|
April 1.
Durham. |
26. Att. Gen. Gerard to Sir Wm. Cecil. There are no more to
be arraigned either at York or Durham, but such as are within the
compass of the Queen's pardon. We have found the juries willing
to serve the Queen, and have indicted those who are fled, and others
not within the composition, when we could get any intelligence.
One Holmes, thought to be the patriarch, is indicted here, but he is
fled. Leonard and Edw. Dacre are both indicted for conspiracy,
but are also to be indicted in Cumberland for the last offence, when
my Lord Lieutenant goes thither; the indictments are made. |
|
Those who come before us commissioners to compound are many,
but very poor, being so spoiled by soldiers and officers, and by others
on pretence of service, that there is almost nothing left for the
Queen to take; so we are obliged to impose very small fines, the
rather that they are very sorrowful for their offences, promise obedience in future, and willingly take the oath. |
|
Those who have lands and come before us for composition are so
few that the business might have been discharged in a day; but the
meaner sort are more than was looked for. I hope we shall end in
two days more, and Mr. Solicitor and I shall return to York, deliver
the receipts to Sir Thos. Gargrave, and then repair to London. |
|
My Lord Lieutenant stays at York about despatch of the army
till Monday next. He is very careful of his charge, and though we
have heard many complaints of spoils, none have been against him. |
|
Precedents have been shown for the Bishop of Durham to have
the forfeitures as in the rebellion in Henry VIII.'s time, and they
will be great. Order should be taken with the Bishop before he
comes hither. Meanwhile all the lands are seized for the Queen, the
offenders shall be attainted, and I will bring all the indictments and
deliver them to the King's Bench, and leave nothing here of those
matters for the Bishop. [2 pages.] |
April 1.
York. |
27. Thomas Earl of Sussex to the Council. I received your
letters yesterday, and thereupon sent for Wm. Price; being lieutenant to Thos. Manners, he was gone with his band towards Newcastle, but returning to-day, I gave order for his repair to you, and
have taken bond of Manners in 500l., of Robt. Constable in 500l., and
of himself in 500l. to appear before you by the 20th instant. I have
charged him with part of the matters objected against him, to which
he seems to have a satisfactory answer, although not to the whole.
He is well trained in service, and well commended by those who
know him, and therefore being so far onward in his charge, I would
gladly he might, after the service is finished wherein he now is
under me, have answered the matters objected against him for services in other places; but your command being contrary, I obey.
Upon his arrival, let me know your pleasure for cancelling the bonds.
[2/3 page.] |
April 3.
York. |
28. Thomas Earl of Sussex to Sir Wm. Cecil. The French ambassador lately come into Scotland is now near Edinburgh, accompanied with certain lords of the Scottish Queen's faction, and
Lethington is gone thither to him. He makes liberal promises of
men and money, wherewith that side takes great comfort. It is
thought that one Bateley, Laird of Garteley, carried letters lately
into Scotland from the Scottish Queen and the Bishop of Ross; let
me know whether any French person had a passport from Her
Majesty. |
|
The shot sent out of the South are very ill-furnished from all
places, save London, Hertford, and Middlesex, and the Queen has
nothing at Newcastle; it had been better if most of the shot had
been good archers than so ill-furnished arquebusiers. |
|
You have heard evil reports of captains that have levied men;
but if the report of the soldiers be true, the justices of peace that
have had the levying have been as bold as the captains were before,
and have levied 6l. for each footman whose furniture has not
amounted to 40s. If this be true, it is miserable that no way can
be devised for the Queen's service but that, where she charges the
realm with a groat, the ministers will poll a shilling. |
|
There are many gentlemen here in the bands who serve as private
soldiers, and are able to take charge of a whole band. There
was no direction at my coming away what dead or double pays
should be allowed in every 100; let me know whether the Council
will allow a certain number, or leave it to my discretion. The
horsemen are slow in coming, but those that have come are better
furnished than the foot. |
|
To-morrow I go to Newcastle, where all the Wardens meet me
to resolve upon our first exploit. Mr. Constable, Mr. Manners, and
the Yorkshire men were at Newcastle yesterday; as the horsemen
come so slowly, I have directed them to set forward towards the
Borders, to be placed at the direction of Lord Hunsdon and Sir
John Forster, until the army come wholly together. |
|
P.S.—I send you herewith some articles devised by Sir John
Nevill, for the surety of the Queen and State, and wish for his
trouble he had that which was devised for him by Mr. Attorney, at
the last sessions here. [2 pages.] Enclosing, |
|
28. I. Questions to be propounded [to the Queen], if the Pope's
licence and the consent of foreign princes will agree
thereto:—
|
|
First, if she will assent that the Lords and the rest of
their confederates be set in their several estates, with a
toleration through the realm to live with safety of conscience,
and have churches appointed. |
|
That liberty may be given to all now in prison for
conscience, to be within the realm where they think best. |
|
That every man may have liberty to relieve such of the
spirtuality as be now in prison, and others in or out of
the realm. |
|
That she will take order that the Lords rebels and the
rest may have half the goods taken from them towards
setting up of their houses again. |
|
That she will see the Scottish Queen set in her own
realm with safety, among her true and friendly subjects. |
|
If the above may be granted on her part, and taken of
the Lords and others, it may save much bloodshed, and
obtain peace, and she be assured to have the said Lords
and all the rest obedient subjects. [½ page.] |
April 5.
Louvaine. |
29. Geo. Chamberlain to the Duchess of Feria. I hoped, at my
first coming hither, oftener to have opportunity of sending to England
than I am now able, but my being here is taken in a very
evil part, insomuch that some of my friends have alread been
unjustly troubled, as they were thought privy to my departure.
I am not without knowledge of the state of things there, which
many here had better hope of, especially for redress in religion, than
I see just likelihood of; my reasons are,— |
|
First the great weakening of our country by the imporsonment,
banishment, and death of so many chief nobility and gentlemen,
as the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Arundel, Lord Lumley, imprisoned;
the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland and
Lord Dacre, banished by flying; the Earls of Pembroke, Cumberland,
and Derby, lately deceased; all which were of great name and
power, and either Catholics or no enemies to the cause, whereby our
present State, rulers may without fear execute their furious will. |
|
Good was hoped for by many when the Lord James [Stuart] was
slain in Scotland, and most there agreed to enter into a quarrel to
demand their Queen again,—wherein it was thought that our noblemen
who fled thither would join,—in hope thereby to be so strong
that they might recover their Queen, or at least obtain redress in
religion, &c.; but the hope is frustrated. The Scots still detain the
Earl of Northumberland prisoner, the Earl of Westmoreland and
Lord Dacre are driven to keep upon the wild Borders, where they
be only friended with a small number, and not suffered to enter far
into the country, much less to be directly aided or joined, and those
that agree to demand their Queen home again are desperately affected
Protestants, and suspected for aspiring to the Crown themselves. |
|
Now our Queen has her army ready under the Earl of Sussex
to enter into those parts where our Lords and gentlemen remain,
and is likely to find the Scots willing either to yield our noblemen,
or constrain them to fly. |
|
Meantime our rulers are not idle at Court, but daily execute,
imprison, and vex all good affected Catholics, and threaten to rid
the country of them all, seeing now they be out of fear, as well at
home, as that foreign Princes will regard or endeavour for our
bettering in God's cause, or claim redress of our injuries, the fear
whereof much bridled their rigorous determinations to root out the
Catholic faith and favourers in our country, which, if the Almighty
does not miraculously withstand, is likely to be speedily put in
execution, the rather as the King of Spain not only neglects our
injuries done him, but enters into new friendship and accord for
traffic with our nation and alliance. Whoso is acquainted with the
present state of our country knows nothing could have more dismayed our well affected Catholics there than this manifest show of
the King's careless regard to be a party to reduce us to conformity
in religion, when both the time at home and willing help of other
Catholic Princes seemed ripe and ready to have put in practice
something for the good of Christ's cause and church, whereby it
seems that the Almighty teaches us not to put trust in Princes, but
only in him. |
|
We cannot often hear from England; the passages on both sides
are yet straightly kept; but many are in such fear at home that we
daily look to hear of divers that mind to come over. There was a
bruit that Lord Dacre had made a raid into England, and taken
Carlisle, but it is not confirmed, and yet both the Earl of Westmoreland and he—lying so near the borders of their own country,
where they are well beloved,—have divers times entered and made
spoil of their enemies there, whereupon the Queen hastened her
army there, under the Earl of Sussex. |
|
In my former letters I besought your favour in my suit for some
entertainment at His Majesty's hands, which I was made to
believe I had deserved for my faithful endeavours. I yield the
consideration of my doings to whom the same belongs; my chief
comfort is that I have not intermeddled otherwise than I was
in duty bound. The Duke of Alva here directed letters in my
favour to the Duke of Feria, which I sent you, but my only hope
consists in your favourable consideration for some means to enable
me to live, now I am banished out of my country. [6 pages.] |
April 5.
York. |
30. Thomas Earl of Sussex, Sir Thos. Gargrave, Att.-Gen,
Gerard, and Sol. Gen. Bromley, to Sir Wm. Cecil. We could not
confer on Her Majesty's letters of 31 March,—some of us being at
York, and some at Durham,— until meeting here to-day. As she
would have further example of the better sort, and there were none
in Durham gaol to be tried and executed there, we have thought it
best, for example's sake, to have Metcalf, Lambert, Claxton, and
Conyers, whereof the first is of Yorkshire, and the other three of the
bishopric, executed at Durham. Pray procure writs for that purpose
to the sheriffs of both counties. We know no difference in the
qualities of their offences, but have simply advertised that they were
no malicious conspirators; therefore we know no special cause for
mercy more to one than to another. |
|
Pray procure Her Majesty's resolution. |
|
P.S. [by the Earl of Sussex].—I enclose letters from Mr. Randolph,
and intend to set forward to-morrow, leaving orders for those that
are not come to follow. [1 page.] |
April 6.
Westminster. |
31. Recognizance by Wm. Porter, of Ashton-under-Edge, in 250l.,
to pay 150l. to Francis Alford, of Salisbury Court, Fleet Street,
gent., before 22nd May next. [2½ sheets, much damaged.] |
April 7.
Berwick. |
32. Henry Lord Hunsdon to Sir Wm. Cecil. Mr. Randolph
arriving here the 5th inst., and sending to you, I enclose this. |
|
The Southern horsemen come forward slowly. My Lord Lieutenant
means to be here next week, with a very slender force, considering
that, whenever he invades Scotland, he must leave the Borders
guarded, or we shall receive more harm than we shall do; if this
had been considered, he should not have come with so slender a
company, and it will force Her Majesty to a further charge. I fear
when my Lord Lieutenant and others under him venture their lives
and do their uttermost, some other John [Vaughans] shall step up
to deface our doings, keeping themselves safe enough from peril. |
|
It has not furthered her service sending my Lord of Sussex down
with such small credit, it being known how and by whom he was so
accused, and yet the party not punished. I speak not from affection
to the Earl, but in respect of the service; for John Vaughan, Her
Majesty shall find him but an ox, neither able to serve her abroad
nor at home, in war nor in peace, but only in words, envying, every
man that is in authority above himself. |
|
My letter may seem malicions, but I protest it is on certain
knowledge of his doings, and I would not have Her Majesty abused
by such as he is; but for offending her, I would write no less to
herself. |
|
Mr. Mohun, my Lord of Lenox's servant, arrived here yesterday,
and went into Scotland; Sandy Bogg, and James Lawder passed
the day before, with two nags and other things to the Scottish King,
by passport. [1 page. Printed in Sharpe's Memorials of the
Rebellion, pp. 233, 234.] |
April 8.
York. |
33. Sir Thos. Gargrave to Sir Wm. Cecil. The spoil of the
inhabitants of these parts has been such as much to hinder the
Queen's fines. Though I spent much labour and charge in staying
the goods in the country, and taking inventories, it seems to
small purpose. A great sum might have been raised of the goods
and leases of the meaner sort, and they brought thereby to extreme
beggary, but by compositions and fines, the people still have their
goods, and can inhabit the country, and serve the Queen. The
people seem very thankful for her mercy, and detest the doing of
the two Earls and their accomplices, affirming they deceived them
by using the Queen's name. |
|
The Queen's opinion about the execution of some of those
attainted and reserved is most true, for the common people say the
poor are both spoiled and executed, and the gentlemen and rich
escape; yet those who were forced thereto should be considered.
[1 page.] |
| April 8 ? |
34. Christopher Norton to the Council. Capt. Stirley says I
told him that I, in a morning, spoke with the Queen of Scots
before she rose from her bed. I told him that, at request of one of
my brothers' wives, to procure a letter for saving the life of a kinsman
of hers, being one morning in the great chamber at Bolton, with
divers of my Lord Scrope's servants and some of my captains and
soldiers, there came forth one of Her Grace's chamber, when I asked
if the Queen was ready; he replied no. I told him I had a suit to
the Queen, and he bade me stay and he would tell the Queen. He
came forth shortly after, and said that Basdone (?) had kept such
revel in the inner chamber with his fellows, that the Queen could
not sleep, and prayed me to see her maidens, and that none should
perceive that I went to speak with the Queen. I followed him, as
willed, through the middle chamber, where Basdone (?) and his
fellows were, into the Queen's bedchamber, where she lay, and her
women about her, her physician and surgeon talking with her
She bade me good day, and said her man told her I had sent to her.
I declared that one of my brothers' wives had a near kinsman that
was taken for prize, and it was thought he would die within 10
days if Her Grace did not help in it; she asked which way she
could do good to him: I said her letter to the Spanish ambassador,
who was earnest against him, might stay him, and then his friends
hoped to get his pardon. She said her servants reported me to use
them gently, and therefore she would not deny me. I told her I
would be glad to do her any service I might lawfully do; she thanked
and willed me not to do any thing unlawful, and to give the name
of the prisoner to one of her servants, and she would write for him
to do me pleasure; though princes were not used to write for such
suitors she would do so; and told me if I was espied by any of Sir
Fras. Knolly's men, I should be shent, and withal she bade me avoid
blame, and thereupon I came away. I have never spoken with her
since, and for saving a man's life I ventured this blame. When suit
was made to Sir Fras. Knollys for his letter to some of the Council
for the same matter, and also for the Queen of Scots' letter to the
Spanish ambassador, he said he would not hinder it if she would
write, and that he would will her to it. |
|
Stirley says I told him of a ring with a diamond which the
Queen of Scots showed me, and said that when Lady Levingstone
should turn her finger with that ring on, and the diamond turned to
me, I should know she would speak with me from the Queen. She
never showed me a ring, nor any token for any such matter. He
says I told him that the Queen of Scots practised with me to convey
her away, and that I made my soldiers think that Lady Levingstone
loved me, and that I might get the Queen of Scots forth of the
gates in her linen, who is nothing like in make, and both well
known to every soldier. Not one soldier in the band that thought
there was any such love, and Lady Livingston continually lay in
the castle with her husband, and at night either my Lord Scrope or
Sir Fras. Knollys kept the keys of the gate, and watch about the
castle continually. I never meant any such practices, and neither
the Queen of Scots, nor any for her, willed me to any such. |
|
He says I named to him many noblemen who would be of the
confederacy in this rebellion, and told him that a servant of the
Duchess of Norfolk brought a message from his Lord to the Earls of
Westmoreland and Northumberland, which stayed them from rising.
I never told him anything of the kind, but I did mention the names
of those who I thought favoured the matter for religion, but they
were not all those he spoke of. As to the talk I had with him of
the Duke being in trouble, and of his marriage with the Queen of
Scots, I told him that it was reported in our country that most of
the noblemen of this realm consented to the marriage, and also said
that Her Majesty once consented to it; he said it was so talked in
London, but it proved not so; and it was thought when the Duke
went last from Court to his house in the North, he should have
risen, and taken the Queen of Scots from Tutbury. I told him that
it had been more easy to have taken her out at Bolton, when she lay
there, if we would have risen for that. He asked me why we neither
went to York nor to the Queen of Scots; I said for York, we had
nothing to win it with, all our number being no better appointed
than they were; and wanting ordnance and money, if we had the
Queen of Scots, we could do her no good nor ourselves either; that
there had been no rising of the noblemen if my father could have
saved them, yet the stirring would be safe for five or six weeks, till
the Queen's army levied in the South could come up. |
|
He says I told him of a conversation between me and Capt. Reed
for the Queen of scots, and that he broke three purposes that were
made for taking her from Bolton, but it is not true. The talk came
from Capt. Stirley, who asked me for Reed, and said it was thought
he was with us; I told him we thought to have had his company,
as he was in suspicion and discharged of his band at Berwick, but
within three or four days he was entered again. Stirley swore that
Capt. Reed had betrayed the Earls, and opened all their counsel, and
said the taking his office from him was to colour his doings, and
asked me if ever Reed was a counsellor of the Earls' doings, but I
knew not. He said they would not be so mad as to trust him, as
if he would be false to the Queen, considering the living he is come
to by her, he would be true to none. Stirley said he was a perilous
man, and was full of treason, and told me of three or four foul parts
that he had played to them that had trusted him; one touching the
Earl of Bedford, another the treasurer of Berwick, another between
Thos. Carey and Giles Heron, and another between Capt. Stirley and
Geo. Malare. |
|
He also says I told him of a purpose for the death of the
Regent of Scotland, and the taking of Lord Bedford, when in the
North, but I never heard of any such matter, and moreover his
Lordship has been my friend. Stirley told me of his suit at Court,
and also that the Regent should come to the Borders, when Her
Majesty's army came towards us, and willed me to warn my friends
that neither they nor I should hope for any relief or safety that
way. |
|
He says I told him of a device made for Sir Francis Knollys'
death; that is false; though I talked with him of Mr. Knollys; for
this reason he willed me to keep myself from being taken, and said
if I was I might die for it, and told me I was suspected for the Queen
of Scot's matter; I told him how I thought that blame came, and of
the lutes which I borrowed at the request of Lord Scrope and Sir Fras.
Knollys, and how that one day, when the Queen of Scots in winter
had been sitting at the window knitting of a work, after the board
was covered, she rose and went to the fireside, and making haste
to have her work finished, would not lie it away, but worked at
it while she was warming herself, and looked for one of her own
servants, which were all gone to fetch their meat; seeing none
of her own folks there, she caused me to hold her work, as I was
looking at my Lord Scrope and Sir Fras. Knollys playing at chess.
I went, thinking it would not become me to refuse; Lady Scrope
standing by the fire, and many gentlemen in the chamber saw that
she did not speak to me, and I do not think Sir Francis saw or heard
when she called me. When he had played his mate, seeing me
standing by the Queen holding her work, he called my captain
and asked if I watched; he answered sometimes, then he commanded
that I should watch no more, and said the Queen would make me a
fool. I told him of the parting of my captain and me, which was
about then. |
|
I told him of the ambassadors, as he says, that I heard say they had
promised us some aid of money and men; I spoke more largely to
him, though it was common speaking amongst us, that we should have
aid from beyond sea. This made me think it true; my father told
me the day we came to Wetherby,—when I said I did not like our
back-turning,—that he liked it better than he did before, and that,
if we were able to abide together 14 days, we should do well, and
want neither men nor money. Christopher Danby told me four
days after that within fourteen days there was promised either
100,000 or 500,000 crowns, and 4,000 shot. |
|
Pray be a means to Her Majesty to grant me life, and consider
how I lighted in this blame. I chanced to be one day with my
father, who told me he had heard that the Lord President was not
his good Lord, and wished himself beyond seas. Marvelling thereat,
I said he could do him no hurt so long as he did not offend the
laws; he told me Lord Northumberland had been with him in the
summer, and broke to him such a piece of work as, if known, might
make him lose his life, and that he handled the Earl so that he made
him think that he would take him, and make him answer to it,
insomuch that he wept and desired him not to be his undoer; whereupon my father pitied him, considering he spoke to him in secret,
and was a man of honour, and a near neighbour,—for my father was
brought up in his grandfather's house,—and said if he would swear
never to reveal to any man that he had talked with him of it, he
would never hurt him, which he did. |
|
When Lord Westmoreland sent my father word of my Lord President's cruel words, my father first thought that Lord Northumberland had told my Lord President how he had talked with him, and
said to me that his concealment was as dangerous as though he had
consented to his request. He said that my Lord President and the
other two Earls were near akin, and great friends, and that to save
them harmless, he (the President) cared not to do as much as in him
lay, to put the whole matter in his neck, and some other gentlemen's.
He also told me he had sent to Newcastle to know if there were any
shipping to be got, either to France or Flanders, and within four
days after, he made a journey into Bishopsbridge, and took me with
him to Mr.Tempest's where he practised with him to provide for
them both, because there was no ship ready. |
|
My father returned homeward, and three nights after, one came
and told him that Lord Northumberland was besieged in his house,
and would be taken within one hour if he looked not well to him. I
being the eldest child he had with him, he sent for me and told me;
I willed him to shift for himself, and go into Bishopsbridge to
Mr. Tempest, and see if he had provided any shipping; and so called
up his servants; got a couple of horses saddled, and put into the
park. Thinking no harm, but as nature wrought in me to help my
father to some place where he might be in safety, I rode with him
to Bishopsbridge, and there on the sudden they began this rebellion, and I was in it before I was aware, and durst not leave them
for fear of death. Being in their company, I hurt none of the
Queen's true subjects, and saved many; Capt. Stirley, I think, will
say if I had not been there, he had not come from our company, nor
Nicholas Harrington and my Lord of Lenox's men. |
|
Also at Barnard castle, the night that Sir George [Bowes] put
out 300 of his horsemen, I saved the lives of four or five score
which were taken prisoners, wherein I was in danger of my own life
with our company. After they were taken, word came that they
had issued out of the castle into the town, and had slain more of
our men; an open talk rose that my Lord had commanded to kill the
prisoners, and some villains would needs have done so; in trying
to save, I ran to one that struck his prisoner to kill him, struck at
him to save the man, and had a stroke myself with his bill; those
who took no prisoners would have had them killed. I caused the
wounds of the man who was hurt to be dressed, and gave him 2s. to
clergy, as Stirley knows. [4pages.] |
| April 8 ? |
35. Christopher Norton to Sir Francis Jobson, lieutenant of the
Tower. I thank you for giving me leave to write to you, and intend
only to make a short declaration of all my doings in this late rebellion. Because it was objected at my arraignment that I was the
worst, and one of the most cruel men in the rebellion, and I could
not then make full declaration of my doings, pray show this to the
Council, that they may perceive that I was not the greatest offender,
but a saver of much harm, and move them to be a means to Her
Majesty for my pardon, if they perceive my doings not so evil as
reported. |
|
I have already touched in my writings to them the occasion of my
being in that rebellion, which was the service which nature bound
me to do to my father, upon whom I waited until we came to
Durham, which was the first day of the rebellion, where I neither
did, nor was moved by the Earls or my father to do anything. |
|
The day after our coming to Darlington, 400 or 500 foot came to
them, of whom the Earls willed me to take charge, and to go to
Mr. Sayer's house, to take his arms and weapons, which they thought
with what they had already, would have furnished all; this spoil I
refused to take in hand. The next day we came to Northallerton,
where all the footmen of the bishopric were commanded to be, and
promised to have money, and to be appointed to captains, and
to be in wages. There the two Earls prayed me to stay and
head their foot, and to muster and bring them to Ripon, where I
should find them; I desired that they would appoint some of their
own to it, alleging that my father wanted me to wait upon him; but
they would not take this answer, and desired my father to will me
to it, at whose commandment I promised them to do it, if they
would appoint other gentlemen with me. They did, and each of
them gave me 10l. to distribute as prest money to the footmen, and
also willed me to promise them 8d. a day each, and that captains would
be appointed to them at Ripon; I answered that as they were at least
1,000, 20l. would do little good. They said they could not spare
any more; I thought that less than 1s. a man could not be given,
and told my fellows that I would not promise the rest anything in
their march, but that at Ripon they should know their Lordships'
pleasure, and that I would neither will them to go forward nor back;
those who received nothing were dissatisfied, and returned home;
400 of the best I conducted to Ripon, and delivered them to the Earls,
who appointed them a captain, as I would not meddle with them
any more. They also appointed their councillors and officers of their
army, and would have had my brother William for general of the
horse, and me as serjeant major, but we both refused. |
|
The next day, all the men of Richmondshire and Ripon which
were of our company were appointed to me at Boroughbridge, and
I was promised money and captains, and was to have had 40l., but I
would not meddle with either, and they told my father I would do
nothing. When we came to Wetherby next morning, my father
told me what my Lord of Northumberland said, and prayed me to
help them that day to muster, and he would not will me any more;
whereupon I obeyed his command. The same night my Lord of
Northumberland's servants brought in Mr. Tempest and his soldiers,
whom they had taken and spoiled at Tadcaster; the Earls wanted
him to join with them, but he said he never would, and they
then told him that he should not part from them. Mr. Tempest
being my great friend, I willed him to promise them that he would
not come into the field as their enemy, so as to get liberty, and after
to do as he thought good, which counsel he followed, and with the
help of my father and brother William, he and his men were sent
home with a passport, to keep him from further trouble. |
|
When divers were commanded to go to Ogelstrope's house, of whom
I was one, to fetch some enemies who were reported to be there,
such house would have been spoiled had I not drawn my sword
against my own company; I was in some danger thereby, as
Mr. Vavasour and Mr. Plompton will report, for I saved their lives,
and for that I was very evilly thought of by the Earls and some of
their servants, for a time. |
|
On our return, at Richmond, Nicholas Harrington of Berwick,
and two of Lord Lenox's servants, who came from Scotland, were
taken and brought to my Lord of Northumberland; Nicholas had
letters to some of the Council, and credit if his letters should be
taken from him, but by my great suit and labour, I obtained him a
passport to pass the army, and by means thereof, Lord Lenox's
servants also obtained the like. |
|
At Raby Capt. Stirley came to us, and had not parted from our
company but by my means, and has stated as much, although he
has done me great wrong in falsely reporting my words in many
points. Also at Barnard castle, when Sir Geo. Bowes' horsemen
issued out, and three or four score of them were taken by our company,
the whole had been slain but for me. When Sir Geo. Bowes gave
up the castle, my brother William and I were appointed, with a
company of the Earl of Westmoreland's men, to conduct him out of
the danger of our own army; and we, seeing the soldiers bent to kill
him, against the will of the Earl, notwithstanding all the promises
that were made, made the people think that he should go forth
on the other side of the castle, which drove them thither, by which
means we conveyed him safely away. These my doings will
declare that I was none of the cruellest in this rebellion, and it shall
not be proved that I hurt any true subjects during this commotion, nor was the raiser of any company. I did not refuse to
take charge because I thought myself unable to do it; though
I speak like a fool in praising myself, if anything I do is good,
it is not of myself, but of God. |
|
Bear with me, though I say of myself what I know and can do.
To make a band of untrained soldiers able to serve in the face of an
enemy like trained soldiers, I know as many ways and helps as any
man does, what number soever be in the field; and if they pass 300
and are under 20,000, I can place them in square battle orderly. If I
come by a whole army of men, if they be in order of battle, though
I gallop my horse by them, if I be near them, I will report
their just number. If they be in straggling troops, or order of
march, I could go as near to their number as another man; if I see
the enemy in the field, I could tell their advantages or disadvantages
as soon as another. For serving with horsemen, I could take the time
and the advantage of my enemies, if there be any to be taken, either
in ground, or in disorder, and charge them, whether horse or foot. |
|
I rehearse these points, because some of the Council said I had no
knowledge of service. Seeing the judges are ministers of justice and
not of mercy, and have given sentence of death upon me, my only
refuge is in Her Majesty's mercy. I have heard it preached that
there was never a man putting his hope in God that went away
deceived; and seeing that in ministering mercy the Prince is likest
unto God, I hope I shall not depart void of my expectation; if I
may taste but one drop of her mercy, my life shall ever more be in
her hands, in whatever service it shall please her. Pray signify
the contents of this letter to the Council, and beseech them to be
suitors for me. [3 pages.] |
April 10.
Newcastle. |
36. Earl of Sussex to Sir Wm. Cecil. The bearer, Christopher
Wansworth, has married a daughter of Sir Geo. Bowes, and was
with him in Barnard castle, and afterwards in the service against
the rebels. His mother was married to Christopher Nevill, who
long dealt very ill with Her Majesty, and now the lands that were
her jointure have come to Her Majesty by Nevill's offence.
Mr. Wansworth wishes to be farmer of the lands Nevill had in right
of his wife, and for some portion of the rent to be allowed to his
mother for her maintenance. As he has served dutifully throughout the rebellion, and is of the best sort in the bishopric, I recommend
him to you. [1page.] |
April 10.
York. |
37. Sir Thos. Gargrave to Sir Wm. Cecil. Upon letters from
Council, I apprehended Peter Wilkinson, brother to Oswald Wilkinson
now in the Tower, but have not heard of any matter against him,
nor what I shall do with him. I send you notes of matters laid
to his charge before the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, in which they
would have proceeded if he had not been committed. |
|
Wm. Hammond begs my letter to you for a prebend in York for
his son, now in the University but within age. He begs your favour,
having long been an officer in the Court of Wards. [1page.] |
April 11/21.
Louvaine. |
38. [Sir Fras. Englefield] to——— Since the death of James,
the affairs of Scotland have much changed their course, for the Lords
of the Queen's party,—which are Huntley, Argyle, Atholl, Crawford,
Eglinton, Cassillis, Boyd, Seaton, Ogleby, Herris alias Maxwell,
Hume, Fleming, Lethington, and others, are wholly inclined to
restore their own Queen to the government, against whom Morton,
Glencairn, Marr, Macgill, Lindsay, and some others band all they
can. |
|
Sundry days of meeting have been deferred, and 5 May is now
thought to be the day of meeting; in this delay each side has had
hopes of gaining on the other, one by the aid of the English forces,
and the other by policy, to win some of their adversaries to join them
and leave the Protestants. |
|
At the meeting it shall be propounded that all join in demanding their Queen's restitution; that not granted, then to require
the Queen of England to become the arbitrator of their discord,—an easy suit to be obtained—thereby to take away all occasion
of calling foreign aid into that island, which might be dangerous
to both realms. |
|
The English army of 1,500 horse and 4,000 foot is upon the
frontiers under the Earl of Sussex. He has demanded the English
who have fled, and restitution of the spoils made by both the
Borderers; the first the Scots have denied, the second they will
recompense according to the league, conditionally that this army
does not enter Scotland. Marr has the keeping of the young Prince;
Northumberland is in Morton's hands, and Westmoreland is at
Edinburgh, free with the Queen's friends. |
|
Marr has given his false faith not to deliver the young Prince,
which Wm. Randolph solicits by all possible means for the Queen of
England. Morton will not consent in words that the English
army shall enter Scotland, but he demands 15,000l. or 16,000l., and
promises to bring all to the English devotion. The English
Council are not of one opinion whether Sussex shall enter Scotland
or no. Ba[con ?] and Cy. [Cecil] say yea, the nobility say no,
and Sussex himself thinks it best not to enter yet. The Queen
of England yet stands indifferent, and would do that which is most
for her own security, if she knew what that way were. |
|
The Duke of Norfolk has some liberty in the Tower, and six of
his servants serve him there, but of his delivery there is little hope.
Arundel has sat in the Council since Pembroke's death, and methinks will have the staff again, for much holy water of Court is
sprinkled on him, and small things suffice to blear the eyes of them
that be pur-blind already. |
|
Lady Waldegrave's eldest daughter is married to Sir Wm. Petre's
son and heir, whose parents gave him free choice of his wife, and
now they joy much in his choice, for as they care not for his
wealthy match, so they are glad that he made choice in a family
of such estimation. Her mother gives with her but what she
pleases, for to nothing at all is she bound or strained by his friends.
An ambassador from the French King has arrived at Edinburgh.
[1page.] |
April 12.
York. |
39. Sir Thos. Gargrave to Sir Wm. Cecil. If the four persons
attainted are to be executed at Durham, one writ should be sent to
the Sheriff of Yorkshire of discharge him of their execution, and will
him to deliver them to the Sheriff of Durham, and another to the
latter to receive and execute them; but if they are to be executed
in Yorkshire, there needs only a command from the justices that sit
to the Sheriff of Yorkshire to execute them. Wm. Ingleby has sent
to ask my opinion on the names of those charged with loans by
privy seals, and the names of those that can lend; many of those
appointed are unable, and others omitted who may increase the
sum, as will appear by the bills enclosed. |
|
No man within the shire can worse lend money than I, for I live
on borrowing; yet in time of need I will further what I can, but
without relief, I shall not recover the year's charges during my life.
The charge of the country has been very great this year, and it will
be hard to get money here. |
|
I am glad we shall have a learned and grave archbishop, and
would wish him placed on the commissions of the Council, oyer and
determiner, the peace for Yorkshire, and ecclesiastical causes. |
|
My Lord Lieutenant says he has moved the Queen for me to have
Metcalf's lands, worth 26l. a year. Pray help me therein. [1 page.]
Enclosing, |
|
39. I. List of persons now charged with money by Privy Seal,
viz., 7 at 100l., 4 at 100 marks (1 not able), 48 at 50l.
(6 not able), and 14 dead or removed. [1page.] |
|
39. II. List of persons not charged, and able to be charged with
loans; 9 at 100 marks, 40 at 50l. each. Of this number
25 are noted as Catholics, and 8 as Protestants; the rest
unmarked. [1page] |
April ?
Hampton Court. |
40. The Queen to Sir Nich. Bacon, Lord Keeper. You are to
prepare and seal two writs in form following:— |
|
Warrant to the Sheriff of York to deliver Leonard Metcalf of
Beer park, co. York, Rob. Lambert of Owton, Rob. Claxton of Old
park, and Ralph Conyers of Cottam, all co. Durham, attainted of
treason and in your custody in York castle, to the Sheriff of Durham,
to be executed at Durham. Also, |
|
Warrant to the Sheriff of Durham to receive the said men, have
them drawn on hurdles to the place of execution, hanged, cut
down alive, their bowels cut out and burnt, beheaded and quartered,
and their quarters placed over the gates and most public parts of
the city. [2½ pages, draft, Latin.] |
April 12.
Cambridge. |
41. Warrant to — Chicheley, Hen. Pigott, and — Stondwell to call upon the petty constables and two others in every town
under their charge for a return to certain articles, and to send in
such return to Orwell, by the 2nd of May 1570; viz., what sums of
money have been assessed since 12 March 1569, for providing armour,
ammunition, horse and foot, coat or conduct money, discharge from
service, hire of carriage, &c., for any township, parish, hamlet or village, or for any hundred or town within their charge? How much
has been collected, and by whom received? Whether such armour,
munition, &c. has been provided, and where bestowed? How much
has been expended thereon, and in pressing or discharging men, and
for hiring carriages, horses, labourers, &c., as also in procuring provisions. [2 pages. Copy damaged.] |
April 14.
Carlisle. |
42. Henry Lord Scrope to Sir Wm. Cecil. Since the repair
hither of the garrisons, some of the Hetheringtons have come in and
made their submission, and have laid pledges for obedience hereafter, and the rest of that name mean to do the like within two
days. |
|
Fras. Dacre having requested my letters in his behalf, I signify
that at the first entry made to the houses by his brother Edward, he
immediately gave notice to Simon Musgrave, sheriff of Cumberland;
and in the late rebellion of Leonard Dacre. as soon as he heard of
the taking of my man and intercepting the letters, and perceived
that Leonard enterprised against Her Majesty, he left him and
offered his services to me, being Her Highness's officer. |
|
I am greatly comforted by the coming of these garrisons which
my Lord Lieutenant has sent me; the captains and bands of foot
and the 100 horse are so well furnished that I trust to satisfy Her
Majesty and you with their service. [1 page.] |
April 18.
York. |
43. Sir Thos. Gargrave to Sir Wm. Cecil. A great number of
those to whom privy seals are sent have been with me, lamenting their disability to perform what is required, though they are
willing; some say they cannot get money here if they should
sell land. I have tried to persuade them to make shift to get it
in the present necessity, but I fear the money demanded will not
be had, as the sums are mostly great. |
|
In the bill sent to Mr. Ingleby, some are put down for 50l. and
their privy seals are for 100l.; some have two privy seals, one for
100l. and one for 50l. |
|
I send you a book rated impartially according to ability, the
whole sum amounting to much more than the sum demanded. If
the privy seals were sent accordingly, I think most of the money
would be levied. [1 page.] Enclosing, |
|
43. I. List of 12 persons, and reasons why they are severally
unable to pay and note [by Gargrave]. The gentlemen of
the county, since these troubles, have been at great charge
with making light horses, and going with more numbers
than they were able to make, with my Lord Lieutenant.
The country near the highway from Wetherby to Newcastle
has been spoiled. Many complain, some with and some
without good cause. I have levied in the country 1,520l.
to buy armour, to serve in the journey with my Lord
Lieutenant. [1 page.] |
April 19/29.
Louvaine. |
44. Sir Fras. Englefield to Dorothy Essex. Pray you salute my
little Lord, and commend me to Mr. Kemp, Mr. Digby, Mrs. Pickering, Mrs. Judith, and to Buttocks, my fat one, 1,000 times, whose
letters to Mrs. Paston be well delivered. |
|
It is long since I heard from you; I fear I shall hear that her
Grace cannot win my money out of the merchants' hands, for
although she thought herself sure of it, when I heard that the Duke
was gone before the money was got or the merchants' assurance put
in, I doubted of the end, having had too much experience of the
falsehood of that generation of men, but God's will be done. I would
I might have heard that I might use the next remedy if that
will not serve, for if it come to an ordinary process in law,
this delay will be prejudicial to me, because the matter will be
accounted a stale cause. I regret the trouble I give her Grace, but
it is the ill-fortune of some to be a burden to many, and never able
to benefit any. |
|
Your last was of the 18 Jan., and written kater cornerwise, begun
at the wrong end of the paper, and written backwards. You will, I
perceive, learn Hispanizare. My last to you were of 15 and 22
Feb. In March I wrote not, for I was in childbed when the post departed, and shortly after I was delivered of a great stone, whose
afterthrows troubled me long, so that as yet I am not very free,
though I fear as free as ever I shall be. |
|
You have doubtless heard how my Lady Hungerford's great suit
has ended by sentence, to her sufficient purgation and honour,
though neither sufficient for her recompense, nor for his punishment. |
|
I have had two letters from her since I came, one dated three
months ere I had it, and the other I send you herewith, as also a
copy of my answer to her first, whereby you will perceive how I
have agreed for her coming over to these parts, which I am advised
by some is but lost labour. Her letters were for me to procure
that some order may be taken by her friends to bring her out
of debt, and to live in such estate as they think she ought to sustain.
I know that the charges will be greater that any one of them will
willingly bear, and some of them that could best do will do least. Yet
I see no other way but that the matter must be begun and followed
with every friend she has of good ability, that each may bear a part,
till the justice of her cause be better heard, and that great beast, my
cousin, compelled to recompense the injuries done her, and furnish
her with a yearly living, according to the portion she brought him. |
|
Her Grace does her part liberally, and this lady here is ready to
do hers; her father also, while be finds her and her company meat
and drink, need not be further charged, but my Lord Deputy and
my Lord of Sussex should do somewhat. If they three would give
her but 40l. a piece yearly, and her father continue the charges of her
diet, she would be able to pass away for a time. If she will come
hither, my old lady will take all the charge of her diet, and then her
father must part with 40l. yearly towards her other charges, as my
lady here will not then be able to spare her any money, besides the
diet for her and her friends. This solicitation of her friends must
be done by my Lady Harrington; it should be one of wisdom
and credit, and that would not give in for any excuse, for slow and
backward enough they will be found in coming off with any money,
though such a small sum is not much paid in any of their purses,
nor uneasy for them to levy, for proof whereof I will tell you a good
tale. |
|
There be in this town divers Irish priests, honest and virtuous
men, who tell us that my Lord Deputy has one archbishopric and
two bishoprics in farm already, the archbishopric of Cashell for 40l.
a year, and the others for much less, and has made his clerk of the
kitchen bishop of the one, and his chief falconer bishop of the other;—sufficient parsons no doubt to have such cure of Irish souls as the
English doctrine will permit them to have at this day. |
|
If her Grace will allow of that way, she must write to Lady
Harrington to enter into the trouble thereof, and not to give it over
for a little, as there is so much reason to be said, so that if the matter
be earnestly stuck to, none of them can gainsay it. |
|
We hear nothing of your son's coming to these parts, with which
I am not pleased, for the time is now somewhat easier for folks to
pass than it was. My merchants are now suitors at Brussels for
restoration of the goods arrested, and many have come of late, but
none that I would most see here. |
|
Touching her Grace's friends at home, and their showing themselves as she desires, the matter is more desperate than I dare be
known of, either to her there or to the other here. The party whom
her Grace chiefly means is so beset with ill folks, and has none about
him nor in credit with him that is to be trusted, and all that have
credit with him are so far set on the wrong side, that he depends
wholly upon the Earl of Bedford, in outward show, and inwardly I
fear he is worse than men think: the use of ill company, and the
lack of all good occasions of renewing a man's slow devotion to good
things in time corrupts the very mind, affection, and soul. What
may be done from hence shall be, but look with what danger and
prejudice! There is no man meet to be sent on such an errand that
looks for less rewards for his doings than to be clapped by the heels
and endure further dangers, whilst nothing they say will be kept
from those about him. |
|
I wish myself many times with you during the Duke's absence,
but the journey is so long, and my body every day less able to
labour, that I despair of taking any journey again on horseback. |
|
Sir Cysnack's son has refused the offer of a rich wife; if I had
been in Louvaine when he came hither to visit Lady Dormer, I
could have said more to you; either the air of Spain, the King's
presence, or the manners of the country like him well, for he speaks
all the good he can of Spain. Her Grace is beholden to him for
his good words; he commends herself, her house, and all their
government, and cannot say good enough of her. His father is
restored to the presidentship of the Privy Council as they call it here;
He has a passing fair house in Brussels, with a large garden, and
keeps a very good house. Father, mother, brother, and sister send
commendations to all you of her Grace's house. |
|
As for the news of our country, on 18 Dec. the two Earls, with
all the gentlemen and horsemen of their party, licensed their footmen to depart, and entered Scotland, where Northumberland was
betrayed by a Scottish gentleman and delivered into James's hands;
the residue continue free among those Scots that be the Queen's
friends. Northumberland was sent prisoner to Lochleven, where
the Queen had been prisoner before. Our Queen then dissolved her
army, and made commissioners to do justice upon the baser sort, of
whom were executed more than 100, and many that had accepted
her pardon at first. Two Nortons, brothers, and an uncle, were
brought prisoners to the Tower, where yet they remain. |
|
In January, James was killed by an old enemy in deadly feud
with him years before. The same month Dacre fled into Scotland, but not so quietly as the two Earls, for they went without
a stroke; but his going cost 500 men's lives between the Lord of
Hunsdon and him, who came with the garrison of Berwick to
take him, but he would none of that. Cumberland and Pembroke
be both since dead. Arundel remains still at Nonsuch, and Lumley
in Mr. Hampden's house by Staines. |
|
If James had not died when he did, the Queen, his sister, had
either been delivered to him, or dispatched in the way towards
him. It has lately been reported that the Scottish nobility agreed
to have no other governor but their own Queen, and many say
that Carlisle is either taken or likely to be taken by the Earls and
other English who have fled into Scotland. Our Queen is making
an army northward, and so all is in turmoil in those parts, as well
as with you by the Moors, of whose extirpation we much desire to
hear. Lord Montague did not come hither as you suppose, nor any
other man of account, but I fear they will wish they had when they
shall not have the ability to do so. Long experience has proved and
brought it into a proverb that thoughtless wit lies so far back in
the hinder part of the head, that too late commonly he comes to see
what he might have done before. We are informed by some
Irishmen of more troubles begun in Ireland. |
|
P.S.—Young Harley that hurt Beaumont cannot be seen or heard
of. He did not go to England, and no one has seen him in Italy.
[3 pages.] |
April 20/30.
Louvaine. |
45. Sir Fras. Englefield to the Duchess of Feria. The last post of
March brought you no letters of mine, for I was sick of my old
disease, the stone, but I hope you received those of February acknowledging yours. Of His Majesty's alms procured by you last
November, we have heard no more than I before wrote, viz., that
Sir Arrias Montanus and I, by the Duke's command, had before sent
him the form of two manners of distribution (as Sir Montanus'
opinion did not concur with mine, especially with regard to Mr. Hargatt's portion), and not having heard since, we have sent one to
Brussels with a supplication from all the religious, to ask it of the
Duke, and the arrears of the old year's pension due at Christmas. |
|
The chief part of your letter has often been debated between
me and my Lady here; it is difficult to find a fit person to send to
do any good, for writing to Sir Wm. Dormer is not to be thought
of, and the matter is not to be written of to any other. Here be
some able and willing to do my Lady here that service, but being
unknown to Sir William, there remains little hope of good to be
done in that matter, wherein he is assured to have adversaries of
most credit and nearest in affection. Moreover the matter of the
marriage is said to be far entered into already, the mother having
given over her part in her son's marriage to my Lord of Bedford's
order, as the chief friend that her husband has, by whom he
enjoys all that he now has, which has often been in peril of being
lost; but if the matter shall come again to the state it was in
when you moved that motion, one shall go. |
|
In one point you mistake the state between my Lady here and
her son; you think she plies him with letters touching religion, of
which points no letter of hers made mention for two or three years;
since I came home out of Spain, there has not been a syllable sounding that way. When Kindlemarsh was here last August, it was
requested of my Lady, in her son's name, that no mention should
be made in her letters of religion or matters of State, nor of any
money she received from him; for Kindlemarsh would make her
believe that it stood in danger of her son's undoing. I suspect
that all was but a message contrived between the messenger and
another at home, without Sir William's privity. The matter is so
handled that my Lady lacks a whole year's rent, and my man that
carried her acquittance at Candlemas writes me that the merchant
has 200l. lying in his hands, which he must not make over until
Sir William has seen and allowed the acquittance. Surely this
dealing can only proceed from his being beset with heretics, and
breathing their spirit. Praying and penance must be the remedy.
It is thought one message from you would move Sir William more
than 15 from us Louvainists, for Catholics condemn us as too severe
and scrupulous, and call us the Puritans of the Catholics. The
matter of the marriage is the greatest point of the two. As Sir
William is not likely to live long, if your brother comes to ill hands,
it will be in as ill case as before; but in the marriage with Lord
Montague would be the safety of both, and a pillar to the family
that shall succeed in that realm. |
|
You write that the Duke here is to participate our country
matters with one you name, but he is an unfit man. The poor
imprisoned Queen [of Scots] should know the Catholic King's devotion to her; for want of this knowledge, she and hers will cast
themselves on the shoulders of the French. |
|
This Duke is talking with commissioners of our London merchants
for general restitution of goods on both sides, They were admitted
to his presence, and courteously welcomed; they are Marsh the
governor, and Fitzwilliams and Salkstone, two of the principal
merchant adventurers. The ambassador, Don Gueran [Despes], has
not been with our Queen since the first arrest, and she says he shall
never come to her presence more, for she professes to think him the
procurer of this variance; but the true cause is to acquit the like rejection used to Mr. Mann in Spain, and to let your husband see his
error in procuring that affront to her ambassador; also because
Don Gueran has discovered and set forth in writing the numberless
falsehoods set forth in the first printed proclamation of the causes
of the arrest of the King's money. Foul though the weather was,
the Duke's secretary here said lately that our Queen had given no
cause why the Catholic King should think otherwise of her than as
a good sister, and the matter of money was only as other Princes do
in like case; so it seems they intend to make all fair. |
|
There is no alteration in home affairs. Dacre is gone, but neither
Wharton nor Monteagle, nor any else. Dacre went away bloodily,
for it cost 500 lives. He had got possession of his father's house and
barony, given by Council to his brother's daughters, being the Duke
[of Norfolk's] wards, and disobeyed many processes to call him up, so
Lord Hunsdon and the Berwick garrison were sent to take him by
force. He assembled his friends of both Borders, and charged Lord
Hunsdon, so that both were on the ground, and Dacre was taken,
but rescued by the country people; Hunsdon was forced to retire,
and Dacre went into Scotland, where he lies at liberty, as does
Westmoreland and all the other gentlemen who went there at first.
They write from London that Northumberland is also liberated
again. |
|
This was the first bloody bickering, but is not likely to be the
last. The Queen has sent 4,000 men northwards, either to garrison
the Borders, or to enter Scotland and set up a meet governor there,
in James's stead. The Queen of Scotland continues prisoner at
Tutbury, and her bishop in Grindall's house, closely kept. She
had been delivered into James's hands, or else worse conveyed
away, if he had not been slain. She was, under pretence of favour,
to be carried about to see the country, and take recreation after her
long restraint, and by hunting and hawking from place to place,
brought near to Bristol, where she could have been embarked by
force at night; and in the morning her keepers and guard were to
make an outery, and raise the country and pursue her, saying she
was run away into France. Then the ship, some say, was to be
drowned next night, the master and mariners escaping in a pinnace.
The ship was on its way to Bristol when James was slain, and was
taken by two or three French ships that went to victual Dumbarton
castle, besieged by James's command. This talk comes from London;
give it what credit you please. |
|
Our Queen fears the French will send some aid to Scotland, to
join the English and Scots, and enter England. They do not fear
this King or Duke, their cart being more than fully laden with
Moors at home and Turks abroad. |
|
Lord Cumberland died about the time the two Earls fled. The
wardship of his son is given to Lord Bedford, and the child removed
thither from Lord Montague's, with whom he had been brought up
hitherto. Lords Arundel and Montague are put out of the lieutenancy of Sussex, and Mr. West, created Lord Delawarr, and Lord
Sackville put in. This accounts for the report that Lord Montague
was fled; some say these affronts are done him to make him fly, or
do something to bring him to infamy. Mr. Shelley and Mr. Copley
here say that he is the best beloved nobleman in England. |
|
Lord Pembroke is dead in Court; a great loss to many, and a gain
to some; all of the faction of Lord Hertford's children triumph at
his death. The Queen of Scots, Duke of Norfolk, and Earl of
Leicester have lost much thereby. Lord Sussex has returned to his
charge at York. My Lord Deputy remains in Ireland, and acts
with a policy and temperance which hurt the Catholic religion
more than rougher dealing would do. An English Jesuit has lately
come thence to Lady Hungerford. I have asked her to come hither
now her suits are ended. She has asked me to beseech you
and my old lady here to treat with her father in England, and
provide among you for payment of her debts which are 80l., besides
the 200l. you lately sent her, and provide a yearly portion, as it
breaks her heart to be forced to have of her friends. Such is her
husband's miserable nature, that to save money, he will lie in
prison still, so there is little hope of him, nor much more of her
father because of other impediments. Those near him think the
Sydney stock a hindrance to the others. My (old) lady's portion here
is so small, that though she makes the best of it, it hardly suffices
her; and it does not concur with the dignity to her kindred that
she should live too low. If Lady Hungerford stay where she is,
and have meat and drink of her father for herself and company, you,
my lady here, and my Lord Deputy might make up for her 100l.
a year for other expenses. If she come hither and my lady
here has to keep her and her company, she can spare her no money,
and some must be got of her father. You must get Lady Harrington to solicit her father and my Lord Deputy, for no one else would
prevail. |
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How Lady Harrington has provoked me by her letters to write
to her, you will see by the copies sent to Mrs. Margaret who
ought to have account thereof, she being my mother, and the other
hers. |
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Answer has come from Brussels that our books of distribution are
sent to the King of Spain, and that we can have no full resolution
for the alms until they are returned. They promise 1,000 florins
imprest upon account for the religious, which we have since received.
Since the news of these alms, the Duke and Council have been
troubled with private suits of priests and others of our nation, and of
the Irish here, every man seeking to prefer himself by such friends
as he can procure in Court. I send you an English copy of the
form of distribution sent to the Duke by Dr. Arrias Montanus
and me, which is sent to Spain, where it may happen to lie long,
unless you procure the return thereof. |
|
With the book I am so bold as to show my opinion how the
King's next answer to the Duke should be framed; for if left to
the Duke's disposition, neither can he intend such small matters, nor
satisfy private suits, nor they that are assigned thereto by him
make an end of talking and writing; meanwhile the religious
lack, others that strain themselves to help them are pinched,
and there will be no end of suits and exclamations. The number
of our nation is here great and diverse, one envying the other's
preferment, and the least needy most craving; every secular priest
or lay man finds some friend to speak or write for him, or to give
him six or eight or ten crowns, which to a schoolman is a great
relief, and a quarter of a year's findings; whereas our religious, and
they be many, are all closed up, and have none to solicit for them or
give to them, that sum of money not finding a convent one day that
finds a schoolman a month; by which men are discouraged to give to
them. If they were once provided for, the other priests and students
that daily change, remove, die, or are otherwise provided for by
services in abbeys, or pensions out of them, and some by masses,
might be competently furnished of necessaries, which in this time
were enough, and you should not be again troubled therewith;
but it will ever be so if the final order of the distribution does not
come from the King. |
|
My old lady here is still in good health; she rises early, fears no
cold, spares no labour, and is as busy about her house as when she
was 20 years younger, and she has a very good servant in that
Elizabeth sent her by Lady Hungerford. Mr. Harry is such a good
husband, that he has not been to Brussels since he was known to be
married, which is now six or seven months. Cardinal Shotillyan
(Chatillon) has told our Queen that he has letters of mine of great
treasons against my country; but I am sure he cannot show any.
Whatsoever is said or done by any man, be it French, Scotch, or
Flemish, if it be said to be mine, it is believed. Take care of my
letters; though there be no treason, yet there is more than I say to
any other, or were meet to come to other's eyes. Our Lord has so
provided me with languages that in any other tongue than my own
they need not fear my pen nor my tongue. [5 pages.] |
April 21.
Ripon. |
46. Edm. Hall to Sir Wm. Cecil. I am unfit to travel as you
have appointed, not only from lack of experience in so great a work,
but my continual travels in youth make me feel that it is time for
me not to think myself able to take upon me such a journey as this
will be before we can return; but as you appoint me, I will go
through, God giving me health. |
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Mr. Humberston came to York on Easter Tuesday, and I the
Thursday following; but for your warning, I should have been
unready to follow Humberston so soon, not only for my own causes,
but for lack of horses. |
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We remained at York for our instructions, which we received of
Lord Sussex and the Attorney and Solicitor General, with the
names of those indicted in the late rebellion, as also divers presentments from the Sheriff, expressing many towns where the lands
of the offenders lie. We have surveyed Tadcuster, Spofford, and
Topcliff, parcel of the Earl of Northumberland's lands, wherein
is not left undemised ground enough to keep a gelding, more than
his parks; and of these divers grants are claimed made by the
late Earl, though the present Earl had possession of them these
eight or nine years, and has fully recompensed the claimants. He
has taken sore fines of his tenants for things of small value; the
tenants of Spofford and Topcliff are much dearer rented than those
with us, and the grounds are not fruitful. They have great commons
for the summer time, for storing cattle upon the moors. |
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In Spofford and Topcliff there is much great timber, but much
spoiled with snaithing, and the underwoods destroyed. |
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We have surveyed Walton head, Leethley, and Farnley, part of
Hen. Johnson's lands, which are not much, and are much entangled,
as he has sold the greater part his father left him, and what he
has left, he has conveyed by fine to himself and his wife and their
heirs. He has built a small house at Walton head of stone, upon
a demesne adjoining a large common in a wild country, whereof
the old lady of Northumberland has a moiety of the demesne
for life. It is well stored with old wood, but the underwood is
spoiled, and the ground not fertile. All his land is demised by lease,
save the demesnes at Walton head. |
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Nigh to Topcliff we find certain lands which were Sir Giles
Strangwish's, and were in debate between Leonard Dacre and
Mr. Tankarde who has bought Rosse's interest; but as Tankarde has
had quiet possession three or four years, we shall not deal with them.
Such as we find Leonard Dacre had possession of lately we shall
survey, and charge the tenants to answer the rent to the Queen's
receiver. |
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We are informed that Christ. Lockwood of Sowerby had of his
father-in-law Christ. Lassell's, by gift, either an estate of inheritance
of the manor and park of Sowerby, or a lease for a small rent;
this Lassells denies, but we shall take the survey thereof, unless
commanded to the contrary upon some matter shown by Lassells to
the Council. |
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We have surveyed part of John Fulthorp's lands in Islebeck and
Thirkleby; his house at Islebeck is too evil for shepherd or herdsman to dwell in; the demesne is the best pasture and meadow
ground of all the lands we have viewed, and contains 160 acres,
whereof 50 are good watered meadow. The whole demesne lies
together within a hedge, and the old man, John Fulthorp, has always
dwelt in this evil house. |
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We are now at Ripon, surveying Richard Norton and Thos. Markenfeld's lands. Norton has a brick house, which looks fair, but is
all out of order within. It is well placed, with apt grounds for
gardens and orchards, wherein he had pleasure; within half a
mile of his house, he has a park of 1½ miles, well stored with timber.
It has been stored with deer and conies, which are now almost
spoiled. Of his demesnes, part is good ground lying about the river
Ure, but the grounds on the rivers are not so good as those by the
rivers in the south. His demesnes are about 650 acres. |
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As Norton's house lies two miles from Ripon, N.E., Mr. Markenfeld's is one mile S.W.; an ancient house, built all of stone, to
the outward show fair and stately; the hall and the lodging side
embattled, more in length than breadth, and three sides environed
with an evil moat; but the house is served with a conduit very
plentifully. Against the entry of the court is built the hall and
kitchen; on the right hand of the court, the lodgings, and on the
left the stables, brewhouses, and offices. The hall and lodgings are
all vaults, and were at first built all about one high room. Besides
the vaults, the walls are of a great height, without order, whereof
part is divided at the mid-transom of the window, so that the rooms
are all out of order. The house is placed in a park of the like
quantity of Mr. Norton's, but better ground, and well planted with
large timber. There is a demesne adjoining of 800 acres, with no
quantity of water meadow, but much hay is made in seasonable
years. |
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Many offenders have compounded with the commissioners, notwithstanding we are appointed by Mr. Attorney to inquire what
lands they have, so that if they have above 500l. in lands, they
are bound to make new compositions. Among these we find John
Green, son and heir of Green of Newby, nigh Topcliff, and yet
within age; he was ward to the old Countess of Northumberland,
who sold him to Rich. Norton, his father-in-law, and he is not yet
married, so that I think the Queen is to have the marriage of him.
If you would grant me the preferment, I should be much bound to
you. It is said he will not have 100s. a year during his mother's
life, but after her decease, he will have a proper gentleman's house,
with a fair demesne lying upon the Swale. |
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The country people have been sore taken on, what by their Lords
in taking great fines for their lands, the spoil lately made by the
armies, and compositions made by men for their lives,—not before
the Queen's commissioners, but others without commission,—so the
people seem to be in much obedience, though they talk of some of
their countrymen somewhat at large for their hard dealing with
them. Many a man prays for Mr. Attorney and Solicitor, as by their
means they have recovered part of what was taken from them.
Mr. Markenfeld has made leases of almost all his land, save part of
his demesne at Markenfeld, and has received great fines, and of
many of his tenants from four to six years' rent in advance, so that
they greatly exclaim against him. |
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From hence we go to Leeds, to survey Sir John Nevill's lands
and thence to Craven, and so into the bishopric. [4¾ pages.] |
April 23.
York. |
47. Sir Thos. Gargrave to Sir Wm. Cecil. I send herewith the
judgments found at Carlisle against rebels and traitors, that
Mr. Attorney may procure process against them, and have them
speedily outlawed. |
|
I fear the Queen will not get the money required by privy seals
in these parts, for they have already been much charged, and there
is no store of money to be had; but if they might be qualified
according to the book I send you, most could be had in a fortnight
after Whitsuntide. Many named are dead, and divers unable to
pay. |
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As I am sheriff of this shire, I want the Queen's pleasure about
the execution or stay of the persons attained remaining in my
charge; for Oswald Wikinson, now in the Tower, has the gaol by
patent, and I cannot discharge him; if I knew there was an
attainder against him, I would place another for the surety of the
gaol, for it is very inconvenient for the sheriff to be charged with
it, while another has the patent. |
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P.S.—The army entered Scotland on Tuesday; God prosper
them. [1 page.] Annexing, |
|
47. I. List of 36 persons that were indicted at York of
treason, for being concerned in the rebellion of 27 Nov.,
in the North, including the Earls of Northumberland and
Westmoreland; also of 17 indicted for rebellion only,
of 11 for conspiracy and rebellion, 7 Oct., of 11 who have
been sentenced to die, and of 4 who have been executed.
Also of 33 indicted at Durham, and 4 at Carlisle, 21
Dec., and of 28 indicted at Carlisle with Leonard Dacre
for the rebellion at Geltmore, 20 Feb. 1570. [5 pages.] |
April 23.
Berwick. |
48. Sir Geo. Bowes to Sir Wm. Cecil. The bearer, my son-in-law
Christopher Wandsforth, being now of age, and having served Her
Majesty dutifully, comes before you for his livery. Pray favour
him, and grant him long days. His entry will be but poor, through
the evil dealings of his father-in-law, Christopher Nevill, who
married his mother, and in his minority, came into possession of all
his father had, which he for the most part consumed, used the
mother in a most evil manner, and now has forfeited the rest, both
lands and goods, to Her Majesty, and left nothing either for him or
his mother, unless by your help. His desire is to farm such of his
inheritance as shall come to Her Majesty by the attainder of
Christopher Nevill, at such rent as it shall be valued at. [¾ page.] |
April 27.
York. |
49. Sir Hen. Gate to Sir Wm. Cecil and Sir Walter Mildmay.
I came here on the 25th with the treasure, but found none having
authority to receive it. Next morning Mr. Browne wrote to me
by his man, Robt. Ardern, for 4,000l., which seemed strange, as I
had to deliver but 2,000l., and to the Dean and Chapter of York
for another 1,000l. The 2,000l. and letter I have delivered, and
beseech you to advertise Browne that my charge was no more than
this 2,000l. Your reward was bountiful towards me for the carriage, yet I will not take the like charge again, both for the toil
and pain by the way, and because my hand remains with the tellers
that I had it of, which shall always charge me, and I only have
Ardern's hand for my discharge. Remember my suit to the Queen,
for otherwise I shall be forgotten, and run on the rock, and
I and mine shall want necessary relief. I have written to my
Lord Lieutenant that I am ready to be employed. [1 page.] |
