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Queen Elizabeth - Volume 281: July 1601

Pages 61-79

Calendar of State Papers Domestic: Elizabeth, 1601-3 With Addenda 1547-65. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1870.

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July 1601

July 1. 1. Examination of Wm. Temple, before Lord Chief Justice Popham and Att. Gen. Coke. On Saturday, Feb. 7, told Dr. Fletcher that the Earl of Essex willed examinate to let him know that the Jesuits had practised to take away his life. Had no conference with the Doctor concerning Mr. Smythe, late sheriff of London, and never told the Earl anything concerning Mr. Smythe. Never had intelligence with Smythe, and was never acquainted with the projects of the Earl against Her Majesty or the State, nor was privy to any conferences about the same. Only understood thereof by his wife, who had heard of the conference by common report. [1 page.]
July 6. 2. The Queen to the Lord Mayor of London. The realm, especially the coast towns, has been of late much pestered by the enemy's possessing port towns on the coast of Flanders, and hindering the passage of merchandise by sea. We have been forced to endure this, on account of other great affairs, especially the rebellion in Ireland, but have now determined to aid the United States in their suppression. We order you to levy 1,000 able men, especially such as have served in the Low Countries; and, as the arms and apparel are to be better than formerly, to levy for each man 40s. for apparel, and 30s. for arms, which will be provided for them, to be given on embarkation. We require great care, having lately exhausted such large sums for service of the realm. Endorsed "To the Lord Mayor of London, for the levy of 1,000 men to relieve Ostend." [Draft, corrected by Cecil. 1½ pages, damaged.]
July 6.
Westminster.
3. Grant to Fras. Williams, for service done and to be done when required, in the assay of money and bullion in the Tower, of an annuity of 40l., to be paid by the Keeper of Exchange and Monies in the Tower, from the profits of the coinage. [Draft, ¾ sheet.]
July 7. 4. Sec. Cecil to Thos. Windebank. I pray you read this advisedly first, and then let the Queen see it, as a letter written merrily to you from me, if you find her well disposed. Endorsed [by Windebank], "Mr. Secretary to me: a riddle." [¼ page.]
July 7. 5. Sec. Cecil to [Thos. Windebank]. Her Majesty had reason to mislike any cause which should tie her to payment, when the whole project has ever been represented in another shape; only seeing she knew that her "Els" did offer it (who never deceived her but in some crystalline beams, which by staring in her eyes he often gets from her, though against her will), she concluded that though you could not satify her, yet he could. I will only say that, though Her Majesty is tied to answer no suit, though she has caused many a divorce, nor yet is bound to any reckoning for many a man's heart and wit which her beauty has stolen and broken, yet we, her vassals, must give her a good reason for all particulars.
You shall know, therefore, that the city should provide arms and apparel for 1,000 men. The arms would cost 1,500l., and the apparel 2,000l. For this sum the Queen undertakes that her ministers shall provide these things (which they cannot do so suddenly).
Secondly, Mons, Caron, not privy to these reckonings of the city, pays in according to contract both that sum of 3,500l. to buy apparel and armour, and 1,500l. more, which we tell him the victuals and shipping will cost, though it will not amount to so much; thus you see that all comes into the Exchequer, and nothing comes out.
Now you may tell Her Majesty that though the Exchequer be not likened to a lion's den, as a beast of prey (for you know in the fable the prints of the wild beasts' feet that were all treading inwards, and none backwards, made the fox so wise as he would never venture to go in, which is not the rule of the Exchequer at this day, for more goes out than comes in), yet I must liken it to an infant who may take anything that is given him, but can give or sell nothing without many circumstances. So my Lord Treasurer may receive all this money from the city, from Caron, or anybody, but for what is to be paid for apparel, armour, victuals, and transportation, though less by above 4,000l. than is received, it cannot be issued but by the literal warrant of her own hands. If she take harm by this signature, instead of my humbly kissing them, I am content to be beaten by them. Pray expound this golden riddle to that nymph who I believe is by this time in her cotillon, wooing doors and windows for some cool air.
P.S.—Mark my words. The Queen receives 5,000l. of Caron; 3,500l. of the city, and will only lay out 3,500l. for furniture, and 500l. for victuals. Thus she will gain 4,500l. on this and every 1,000 men she sends. [Copy, 1¼ page.]
Endorsed [by Windebank], "Copy of a letter written from Mr. Secretary to me, for the signing of the warrant for the 1,000 men levied in London, to be with all speed sent to Ostend."
July 8. 6. Thos. Phelippes to Sec. Cecil. It is discovered by good means that the King of Spain has taken a resolution to compass the crown of England, and the matter will go forward, though he is somewhat crossed by his ministers. This is all I have heard for a long time. If you want anything else within the compass of my search, I am at all times ready to serve you. [2/3 page.]
July 8.
Flushing.
7. Sir Wm. Browne to Sec. Cecil. I have sent to the Council a libelling letter, received by the ordinary Dutch post, which would make me appear as great a villain as the writer. I should hold it a plague to be so thought of, but an honour to be among those honourable personages that malice tries to defame by scandalous libels. I beseech you and all the Council to believe me a perfect honest subject. [¾ page.]
July 8.
Flushing.
8. Sir Wm. Browne to the Council. The enclosed letter professes to be from my friend, but friendship cannot be held by unhonest men, as those must be who libel the government of our admirably mild and gracious Queen. I fear this Judas has written to others, to wound with jealous discontent those who are foolish enough to believe him, and draw to desperate courses those who are unknown, and despair of justifying themselves. He seems to know me in part, for he speaks of me as zealous in religion, and loyal to the Queen, and dutiful to my country. I am innocent of any correspondence with the late Earl of Essex, nor do I believe that you suspect me, or that my name is in the bloody bead-roll, as he says.
In the last part of his letter, he betrays his dissembling villainy and simplicity, by pretending you will send for me on some other pretence, as though your least command would not bring me over nolens volens. I would not desire to live longer than I would run willingly on your least command. This lying railer pretends that false measures were meant against myself. I beg your opinion of the letter and of me.
It was delivered to my man by an ordinary Holland messenger, and I opened it in the presence of several officers. [¾ page.] Enclosing,
8. i. N. L. to Sir W. Browne, lieut-governor of Flushing. A friend is tried by difficulties; therefore I think I ought to tell you what may prove dangerous to you unless prevented; this I do not for thanks, for I conceal my name. I would not, like many, love with brow and hate with breast. You know the doleful changes made by the late Earl of Essex's fall; it will involve many, as when a chief pillar falls, it brings many stones after it. But it is not the guilty only that suffer. There is such prying and searching that many loyal subjects know not whom to trust when a man's words are wrongly construed. Our rulers' ears are open to tattling, and malice works secret ruin to the innocent. I am told that your name is in this bloody bead-roll. I pleaded your zeal and loyalty and little correspondence with the Earl, but my informant reminded me of the fable of the lion and the fox, and that in courts, a bunch of flesh is sometimes counted a horn. I tell you this because once warned is half armed. I expect Council will devise means to send for you when the present garbles are assuaged. I have kept this letter a month for some trusty friend, and now send it by a French merchant. [3 pages.] London, June 15, 1601.
July 8.
London.
9. John Chamberlain to Dud. Carleton, at Paris. Private news. I regret the loss of my last letter sent by Mr. Burgoine, who went over with the Earl of Northumberland. Sir Edw. Norris is better, but in danger of a relapse; he had dealt bountifully with you had he gone in his last sickness, but he would deal still more kindly towards you if you were to come over to be about him. Mr. Bodley sets up his shop against this act at Oxford, and opens his library to the number of 3,000 or 4,000 volumes. Mr. [John] Howson is vicar of Milton and canon of Christchurch, in Mr.[John] Purefoy's room. Dr. Andrews is dean of Westminster. The Lord Chief Justice and Mr. Secretary have compounded the quarrel between Martin and Davis. Sir [George] Rodney, of Somersetshire (Sir Edw. Dyer's nephew, who went out of his wits for Mrs. Pranell (now Countess of Hertford), has cut his own throat as an earnest of his love. Oliver Cromwell (son to Sir Harry), has married Lady Pallavicino.
Secretary Herbert has become a double or treble secretary, having got that of York, in commendam. Sir Edw. Stafford will probably be Chancellor of the Duchy. Lords Mordaunt, Norris, and Willough by have died within a few days of each other. The Earl of Shrewsbury (who is to be President of Wales), the Earl of Worcester, Master of the Horse, and Sir John Stanhope, Vice-Chamberlain, are called to be councillors. We hear little of the camps at Berke and Ostend. I disbelieve the reports that Sir Francis Vere put himself into Ostend, and that the Earl of Northumberland struck him at a banquet in the Low Countries. Mr. Warcup is thought of as ambassador lieger for France. Sir Henry Nevill has been before the Lords, at the Lord Keeper's; I do not know his penalty. [2 pages. Printed in Chamberlain's Letters, pp. 110–113].
July 9.
Camp before
Berke.
10. Earl of Northumberland to Sir Calisthenes Brooke, Bergenop-Zoom. You say Mr. Carleton wishes to serve me. I am obliged by his good opinion, but have little means of doing him good. I have no office under Her Majesty, am no privy councillor, and can not advance to my liking out of my own fortunes, but if he still wishes to abide the hazard of such fortunes as I run, "if they be good, his share will be the better; if nought, he is like to thrive the worse; if he were my brother I could not give him sounder counsel." [¾ page.]
July 10. Lease from Tho. Elliott, pewterer of London, to John James, merchant tailor of London, of a tenement on St. Mary Hill, in the ward of Billingsgate, for the term of 20 years; rent, 10l. [Case E. Eliz. No. 14, unsigned and unsealed.]
July 10. 11. Abstract of the will of Lord Willoughby of Eresby, dated 7 Aug. 1599. Devises his manor of Whetacreborough to his son Peregrine, and his heirs male, remainder to his own right heirs, and also after the decease of Susan Countess of Kent, all his lands and tenements in Barbican and Golden Lane, called Willoughby Rents. To his son Henry, and such wife and three children as he shall happen to have, during their lives, the manors of Fulstow Beeke and Arseyck, co. Lincoln, for two years after his decease. If his son and heir Robert, or any other that have interest in his manor of Whetgall, in the said county, do not suffer his son Henry to enjoy the said manor of Whetgall, for the rent of one peppercorn, then the said Henry, his wife and three children shall have the manors of Fulstow Beeke and Arseyck; also to his son Henry the manor of Hanby, in the said county, for 60 years, in reversion or forfeiture of the estates now in being, on the ancient annual rent, as also the parsonage of Willoughby for life.
To Verus, his son, the South Lease Pastures, with the stock thereupon; also Slouthby Marsh for life, without impeachment of waste, paying 31l. 4s. rent,—with proviso not to make any absolute sale without consent of his heir,—and 300l. to be paid on his attaining 21 or marrying.
To Roger, his youngest son, a parcel of the demesnes of Osberton and Toynton, and 300l. to Verus.
To his daughter Catherine, 4,000l. on attaining the age of 17, or marrying with the consent of his executors; if she die under that age unmarried, or after that age before the portion is paid, then it is to go to his four younger sons.
To Peregrine Wingfield an annuity of 20l.
To Lord Zouch, Lord Rich, Sir Drew Drury, and Sir Jno. Peyton of Bewper Hall, all the rest of his land during the minority of his heir, for payment of his debts and legacies; the rest to be accounted to his heir, within three months after he comes of age.
A Petition is to be presented to Her Majesty that, in commiseration to his distressed children, she would grant the wardship and marriage of his son to the lords and knights above named, to the use of his heir, and the lease of the lands to the performance of his will; he bequeaths to Her Majesty either a cup or jewel value 100l.
To every of the lords and knights above named a great horse and a cup of gold of 20l.
Appoints his son Robert sole executor, and the above-named lords and knights surveyors and assistants, to administer until his son attains his majority. Sir Robt. Cecil, the only supervisor, to have two of his best horses. With note of a schedule annexed, dividing some plate and household stuff among his children. [1½ pages.]
[July 10.] 12. Memorandum, signed by Edward Lord Zouch, Robert Lord Rich, Sir Drew Drury, and Sir Jno. Peyton, surveyors, &c. under the will of Peregrine Bertie, Lord Willoughby of Eresby, that as 4,000l. is due to Katherine Willo[ughby], which was in the hands of Fulstow, lately deceased, and will be lost without speedy remedy, Mr. Secretary is to be moved to write to some principal gentlemen of Lincolnshire to take into their custody all bonds that Fulstow mentioned in his will as taken for the money, and to ascertain from his executors how they will satisfy the residue of the 4,000l.; and upon refusal, that the Queen's Attorney of the Wards may inform in behalf of Lord Willoughby, the ward, who, as executor, is to see this sum answered to his sister, and also for an account of the revenues.
To move for sending for Lord Willoughby to see his estate settled and the funeral performed, and then to return for his further and better education.
Also to move for the grant of the third part of the lands by lease, according to Lord Willoughby's petition in his will; the like for the wardship of the young Lord, and to move that the Queen be made acquainted with Lord Willoughby's petition, in the same words as are in the will. [1 page.]
July 11.
London.
13. Christ. Boulton to Dudley Carleton, at Paris. I perceive by your letters you intend to make Paris your abode for a time. My master and yours [Sir Edw. Norris] has been extremely sick, as well as myself. I fear his illness was caused by a conceit, for he is haunted and vexed with the night raven, although in show he is the same man he was wont to be, and she has feigned a miscarriage, which might well be, considering her brazen stomach will digest four or five meals a day.
My master remembered you in his will, and appointed you a lease of 60l. a year, and some money. He dealt kindly with all his people. Captains Waynman and Whitton were his executors; Sir Rich. Waynman, Mr. Stafford, and Mr. Norris his overseers. To the present Lord Norris he left all his lands, and that which he has purchased at Englefield, with certain goods, binding him to see certain legacies performed. To my Lady 2,000l. in money, with free jointure, Puddle Wharf, a house furnished, and all her jewels and chamber plate, and yet she is not contented.
My old Lord [Norris] died 14 days past, and good terms are between my young Lord and my master, so that I think that we shall have peace. The funeral is the 5th of August, at Rycott. My master removes from Englefield to Beckley 10 days hence. Private affairs.
All is quiet here. My Lord of Shrewsbury, my Lord of Worcester, and Sir John Stanhope are of the Privy Council, and Mr. Stanhope Vice-Chamberlain. In Ireland the wars are like to end. The arch-rebel is in his country, and makes no head against our forces. Florence Macarty and the new Desmond are both taken, by means of the White Knight. Ostend is besieged, and it is feared will be lost; to-morrow 1,000 men are to be shipped thither from hence, and Mr. Cecil is colonel over them. I am on such terms with my Lady, as either I must fight a combat or be utterly cashed. She is not a whit better nurtured than when you left us, and I fear will never mend. [2 pages.]
July [14]. 14. [Sec. Cecil] to Sir John Cutts, Sir John Cotton, and Mr. Wendy at Cambridge. The chancellorship of Cambridge University being conferred upon me, it grieves me not a little to find so great opposition between the two bodies; its continuance must produce inconveniences to both parties.
First, that excellent nursery of learning, wherein the minds of all ought to be free from other cares, is daily vexed with matter of contention from the town.
Second, the town is like to be impoverished by maintaining suits and losing the goodwill of the University. Both these considerations equally moving me, I will leave no way untaken to prevent those quarrels and outrages. I must let you know what course has been already taken, and how far I think it fit to use your labour in this service; first, because some busy persons in the town had stirred up exceptions, not only to the validity of the ancient charters of the University, but to the execution of the same, I moved the Lord Keeper, whom the town had chosen for their steward, and who well understands all the circumstances, to require those of the town to set down all their griefs, whereby it might be perceived whether they sought redress in injuries de facto, or meant to call in question the jurisdiction of the University, covenanted by charter and ratified by Acts of Parliament.
We find some oversights on the part of rash-headed scholars, and on the town likewise very many injuries. It was agreed that some course of amendment should be thought on, but the further we inclined, the more they sought to raise new doubts, even to the annihilating of the charter, of which Her Majesty will by no means endure either the violating, or nice scanning or sifting of the words, it being granted by her progenitors, confirmed and amplified by herself, and established by Parliament. But before this order could be determined, the townsmen have renewed their abuses, and new complaints are presented to me on both sides, in which I want to know the truth. There has also been a petition exhibited against Dr. Jegon, the Vice-Chancellor, containing matters very foul, if true; if otherwise, not fit to be pretermitted without exemplary justice upon such as lay such an imputation upon a man of his merit and quality. Desiring to come at the truth without opinion of partiality, which happily would not seem to be if I commit this business to any of the heads of the University, I intreat you, as gentlemen indifferent to both the bodies, to examine all the circumstances with speed, and the complaints here enclosed, and certify what you find; whereby my understanding shall be so well informed of the truth, that the way will be clear to resolve of a just and reasonable course. [Copy, 2¼ pages.]
July 14. 15, 16. Draft of the above corrected [by Cecil, 8 pages, 2 papers]. Annexing,
15, 16. i. Suggestions offered by Dr. Jegon, Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge University, Roger Goade, and Humphrey Tyndall to Sec. Cecil, their chancellor, for settling the disputes between the University and the town:—
1. Alehouses, if the number be found excessive, to endeavour to suppress the over number [wherein the town shall upon any presentment find all readiness to reform].
2. For the mittimus we are ready to yield, in case of execution, to any course according to the proceedings of civil law [and that the prisoner shall be brought by a known officer, who shall signify the cause in all cases of importance, and subscribe to the book which the gaoler keeps].
[Marginal note. This is an alteration of the custom used continually hitherto, and therefore would be well considered of before it be yielded unto.]
3. For avoiding abuses in nightly searches by young deputy proctors, we agree to order that none be appointed deputy proctors in that case but masters of arts of three years' standing, and such as the ViceChancellor shall allow; and for avoiding counterfeit proctors, they shall carry in all searches the proctor's staff, being the ensign appointed for that purpose.
4. We are willing to effect a meet contribution to the poor, either to the use of the inhabitants of the town, if the townsmen will accept it as of free benevolence and not as compelled by law, or else to relieve the poor of our own body, and the town the poor of theirs.
That the officers of the University shall not hold plea of any penal law but such as concern victuals and victuallers, forestallers and regrators, and such as are granted to them by the laws and statutes of the realm.
Petition for orders to prevent future disquiet:—
1. Order in complaining. That they break not the order of the Lady Margaret's composition whereto they stand bound, being made known at York House, the 4th and 5th of June 1601.
2. Penalty for not proving. That when they shall complain above, and thereby draw privileged persons to charge and fail in proofs, then they shall bear the charges of the defendants molested, and be liable to the like upon their complaints after due remedy at home.
3. Conference in assemblies. That we may have our wonted neighbourly meetings, to compound grievances in time, which meetings have been lately discontinued by the insolent forwardness of Mr. Wallis, mayor for two years together, and Mr. Yaxly one year.
4. Commissions of peace. That a Nolumus, &c., salvis semper privilegiis universitatis, &c., may be inserted in all commissions hereafter granted, according to ancient precedents. And for this cause we wish a speedy renewing of the commission, as also for the more countenance, to have our honourable patrons, our Chief Chancellor and High Steward, together with the Vice-Chancellor and others of the University, placed in their due order, as formerly; in which commissions, if Mr. Wallis and Mr. Yaxly, the chief disturbers, were left out, it would be a means for the quiet of both bodies. [1 page. The passages in roman character are in Cecil's hand.]
July 14. 17. Statement by the English merchants to [Sec. Cecil]. The differences between us and the Florentines, which we desire you to settle, are that we desire to have four sureties joined with them for the release of our goods, whereas they only offer two. Also that you will order whether they shall be bound to Her Majesty, or to three or four of us, for ourselves and the rest of the English merchants that procured the stay of their goods here, and the sum in which they shall be bound. We also desire that the bond may remain here three months after the certificates come of the release, as our debts on the other side will not be received presently on the release. [½ page.]
July 15.
Plymouth Fort.
18. Sir John Gilbert to Sec. Cecil. Juan de Aristoy, from St. Jean de Luz, reports that the King of Spain is impressing mariners, and has taken 150 from St. Sebastian's, and sent them to Lisbon. The King has changed his whole council, and Don Juan de Ryacache, his secretary, has returned to St. Sebastian's. Vessels are coming from the Groyne to intercept our Newfoundland fleet. The Irish in Spain are generally confiscated. Eight large new ships are to be sold in Seville, and eight more are building there, one the warlikest ship ever built in those parts. [1 page.]
July 15. 19. [Sec. Cecil] to Lord Burghley. I cannot use my own hand, having a rheum in my eyes. All things prosper in Ireland; for the garrison at Loughfoyle eats so far into Tyrone and O'Donnell that they are in consultation to fly to Spain; they only hold out on confidence of Spanish succour, whereof the King hourly gives them assurance, and even now has sent them treasure and assurance that men shall follow. This summer will try as well his assistance as their resistance. The deputy is by this time at Blackwater, whence he means to join his army with those of Loughfoyle; such a conjunction must ruin Tyrone absolutely. There was never deputy did more gallantly pursue this action than he doth.
My nephew, Edw. Cecil, is engaged, though contrary to my desire, in a service of importance, but I saw that his emulation in being left behind made him so jealous of his honour, if any other should have the employment, as he cared not to what hazard he put himself (especially after he heard his friend Sir Fras. Vere was engaged), so I could not but give way, as follows:—Count Maurice being encamped before Berke, and the Archduke knowing he would not rise, resolved to save his own honour,— being unwilling to relieve that place—by besieging Ostend, hoping to make a diversion or carry the town in fury. Of this matter Her Majesty hath had some providence, when the States acquainted her with their purpose to carry their army so high as Berke; and, knowing what prejudice it would be—even for her own merchants' trade to Middleburg and other parts of the Low Countries, that the Archduke should be master of all that coast between Calais and Flushing, and should have another haven such as Ostend is, much better for galleys than Dunkirk,—she resolved, whenever that place was seriously besieged, to seek to relieve it; on this consideration Sir Fras. Vere, being at the Hague, tarried from Berke to be ready. Whereupon as soon as the Archduke moved towards that siege, he came presently to relieve it, and sent for the English troops from Count Maurice; but while waiting for them, the Archduke invaded the town with his army of 10,000, began his approaches, and placed his cannon to beat the haven and all ships that should pass in.
Nevertheless on Sunday sevennight, Sir Fras. Vere, with 12 English companies, reached Ostend, in which there were only 2,000 men before, but was constrained to take the benefit of the full sea, at which time, induring some shot, he landed with boats in the old town, to the walls whereof the sea flows every tide, and lost not above three gentlemen. He is there excellently victualled, and well provided with munition; and though before his coming the Archduke had left never a house standing, having before it 100 pieces of battery, so as those of Ostend had confined themselves from all outwarks merely to defend the walls, yet has Sir Fras. Vere gallantly intrenched a piece of ground without the town on the west side, and there made an outwork, planted eight cannon, and means for 21 days to dispute that place until more succour arrive,—he not liking to be put at first only to defend the town itself, but to hold the enemy as long play as he can with his other defences. When he sees cause, he will quit that trench, and yet doubts not but the winning of that place shall cost the Archduke dear, and he must win it before he can make his assault where he endeavours to make his breach, because this new intrenchment flanks all those approaches by which his men must enter, this being the good of the town, that he cannot in many places plant a battery.
As soon as Vere was entered, Her Majesty levied 1,000 men in London, over which my nephew is commander, who departed last Friday, and they have had a prosperous wind, also honourable waftage by the Queen's fleet in the Narrow Seas, besides extraordinary cares taken by me that his men might be well and speedily furnished. There is no man more interested in his good success than I am; for men's endeavours are valued by the effects, and if the wind or other accident hinder his relieving the town, it will serve for a good argument to some of former factions, that this was a practice in the uncle to cast employment upon his nephew.
As to the pledges, I have again written to Nicholson to hasten their despatch, wishing to draw from them as good security as may be for the future.
For the point you touch concerning the Earl of North[umberland] and Sir Fras. Vere, there was never any such matter, only being both given to emulation, there grew some dryness between them at the Earl's last being in the Low Countries, fed by some of their followers, but never growing to more than reservedness. Since then Sir Fras. Vere chanced, as he lay in his return some months since to the Low Countries, to be wind bound at Yarmouth, until the Earl of Northumberland, who was likewise to pass over into the Low Countries, came into that town. Sir Fras. Vere visited him, but in a dry form, saying that as they were both in a town, although otherwise he would not have troubled him, he thought good to visit him; the Earl replied that he was sorry he had troubled both himself and him, seeing he might thank the wind for his courtesy, and so they parted.
A gentleman has come just from Ostend, who met my nephew half seas over, and reports that the States have provided many shallops to land these men, and that his entry is still as safe as when Sir Fras. Vere went in. As soon as his 1,000 arrive, the town will be 5,000 strong. We have news that Berke cannot hold out seven days, which being taken, Count Maurice's army will come down into Flanders, and the Archduke will lose his credit with the States of Flanders, who have dearly paid for this siege of Ostend, wherein they have forborn no charge, being so infested by that town that they are set upon carrying it.
As soon as Count Maurice comes down, Her Majesty will send 2,000 more men, making that army 18,000 foot, whereof 6,000 English, with which forces, if ever there be good to be done upon Dunkirk or Sluys, it is now. Though I love peace, yet when I consider how little the King of Spain affects it, but only to make us leave the Low Countries, and how he still proceeds in Ireland,—avowing more publicly that action, even since he sought peace, than did his father (for he has now the Earl of Tyrone's son in his Court),—I could wish that Dunkirk, which so annoys all the coast towns, were reduced, and then Her Majesty may give more law to the treaty; for assure yourself, so the provinces of Flanders see their towns taken from them, and yet be daily exhausted with contributions to the army,—which must be, or else he must come to a battle (and that he will never do),—they will absolutely resolve to join the other party, and then the Spaniard have little comfort to make war in Ireland. [11½ pages. Draft, corrected by Cecil.]
July 16.
Paris.
20. Ralph Winwood to Sec. Cecil. Chas. Paget tells me that Thos. James, a desperate ruffian, intimate with Parsons the Jesuit, who employed him in Spain, has been with the Archduke, is countenanced by Baldwin and Owen, and is to be dispatched to England on some business prejudicial to the State. He is 45 years old, born in Staffordshire, bred and apprenticed in London. [1 page.]
July 18. Lease by John Palmer, D.D., dean of Peterborough, Rob. Bevill, Rob. Wingfield, Rob. Cotton, Edm. Mountstephen, and Mat. Robinson, Commissioners of Sewers for cos. Northampton, Lincoln, Huntingdon, Cambridge, and Isle of Ely, to Samuel Willingham, of Waternewton, co. Huntingdon, clerk, late tenant of a fen called Farrett Homward Close, alias the West Close, co. Huntingdon, containing 60 acres, with all the wood, underwood, fishing, fowling, and other profits thereto belonging, for 21 years; rent, 2d. a year, he having paid, over and above other rates and charges, 7l. 10s. towards perfecting Clowes Cross Drain, which Robert Wytton, of Yaxley, and other tenants in possession refused to reimburse. With proviso of restoration of the lease within a year in case of repayment of the said sum. [With six signatures and three portions of seals. Case G., Dom. Eliz., No. 15.]
July 19.
Before Berk.
21. Earl of Northumberland to Lord Cobham, at Court or at Sherborne. I understand you and Sir Walter Raleigh are gone to Sherborne. If you are, the particulars of Berke are too long to write; if not, you will understand all from Mr. Secretary's letters. We are lodged in their bulwarks, and hope in 10 days to be masters of the town. [2/3 page.]
July 23.
Englefield.
22. Sir Edw. Norris to [Dudley] Carleton. Your letters are very welcome. I confirm myself in my opinion of a happy country life. I send you my accustomed Flanders news, not to equal yours, but that you may have some what to give where you require. All is well here. [1 page.]
July 24.
Westminster.
23. Grant to Rob. Wall of the office of bailiff and collector of royalties in Sutton in Galtres, lordship of Sheriff Hutton, co. York; fee, 60s. 8d. a year. [Latin, 5 sheets, copy.]
Endorsed, "To be drawn up in the name of Hum. Barwick, gent. for fees. Revocatio istius pro Walle."
July 24.
Plymouth Fort.
24. Sir John Gilbert to Sec. Cecil. I send up [Wm.] Browne, an honest man of Plymouth, long a prisoner in Puerto Maria. In coming from Ponte Vedra within this 20 days, he heard by report at St. Vincent's in Biscay, that Suriago is commanding a fleet from Cadiz and St. Lucar, bound for Ireland, with 15,000 soldiers, but weak through sickness. He heard this from Juan Trevear, an old Spanish captain, who fled the service from dislike to Ireland, being there when Lord Grey put the Spaniards to the sword. A Franciscan friar, who lived last winter in Ireland, returned to Spain, was made Bishop of St. Jago, and again sent into Ireland. I, was told this by a Portuguese, who was once butler to my Lord Chief Justice six years, and wished himself again in his service. He says another great fleet is preparing at Lisbon, waiting 60 galleys to come from the Straits, and bound no man knows where. He saw 10 ships from Biscay, bound for Lisbon, the fleet for which the King has raised 2,000,000 ducats. The poor town of Puerto Maria had 400 ducats imposed on it. If anything be intended against Plymouth, the fort would easily be carried, as the defects are great, the town slack, and the country unready.
P.S.—I beg allowance of 4l. given to the party who is coming up, for his expenses. [Signed also by Wm. Browne. 1¾ pages.]
July 25. Plymouth Fort. 25. Sir John Gilbert to Cecil. I could not, as requested by Sir Walter Raleigh, stay my ship to be victualled southward by you, because she was already half victualled at the Captain's charge, but I would be glad for you to share half the adventure or to dispose of her on her return. She is at Lisbon, has been out 16 days, and is victualled for five months. I send a letter sent to a man of Plymouth, confirming a former intelligence of the disgrace of the principal secretary and most of the nobles of the King of Spain's Council. Capt. Carey has arrived, and affirms, that the soldiers were recalled from the garrisons of the Terceras islands, and go, as was reported, to Ireland. [1 page.]
July 25,
Canterbury.
26. Sir Rich. Lee to Sec. Cecil. I have just arrived, and think it long till I can kiss the Queen's hands, and give an account of my instructions. I send news from an Italian resident at Amsterdam, lately come from Italy. As matters of such consequence require speed, I send it at once, and will follow myself when my clothes, sent in a pinnace of Her Majesty's are landed. I came my self in a States man-of-war. I heard at Flushing that Berke was taken, but the news was not well seconded. The Duke may cast his old cape at the town, so confident are its defenders. Sir Fras. Vere has recovered the ground he lost, with much honour and three of the enemy's cannon; 1,500 of the 3,000 Spaniards and Italians are come to Nieuport, to refresh themselves after a long march. Pray excuse me to Her Majesty that my legs and heart are not alike. I hope soon to relate all I have been enjoined by her. Endorsed, "Sir Rich. Lee to my master from Canternbury; his arrival out of Muscovy. Some intelligence of a purpose of some forces to be sent into Ireland." [1½ pages.]
July 25.
Rose Castle.
27. Henry, Bishop of Carlisle, to Sec. Cecil. I have been to Carlisle, and examined the two Holts of whom they received the letter to Hen. Leigh, when they protested they knew nothing of Hen. Leigh, and each said, independently of the other, that the bills with which the letter was found were in a cloak bag with some plate and jewels, and left with Vaux and his wife on their apprehension. As I could get nothing more from them, I left one brother in the gaol, and brought the other to my house, to have him face to face with Vaux, of whom I had the letter. Vaux said in Holt's presence that a servant had found the letter, bills, and some parch ments thrust between the thatch and rafters against their bedside. Holt swore and protested that he had left his papers in the cloak bag with Mrs. Vaux. Vaux protested the contrary. I told them they must be sent where the rack would draw the truth. Holt protested he should die innocent, but the other grew faint. Holt charged him with hiding Rob. Erington, a recusant of Northumberland, who had brought them to his house, and said that he and Erington had foisted in the letters, and put the papers in a suspicious place, to overthrow himself and brother, and make a prey of their goods. Vaux said that he loved Hen. Leigh as a brother, and would have burned any letter that might seem to his hurt.
I was the more suspicious of Vaux because when I said I should send for and examine his wife and servants, he begged that the messenger might be Thos. Langhorne, whom he requested to inform his wife and servants what he had confessed or denied. I sent George Clay for Mrs. Vaux, and found her more ingenuous than her husband. She said she had taken the bills and parchments out of the cloak bag, and given them to her husband, and the man that found the letter said his master directed him where to look for it, and waited to come to me till the letter was found. I allowed her to confer with her husband in presence of a faithful servant, on condition that she should advise him to be plain. He blamed her for telling so much. Though at first he denied putting in the letter, as well as the parchments, he confessed at last that the letter was his writing, because he wanted to make prey of the goods, but declared no one helped him. I made him write a copy of the letter. Soon after, he contrived to stab himself almost to death with a penknife, and said he did it because I would not believe him, and he feared I should bring him to shame. He then signed his confession. I tried to comfort him, and now hope he will recover.
This devilish letter was forged, not so much in malice against the Queen, but to spoil the poor bankrupts whom I believe innocent. I refer him to you, but think more good would come by his life than his death. [3 pages.] Encloses,
27. i. "You know who" to Capt. Hen. [Leigh]. We are surprised to hear nothing of your proceedings. We cannot get your mind and ours yet, for there is such looking to things that no man can come into the presence chamber but he will be marked and examined; our dear friend is clearly forgotten and seldom comes to Court; the time serves nothing as yet; the new made man rules all. The time will serve in six months, so remember our friends there. Bothwell is well; neglect no time; our great friend wants this safely conveyed to Sc[otland]. Be sure you do him all the pleasure you can. "Cecils is on the hough, but time may serve." [½ page.]
Endorsed with note by Thos. Vaux, that this was found in a bill of debt of Ralph Nicols and Hen. Aves to Thos. Holt, dated 1 April 1601, and was delivered to the Bishop of Carlisle, 10 July.
27. ii., iii. Memoriter copies, very imperfect, of the preceding letter.
27. iv. Statement of Thos. Holt. He and his brother Arthur, at request of Mrs. Vaux, left with her their cloak bag, with copies of their freedom of London, bills of debt, plate, jewels, &c., value 30l., silk and satin clothes, and some books; also two mares with saddles. With answer of Thos. Vaux that he has the mares, but knows nothing of the cloak bag, and his wife never showed it him. Signed by the Bishop of Carlisle. [¾ page.]
July 22, 1601.
27. v. Examination of Thos. Vaux before the Bishop of Carlisle. The letter to Henry Leigh, found wrapped in a bill of debt to Thos. Holt, was found thrust in the rafters, near the bed where the Holts had slept. [⅓ page.]
July 22, 1601.
27. vi. Like examination of Dorothy, wife of Thos. Vaux. Thomas and Arthur Holt left their mares with her husband, and gave him a cloak, with jewels, plate, and writings. After their apprehension, she divided the plate and jewels with her cousin, Robt. Erington, and gave the writings and parchment to her husband. [2/3 page.]
Rosecastle, July 24, 1601.
27. vii. Like examination of Thos. Stoker, servant to Thos. Vaux. The horses left by the Holts were sent to grass in Greystock Park. Since coming into this house, was asked by his master, through a window, if he was not present at the finding of the letters. Was present with Lancelot Jackson and Thos. Fenton when they were found in the thatch, and gave them to his master, who was not in the chamber. Was bid by his master to search the room where the Holts lay, but without naming the thatch. [1 page.]
Rosecastle, July 24, 1601.
27. viii. Like examination of Lancelot Jackson, servant to Thos. Vaux. Took the Holts' mares to Greystock Park to pasture. Was ordered to search the room where the Holts lay, and to grope between the rafters and thatch and about the bed; found the writings there, and his master said they were the letters looked for. [¾ page.]
Rosecastle, July 24, 1601.
July 27.
York.
28. Thomas Lord Burghley to Sec. Cecil. Pray see the enclosed letters delivered to Mr. Horsman. I will, as required by Queen and Council, levy 300 men, with 3l. 10s. per man for their coats and armour, though the country will not expect so sudden a recharge, after what it has borne, being grown to great poverty. I hope for peace, or there will be great discontent in these north parts, where they say, is nothing but paying and punishing. The many recusants are discontent for conscience and payments, and it is not well to venture to discontent the other side. Necessity urges peace, whatever policy may do.
I have undertaken the return of one of the Scottish pledges, as Bedhead is contented with the sureties for the money due for his diet, and I have surety for his delivery to Sir Rob. Carey, to whose wardenry he is opposite. Sureties will be taken for his good behaviour.
P.S.—Thanks for your news of my son's arrival at Ostend. [1½ pages.]
July 29.
Plymouth.
29. Sir John Gilbert and Thos. Payne, mayor of Plymouth, to the Council. Capt. Thomason and Rich. Perry arrived here to-day from Lisbon, where they broke prison, after being confined 12 months. We enclose their examinations, and would have sent the men, but they are too weak to travel yet. [2/3 page.] Enclose,
29. i. Examination of Capt. John Thomason and Rich. Perry, before Thos. Payne, mayor of Plymouth, and Sir John Gilbert. On 14 Dec. 1599, left Plymouth in a Plymouth vessel for a voyage; were taken by two Spanish men-ofwar, carried to Lisbon, and detained until 15 June last, when they broke prison; being hurt in working their escape, they lay in the suburbs 13 days, and then came to Avera, and embarked in a Scottish ship which arrived at Plymouth this day.
Don Diego Brochero, Vice-Admiral of Spain, was at Lisbon with 23 ships of war, wherein were 5,000 soldiers, as also Suriago, his vice-admiral, with 15 sail more, and 7,000 pikes and corslets. Three galleys of Lisbon went to Seville last May, and returned in June, with 6,000 muskets, calivers, and morions; they daily expected the Adelantado, with many old soldiers of Naples, Sicily, &c.; nine companies of them from the Terceras islands had arrived; 600 saddles and other horse furniture were ready in Lisbon, and the like in other places.
A Scotchman coming into Avera reported that he met 11 galleys of Portugal going northwards. All ships are stayed in Lisbon, St. Toove's [Setuval], and along the coasts, and such merchants as arrive have been unladen and their ships pressed for service. Twelve new ships, built at Biscay, have arrived at the Groyne. The commanders desire nothing but to set foot on England, where they will live and die. [1¼ pages.] Plymouth, July 29, 1601.
July 30.
Plymouth.
30. Thos. Payne, mayor of Plymouth, and his brethren, to Lord Admiral Nottingham and Sec. Cecil. We have received your letters for setting forth two barks for discovery. We have already sent out a pinnace of Capt. Parker's, according to your former directions, and one more shall be sent forth with speed. This afternoon, at 4 p.m., we descried a great fleet of great ships off our harbour. We sent out a pinnace for discovery, which is not yet returned. We have put all the forces of our town in readiness, and now Sir John Gilbert commands us to make our repair to the fort, so that we must leave our town, houses, and goods, subject to the spoil of the enemy. We pray speedy orders that some trained bands in the country may come in for defence of our town, or it will be ruined. [1 page.]
July 30.
Plymouth Fort.
31. Sir Jno. Gilbert to the Council. About 5 p.m., after the breaking up of a great fog, we discovered a fleet of 80 sail afar off; they probably are enemies. It is supposed, from the greatness or some of their ships, their number, and the time of the year, that it is the wine fleet, which the Frenchmen suppose to have put into Conquet Road, the weather having been so stormy that they could not come from the westward. If they be the enemy, I am in desperate case, without men and victuals, and the place indefensible, Notwithstanding I will use my best endeavours to defend it, for the short time that I shall breathe. I stand in the more doubt because three of us [deputy] lieutenants have not power to raise forces to prevent an enemy's landing, without warrant from the Lord Lieutenant, which we cannot procure, although we have sought it; therefore I look for small help in convenient time out of the country. The fleet seems to stand to the eastward. [¾ page.]
July 31.
Plymouth Fort.
32. Sir John Gilbert to the Council. The fleet, not more than 20 or 30, is supposed to be a portion of 100 sail which were at Rochelle lading salt. The pinnace I had orders to send to the coast of Spain left 27 July, and would have gone earlier had the wind served. I send a copy of the directions I gave her and other menof-war that went for that coast, charging them on their allegiance to give notice accordingly.
You have written to me and the mayor to set out two more barks for discovery, but we shall hardly find them, as they are all abroad.
You write that our defects consist in men, munition, and fortifications, and that if needs require, I may call in as many men as I think fit; but neither I nor any three of us joined together could levy forces without further order from the Lord Lieutenant, although the enemy were ready to land; for munition we are reasonably provided, ordnance excepted. As to fortification, many places need amendment, but I cannot compass the charge, neither if I could, were I warranted to do it by your note unsigned.
P.S.—If you do not expressly command the mayor to obey my directions in time of war, I shall not get in a man. I made trial thereof upon view of this fleet, and notwithstanding (without my directions) they put themselves in arms, I could not command two companies of them into the fort, although it were a time of present danger if they had proved enemies. Whatever I bid to be done, they will do nothing till they have called a council; if their councils shall control me, I know not to what end I have this charge given. I was forced to call two companies out of the country, although I had no warrant for it, doubting the sudden assault of the enemy. [1¾ pages.]
July 31.
Plymouth.
33. Wm. Stallenge to Sec. Cecil. Four days since a ship arrived belonging to Alderman Watts, who, with a bark at Hampton, took a small vessel from the Indies, in which were China silks, satins, taffetas, &c.; the 20th part I have retained for you, but the damask not being in your grant, is retained by the customs' officer until we understand to whom it belongs; the rest, besides the damask, could be sold here for about 35l. or sent to London, as you may direct. If the custom might have been taken, according to the rates for satins and taffetas, I would rather have had it so, but being such stuff as it is, it must have been otherwise valued, with some courtesy to the merchant, and therefore I thought it better to take it in specie.
At the request of Sir Jno. Gilbert, I have disbursed 26l. 17s. 4d. for victualling 16 men for two months, which I desire may be paid to Tho. Alabaster. I wish some more pinnaces might be sent to discover the certainty and satisfy men's minds, rather than the whole country should be troubled as they were two years since; and yet we should not be too secure. There is a Spanish saying, that although the reporter of news be a fool, the hearer ought to be wise and discern the substance thereof before be gives it further passage; if all would do so, Her Majesty and you would not be so often troubled. No doubt there is some pretence by the Spaniard, but 25,000 men and some horses (as the report goes) is more than Spain and Portugal can afford, especially as the plague is in Andalusia, whence the greater part of their provisions must come, and I think the Spaniards, by reason of Don Sebastian, stand in more fear of us than we of them. [1½ pages.] Encloses,
33. i. Thos. Payne, mayor of Plymouth, and Sir John Gilbert, to Wm. Stallenge, deputy to Marmaduke Darell, navy victualler. Being ordered by Sec. Cecil to set forth a pinnace for special service, we pray you to deliver to Robt. Whorwood victuals needful for 16 men for 56 days, to be laden on board the New Year's Gift of Plymouth, which we have taken up for that service, and we will see you satisfied for the same.
With receipt by Robert Whorwood of the said provisions; estimate of the cost, 26l. 17s. 4d.; and request by Payne and Gilbert that it may be allowed to Stallenge. [1¼ pages.] Plymouth, July 21, 1601.
July 31. 34. Declaration by Peter Bales, of London. I received divers letters from John Daniell, when prisoner in the Gatehouse, charging me to manifest my dealing with him in the late Earl of Essex's letters. Daniell came to me in Lent 1599, and for three weeks afterwards, to read and write letters from the Earl to his Lady; as I could not read them perfectly, I endeavoured first to conceive them myself, and then taught Daniell to read them so well that he dictated whilst I copied. I did not imitate them, but copied them at 12d. each. I meant to charge a constable if I found treason in them. I suspected it from one sentence in a letter written the August before he left Ireland. "The Queen's commandment may break my neck, but my enemies at home shall never break my heart." I wrote above a dozen copies of that letter, as it contained more matter than the rest, but I did not insert any words prejudicial to the Earl or Countess other than I found. Daniell said the Countess had ordered him to have the frequent copies made that he might better gull somebody. Being perplexed with these words, and that he did not return, I went to the Countess three times before she would be satisfied. At last, at her request, I wrote, in April 1600, a declaration fit for her purpose, and subscribed by myself, Peter Ferryman, of London, and Mr. Lyle, her secretary. The Countess promised me good recompense when her Lord was received into the Queen's favour. I hoped the Earl would obtain me an office before promised, touching Her Majesty's bills to be signed, but did not receive anything.
P.S.—The letter in question began, "Franke, I send unto you Cuffe, my man, whom you may believe in what he saith," and ended, "When your belly shall be laid, I will provide for your being here," &c. [This paper is distinctly dated 1600; but the allusion to the late Earl of Essex proves that the date must be 1601. 1 page.]
July.
Seaboard,
Dungenness.
35. Sir Rob. Mansell to Sec. Cecil. Your favours merit my best acknowledgment. I send you advertisements delivered by one of Enchuysen, who came a month since from St. Teovells (Setuval), that in Lisbon are 100 sail of French, Holland, Scottish, and Easterling ships, for transport of 10,000 Spanish and Italian soldiers, 2,000 of which came from the Terceras islands; 16 ships are Easterlings, well appointed foreign men-of-war. The fleet was to be ready to sail about this time, some said for Ireland, others for the West of England, others for Sluys and Dunkirk. Before he left, four galleys of munition, under Don Diego, arrived, but he heard of no galley appointed to come with the ships. All the Flemings and States men-of-war I have met with give small credit to the report of the fleet's coming for their country; but their reasons are weak. I will execute my Lord's directions. [1 page.]
July. 36. "The Lord Chief Justice's memorial touching the cloths:"
1. That the cloths and kersies made agreeable to law may pass, or being defective, be subject to the penalties comprised in the laws of this realm, and no other.
2. That slander grow not on our cloths, because some may be defective by getting wet at sea and become rotten, or by over-hard spinning, or not well guiding the hand in weaving, and therefore no cause of slander, and the following trial may satisfy in those cases.
3. That the buyer try the cloths upon sale, if he doubts them, but take no advantage thereof after, lest they be evil dealt with after they pass from the merchant, as they are in some parts beyond seas, let them pass over ever so good.
4. That the tryers be part of each nation, and upon oath, whereby no partiality may be used, as the law is here in all trials between an Englishman and a Frenchman, the one half of the jurors must be mere strangers and the other English. [1 page.]
July. 37. "Reasons why a man should not pay for his wife's recusancy," being questions: 1, whether the innocent husband is bound by law to pay for his wife's recusancy; and, 2, whether he is punishable for omitting his government over her in case of recusancy. The answers argue that he is not punishable for what is the sole act of his wife, to which he is not accessory, and that such a construction of the statute would lead to absurdity and injustice. Also that he should not be punished for omitting to exercise a government over her mind, which would be unlawful. [1 page.]
[July.] 38. Copy of the former portion of the above. [3 pages.]