rhé was "miraculous." Sec. Conway and others, who owed their fortunes to the will of the favourite, openly professed themselves to be his "creatures." Sir James Bagg, whose fortune was yet to be made, bade for favour, and obtained it, by glorying in subscribing himself his Grace's "slave."

But even Buckingham had some correspondents who withdrew the veil which concealed from him the truth. We will give two examples. One is that of Sir Robert Pye, an Auditor of the Exchequer, one of the Duke's officers in Westminster, of which Buckingham was High Steward, and ultimately one of his executors. The following is a passage of a letter written by Pye on 21st September, 1627:—

"Pardon me, I beseech you, if I humbly desire that you would advisedly consider of the end, and how far his Majesty's revenue of all kinds is now exhausted. We are upon the third year's anticipation beforehand; land, much sold of the principal; credit lost; and at the utmost shift with the Commonwealth. I would I did not know so much as I do, for I do protest I would not for 500l., but I had been in the country. Deputy Lieutenants are not active, and Justices of Peace of better sort are willing to be put out of Commission, every man doubting and providing for the worst, so that all our fears increase at home. I know I please not, but I cannot see one I am so much bound unto, and not inform him my reason. I know no way to advise, but by some speedy accommodation of these loans, for nothing pleaseth so long as this is on foot, and of late no money, or little, hath been paid thereupon. For my own particular, I will lay myself to pawn for your Lordship, but so soon as the Fort is taken, I could wish your Lordship were here. Mr. Chancellor is very willing to further your supplies, and Mr. Secretary Coke and my Lord Keeper, I assure your Lordship, very desirous to do anything." (fn. 7)

Sir George Goring, a more courtly person than Sir Robert Pye, and an officer of the Queen's Household, tells something of the same tale in slightly different words:—

. . . . "In my last I was bold to represent unto your Lordship the hazard you would run, if you expected more timely supplies, for the City from whence all present money must now be raised (or nowhere) is so infested by the malignant part of this kingdom, as no man that is moneyed will lend upon any security, if they think it to go the way of the Court, which now is made diverse from the State. Such is the present distemper. For, say they, all the revenue is anticipated for the next whole year, which being so, the Farmers' and such like bonds are little worth, for the King may break all those assignments at his own will, and where then shall they be paid, the Farmers only being made able by the King's credit, not their own, for such sums as those are. What I then wrote unto your Lordship daily falls out to be true. In a word, therefore, my dearest Lord, let me tell you what many honest-hearted men, divestest of passion or by-ends, say, that if it be true, as is here conceived, that the Fort be again revictualled in such plenty as will force you to a winter siege, at the best, before you can hope for any good success, that then your Lordship would rather betake you to a new counsel, and think what way to curb the French insolency some other way, than by a wilful struggling against them where the season and place give them such infinite advantage of you. Besides, my dear Lord, here at home (where your judgment is first to reflect) are such desperate obstructions as nothing but your presence can remove; and that will do it, if you will yet be pleased in time to look about you, or let me perish for a false vile wretch to you. I dare boldly say this, for I have proved many a spirit, and though they have been long averse, yet the hazard of the public and the pain of their private, both which grow now fast and near upon them, makes them now study as fast to come off as before to come on the way they so violently pressed into. Hasten, hasten, therefore, my dearest Lord, unto us; your instructions, as I am informed, will bear it; and do not disenable yourself from giving a second blow, by overreaching too far in the pursuit of this." (fn. 8)

The present volume contains many notices of the persons who refused to contribute to the Loan. Amongst them is the Attorney General's own report of his argument in the case of Sir John Heveningham, and other gentlemen, who, having been committed for this cause to various prisons on the special command of the King, applied to the Court of King's Bench to be discharged or admitted to bail. Among the defaulters in the Duchy Liberty in Westminster occurs "John Shakespere," probably the person noticed by Mr. Collier in his Annals of the Stage, II., 42, 55. He was apparently at one time a player, and afterwards a saddler and bit-maker. The state of the account between himself and the King in the way of his trade may have furnished him with a sufficient excuse for declining to contribute to the Loan. Mr. Collier has shown, that on John Shakespere's death, in or before 1637, the royal debt to him amounted to 1,692l. 11s. One of his bills, amounting to 302l. 11s. 8d., is printed in the Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. xiii., N.S., p. 604. His relationship, if any, to the family of the Poet has not yet been ascertained.

There are many papers respecting the billeting of soldiers, the disturbances which ensued, the execution of martial law, and a great deal of exact information respecting the levy, support, and pay of both military and naval forces. The state, also, of the national defences is a subject of frequent illustration. Landguard Point was fortified in 1626; and papers in the present volume relate to the erection of defences at Portsmouth, and its conversion into a naval station,—a proceeding extremely distasteful to the established authorities of Chatham.

The erection of Lighthouses on the more prominent headlands of our southern coast is another subject which receives illustration. This encroachment on the ancient realm of darkness met with an opposition which is worthy of being remembered. It will be seen at page 494 (Vol. lxxxix., No. 27), that on a petition from the masters of ships and inhabitants of several of the Cinque Ports, together with various pilots of the navy, the King, according to the custom of the period, had granted a patent privilege for the erection of lighthouses on the North and South Foreland, it being represented that such buildings would be useful for avoiding the dangers of the Goodwin Sands. The Corporation of the Trinity House stand forward to oppose this innovation. They declare themselves bound in duty to inform the King that there is no necessity for such lighthouses, neither will they be of any use in avoiding the dangers alluded to. This they assert to be also the opinion of the Masters of the Navy—four ancient functionaries of high consideration. Finally, they warn the King that both the Trinity House and the Masters are directly against the erecting of any such lighthouses, and that they think the charge per ton imposed for its maintenance will be a great grievance. The immediate effect of such powerful opposition does not appear, nor is it possible to calculate how many thousands of lives must have been saved by its ultimately proving unsuccessful.

In the midst of Expeditions and Sieges, Art and Literature were but little attended to. Still there are papers of interest under these heads. At p. 247 is a payment to Daniel Mittens of £100 for pictures of James IV. of Scotland, of Queen Mary of Scotland, and of King Charles himself. Two important papers occur at pp. 201, 342, relating to Cosin's Hours of Prayer; a grant of privilege for the sole printing of King James's translation of the Psalms will be found at p. 524; papers relating to Le Grys's translation of Barclay's Argenis (pp. 585, 589); the descent of the patent for printing Bibles (pp. 235, 249); the dispute respecting the rights of the Cambridge University press (p. 493); and the censure passed on Dr. Dorislaus for the expression of republican tenets in his History Lecture at Cambridge (p. 470). The Index will also bring to light many other references to literary persons and artists, and their works. At p. 222, occurs an odd allusion to Little Geoffrey Hudson, the Queen's dwarf, and his tumbling out of window, much to Her Majesty's sorrow, at Denmark, that is, Somerset, House. Archie Armstrong was a conspicuous figure at a royal dinner on board the Triumph at Portsmouth, of which there is a good account at p. 212.

Secretary Sir John Coke's scheme for raising money by the institution of a Royal Association is worthy of notice on several accounts. The members were to be pledged to serve the King with person, goods, and might; they were to be distinguished by some riband or badge of the King's colour, worn in their hats; and were to be entitled to precedence at all public meetings. A fee, payable on admission, was to be applied to setting forth a fleet.

Among papers illustrative of National Character and Progress may be pointed out several articles respecting the state of the coal trade; a grant at p. 115, not merely giving power to convey water by a covered aqueduct from Hoddesdon to the metropolis, but also to disperse the same through the streets and houses; the papers respecting the voyages set forth by the Earl of Warwick and Sir Kenelm Digby; and the grant to the Earl of Montgomery of Barbadoes and other islands in the West Indies.

The same effective assistance rendered to the Editor by William Impey, Esq., and William Douglas Hamilton, Esq., both of the State Paper Office, which was acknowledged in the Preface to Volume I. of this Calendar, has been continued throughout the present volume, and demands grateful acknowledgment on the part of the Editor. The zeal of these gentlemen materially helps forward the publication, and tends to promote its accuracy.

John Bruce.

1 Dec. 1858.

Footnotes

  • 1. Since this paragraph was written, a curious evidence has occurred of the propriety of the Conway Papers having been added to the Collection of Papers in the State Paper Office; an evidence as conclusive, in its way, as the circumstance relating to the Docquets mentioned in the Preface to the first volume of this Calendar, p. xi. At p. 305, of the present volume, a letter from the Earl of Dorset, presumed to have been addressed to the Duke of Buckingham, will be found calendared as No. 62. It is stated at the end of the Calendar-notice, to be a "Fragment." What was then calendared was, in fact, merely the conclusion of that letter, written upon one small sheet of paper, which had formed part of the old Collection of Papers in the State Paper Office, and had probably been in that collection for two centuries. Among the imperfect papers in the Collection of Conway Papers, there has just been discovered the first sheet of the same letter. The bringing together of these two sheets makes the letter complete, and the reader may now therefore strike out the word "Fragment." The valuable recovered portion may be calendared thus:— "The Earl desires to know what should be advised, on all occasions, and when he knows the Duke's will, if he faints or fails in obeying it, let him be whipped with double stripes. Ordinary and customary ways will not furnish those succours for Buckingham which honour and necessity require; but the Earl will not presume to advise other means without the Duke's warrant. The King never demonstrated more trust, love, zeal, care, and affection to the Duke's person and understanding than he does now daily. His fidelity, constancy, and love to the Duke are the best motives to encourage all about him to serve him faithfully and boldly. Sends this letter by a person who, having lost his wife by death, has betaken himself to live and die under the Duke's command."
  • 2. As the King's orthography was peculiar, we shall print his letters as they stand in the originals.
  • 3. Sir William Becher was at this time in England, waiting for supplies to be conducted to the Isle of Rhé.
  • 4. Sir Sackville Crow, who had been Keeper of the Duke's Privy Purse, and was now Treasurer of the Navy.
  • 5. S. P. O., Domestic, Charles I., Vol. lxviii. No. 3.
  • 6. Ibid., Vol. lxxxii. No. 42.
  • 7. S. P. O., Domestic, Charles I., Vol. lxxix., No. 2.
  • 8. S. P. O., Domestic, Charles I., Vol. lxxxiv., No. 20.