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June 2. |
46. Account of the execution of Thomas Howard, Duke of
Norfolk.—At his coming to the scaffold at 7 A.M., in a black satin
doublet, a long gown of black raised velvet, nightcap, and a
felt hat, he looked about him, and after a little stay, asked where he
should stand to speak to the people; he was directed to the east side.
The noise being great, Master Nowell beseeched them to make
silence, when the Duke said: It is not a rare thing to see a man
come to die, yet through the great clemency of Her Majesty it has
been strange to see a nobleman suffer in this place. It is my fortune
to be the first, and I pray God I may be the last, and that my death
may be an example to others (whereunto the people cried, Amen,
Amen). I have not been accustomed to long speech in such an
auditory; my rude speech shall consist in three parts. I would
that none should take it in pieces, but the whole. I am loath to
offend any. |
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The first is touching the state of my offences, as in my own conscience
I judge them, and wherein I can clear myself. I will lay no injustice
to my peers. I dealt touching a marriage with the Queen of Scots, not
as I ought, but without the assent of my Prince, wherein I fell justly
in Her Majesty's displeasure, for which I was committed to this
place. I was afterwards delivered, and made a submission, and it
sinks deeply in my stomach that I dealt most disloyally, contrary to
my promise and truth. It has been bruited of an oath I should
take, and protestations I should make of refusing the same, and
receiving the communion thereupon; it is utterly untrue. I confess
I dealt contrary to my promise and writing to the Queen. I have
had judgement given on me by occasion of my dealing with suspected
persons, namely, one Rudolphi. I never saw him but once—a
stranger and a naughty man, with whom I never dealt, but touching
a recognizance. (Here Sheriff Brameh interrupted him. and said he
came to execution, and not to purge himself and charge his peers.) |
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I purge my peers; I will not accuse them. I have been charged
that I received letters from the Pope; such letters were brought to
me; the one deciphered I read, the other I saw in cipher; both were
touching rebellion, but I never assented to nor allowed them, nor
consented to rebellion or invasion, or any danger to my Prince or this
city; but in that I had to do with such persons as had no good
meaning to the Queen, and did not utter the same as appertained, I
did offend. (Mr. Christopher vehemently interrupted him, affirming
that such matters were not now to be dealt with, and that by
such dealing he might bring them in danger of displeasure, and that
he was come to be executed.) |
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The second matter is touching my conscience and religion to Godward. I have been called a papist, a leaner to papistry, and a
maintainer of papists. I confess I have had many familiar friends,
and many servants whom I did trust that were papists, and whom
I have favoured, to some offence of the Gospel. The Lord in heaven
forgive me; my only faith is in Jesus Christ; in Him and by Him
only I trust to be saved. |
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As for the Pope and his traditions, I never liked them since I
understood religion, neither do I trust to him, but renounce him
utterly, and all his ceremonies. Bear with me; I can scarce make
an even tale, to be so stopped as I am. |
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For the third matter, I am to show you how I am bound to our
Sovereign Lady, whom, although I have grievously offended, yet of
her mere mercy it has pleased hither to grant me pardon of
the extremity of law for my offences, and she has long prolonged my
execution, that I might repent my sins. The Lord send her a long
and prosperous reign, to the comfort of the true profession of His
word. She has promised to be good to my poor orphan children,
and I pray God my death may end all troubles that grow to her.
I would not wish any to lean to faction, and if any have factions,
let them take heed; it will be their own destruction. It is possible
there be divers factions; forsake them and depend only upon her;
seek not to prevent her doings, for if every man had his wish, who
would live in peace? Good Father Latimer, in King Edward's
time, preached that our sins would be the cause of taking away
that good King, and I pray God that your living may be such that
God may lengthen [her] life, which I would wish to be to the
world's end, which in my judgment will not be long, and I believe
some alive shall see it. Pray all for her, that she may long reign
over you, for preservation of the professors of the Gospel, and to the
overthrow of papistry (whereunto the people cried God grant it). |
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Lastly, I beseech you pray for me, that I may depart cheerfully,
and that God may strengthen my faith, through Jesus Christ, now
at my last time, and give me sure hope in His mercies, that dying
constant here, I may by death pass to life everlasting (to which
all the people cried Amen). |
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Then he kneeled down towards the north-east corner of the
scaffold, where the straw was laid, and read the 81st and 38th
Psalms; and in the midst of the latter, at the word enemies, he
said, "Enemies, enemies, God forgive them." and turning to the
people, he said, "I have forgotten one thing which I should principally have spoken of; that if I have offended any, I heartily pray
them to forgive me; and if I knew any particular man here that
I have offended, I would ask him forgiveness, and do likewise generally forgive all that have offended me, even as I would be forgiven
at God's hand, for Christ's sake." The Psalm he said very loud,
and with great courage and cheerfulness, and afterwards said two
prayers more softly. The latter prayer is translated out of Erasmus
de Gravit. Morbo, and is commonly called Lord Cromwell's prayer. |
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Then he rose and put off his gown and doublet, in doing which he,
with the Dean of Paul's rehearsed these words of Job: "The Lord
hath given, the Lord hath taken away, as it hath pleased the Lord,
so is it come to pass; blessed be the name of the Lord." And
being in a white fustian waist, sleeveless, and with a low collar
turned down his shirt band, he refused to have any handkerchief
over his eyes, and bid the executioner not to fear, as he would lie
quietly and handsomely for him, with his face open; and he would
have seen the axe, being very earnest therein, but the Dean of
Paul's prayed him to refrain from adding more terrors than the
occasion needed, and that with humbleness he should thank God
for the strength of his grace that was given him. When he had
proved his neck sure upon the block, the Dean (with his consent),
spoke these words to the people: "He prays you all now, at this
his last instant, that ye will, with one voice and heart, beseech God,
for Christ's sake, to have mercy upon him, and so to assist him
with His heavenly grace that he may, by temporal death of his body,
pass unto life everlasting." Whereat the people, with a mighty
voice cried, "God be merciful unto him—God, for Christ's sake,
have mercy on him." "Now," said the Dean, "I pray you hereafter
to keep silence, and not speak nor shriek, for fear of troubling him,
but pray for him in your hearts." Then the Dean, taking leave of
him, and being also on his knees, he took him about the middle in
his arms, and said, "The God of all mercies embrace you with His
mighty grace, and comfort you, through Jesus Christ our Lord;"
putting him in remembrance to stretch out his neck, and to
bend his chin downward, and continually to say, or at the least to
think, until the stroke came, "O, Father of Mercies, into Thy hands
I commend my soul; Lord Jesus receive my spirit." So very
suddenly, after his neck had settled upon the block, his head was
struck off with one stroke. |
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Moreover, after the executioner had kneeled down and asked him
forgiveness of his death, he cheerfully forgave him, and delivered him
40s. in gold and 18s. 6d. in silver, as also his hat, gown and doublet;
and standing in his vest, which was of white fustian, he said to
Mr. Nowell in his ear, "this is the satin doublet which the preacher
(Tobie Mathew) spoke of." |
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His head being off, his body was put into a coffin belonging to
Barking church, and the burying cloth of the same church laid on
him. He was carried into the chapel of the Tower by four of the
Lieutenant's men, and there buried by the Dean of Paul's, he saying
the service according to the Queen's book, without any other
preaching. [3¼ pages. Modern copy, from the original in the
collection of the Marquis of Hertford.] |
June 2. |
47. Similar account, less full, of the Duke's last speech, adding that
after he had refused a cloth to cover his face, and had laid himself upon
the block, his truss or shirt being very straight, he rose up again
upon his knees, and requested a knife to cut the same, but it being
refused, he said, "Do you think I despair? God forbid;" and upon
having it, he cut open the place, saying this is the last deed that
ever I did, and lay down again, saying, "Lord be merciful unto me
and receive my spirit," and then his head was struck off at one
stroke." [2 pages, damaged. Both these accounts differ slightly
from that printed in Howell's State Trials, Vol. I., pp. 1032–1035.] |
June 2. St. James. |
48. The Council to the Captain of Jersey. You are to call to
you the chief and best experienced jurats of the island, and all the
parties concerned, with their witnesses, to examine the petition of
Heliar Malesars, of Jersey, who complains of a wrong judgment
given against him by the bailiff. Make final orders, according to
equity and the customs of the island. [½ page, copy.] |
June 2. Carlisle. |
49. Henry Lord Scrope to Lord Burghley. The bearer, Mrs. Best,
prays my letters to you in her favour, about such things as she has
to do there; extend your goodness to her, as you shall find she
deserves. [½ page.] |
June 3. Berwick. |
50. Phillip Strelley to Lord Burghley. My late troubling you
would forbid my pressing you again so soon, but my necessities egg
me, and your noble courtesy draws me forward. The present state
of Flanders causes me to think that a man of my profession would
have entertainment amongst those that, having long sustained a heavy
yoke of bondage, now stand upon the hard point of life and
liberty; for whose safety and release I would gladly adventure,
by Her Majesty's favour, trusting to further the common cause of
God, and the good estate of my Prince and country, and to alleviate
the burden that lies on me. I have obtained my Lord Governor's
favour, if Her Majesty will permit. I beg your answer to my Lord
Governor, and help that my poor wife may enjoy my pension until
my return; if it were not beyond the bounds of duty, I would also
crave leave for an inferior pensioner or two, that would willingly
go with me, if their pensions might not be withdrawn during their
absence. [¾ page.] |
[June 5.] |
51. The Queen to Henry Lord Hunsdon. The Earl of Northumland, attainted of high treason, being at last delivered to you, you
are to cause him to be surely kept by persons who may not for
respect be remiss therein, or suffer him to have or give any intelligence. You are to examine him upon articles sent to you
herewith; and, upon his answers, to add any other questions tending
to discover the truth of the rebellion, who were the authors, promoters, or any ways parties thereto; and likewise on all other
traitorous practices or intelligences since. You may use speeches to
terrify him with extremity of punishment if he shall conceal anything; as you see cause, you may also comfort him with hope, so as
it be not in our name, if he will utter the truth of every person,
without regard to any, though he may think they be in place
of credit. Send his answers up with speed, and you shall know our
further pleasure. We like not any chargeable entertainment of him,
in his diet, considering him as a person attainted; by over
tender usage he may gather comfort to persist in denial of the truth
of things known to him. [1 page. Draft by Lord Burghley.]
Enclosing, |
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51. i. Twenty-six interrogatories to be administered to the Earl
of Northumberland touching his connexion with the
rebellion. [6½ pages. In the handwriting of Att. Gen.
Gerard, corrected by Lord Burghley. These questions are
calendared, as far as needful, in connexion with the
answers on 13 June. See No. 56 I. infra. Both questions
and answers are printed connectedly and in full, in
Sharpe's Memorials of the Rebellion, pp. 188–206.] |
June 5. Dover. |
52. Hen. Cobham to Lord Burghley. You will have heard of the
Duke Montmorency's stay, through lack of health, but I thought it my
duty to advertise you what order has been taken for furnishing his
train with house and lodgings from the sea side forwards, and have enclosed a schedule of the number of horses prepared for his first arrival
which are to be ready at an hour's warning, and so dealt that the
country is not extraordinarily charged. As it is set forth for this
town and Canterbury, so is the service directed to Gravesend, and
the lodgings will be as good and convenient as he could find between
this and Paris. I lament that a few hangings have not been sent
down to furnish the Duke's bedchamber. The sheriff is appointed
by the Earl of Pembroke to receive the Duke on Barham Down, near
Dover, with the country gentlemen, and Mr. Stonar has made
very good preparation for victuals. |
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Pray further my suit to Her Majesty for certain farms on lease,
instead of the fee-farm of Manling which I am to surrender to her.
Recommend to her my painful journeys, the best part of my youth
spent in 13 years' service, the goodwill and the desire I have shown
to serve faithfully, and now would, with her gracious help, maintain
myself out of debt. [2 pages.] |
June 8. Berwick. |
53. Sir Valentine Browne to Lord Burghley. You know the arrival
here of the late Earl of Northumberland. I am not in little care
for the safe keeping of him in my own house, besides my charges
thereby, this being a dangerous place for practise. I pray you help
that I may be rid of him with all speed. He stands in great hope
of Her Majesty's mercy, but nothing altered from his old mummish
opinions, which he would persuade to be taken for the cause of his
rebellion. Thanks for your aid prepared for recovery of my hoy and
goods that were, as I was fully advertised, past help, and had been
if I had not made search in time, but now is in safety, and arrived
here these two or three days. Pray excuse the importunity of my
man for my prests. [½ page.] |
June 12. Berwick. |
54. Henry Lord Hunsdon to Lord Burghley. I received your
packet with the articles to examine the Earl upon, whereupon I
went to him with Mr. Treasurer, and examined him, and he
answered very fully; but as he said his memory was short, and
he would not willingly conceal anything, he desired paper and ink
to be left with him that night, and will return his answer tomorrow. He seems willing to satisfy Her Majesty, and if his confession be true, the rebellion was one of the strangest matters that
has been heard of, and principally procured by old Norton and Markenfeld, and earnestly followed by the two Countesses. |
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Yesterday Mr. Marshal sent me two letters to send you, of
occurrents there, by which you will see what likelihood there is
of accord among them. If I had not sent them that powder, they
had been at a great afterdeal, for their arquebusiers had not three
shots apiece left. When you receive the Earl's answer, procure my
deliverance of him, that I may rid my hands of him; but he must
be safely sent up, as he has many friends by the way. |
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I look for Nicholas Elviston to-night or to-morrow. Her Majesty
has small cause to grant any of their demands that thus discourteously deny the Irish Bishop and his writings, but it is Morton's
doing, and let Her Majesty be well advised before she yields to let
them have Hume and Fastcastle, for they import great matter for
this realm. [1 page.] |
June 13. Berwick. |
55. Henry Lord Hunsdon to Lord Burghley. Having now received the Earl's answer with his hand to every article, as also mine
and Mr. Treasurer's, as witnesses, I trust you will procure that I
may be discharged of him. His answers are very long, and yet
not so long as he would have made them, as he would have made
discoveries of every trifling thing of no effect; but he seems unwilling
to leave out anything. He greatly excuses my Lord of Westmoreland, and plainly says that they could never get any hold of him
until the last hour, and that by the procurement of his wife. |
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Our neighbours are daily taking advantage of one another. I
look shortly to hear of broken heads; the 300 soldiers that went
out of the castle will bring more men, victuals, and money, or they
will smart for it, and the others will hinder them if they can. |
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P.S.—My wife prays that although you are greatly busied with
the entertaining and the affairs of Montmorency, yet that you will
dispatch me of my prisoner, that we may make merry this summer
at Brancepeth. [1 page.] |
June 13. Berwick. |
56. Henry Lord Hunsdon to the Queen. I have examined the
Earl, first upon one half of the articles and afterwards on the others;
he required leave to have them to think upon, as his memory was
short, and he would not willingly omit or conceal anything. I
granted it, and appointed a trusty man to write his answers, which
I send herewith. I never thought him so simple as I now find him,
and if his confession be true, he was greatly procured to it by others.
He excuses Westmoreland more than himself, affirming that they
could never get any hold of him for the rising until the last hour, and
he was only brought to it by his wife, who was more vehement therein
than any other. I will not trouble you with my neighbours' daily
skirmishes, whereby there is daily less hope of agreement. |
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Nicholas Elviston has just come, and is to repair to you with
certain suits. Pray remember how courteously they deal with
you in keeping the Irish Bishop, whereto they have no colour but
because you will not grant them the Bishop of Ross, for whom they
care not, but they would have a colour to withhold the other.
Pray rid me of my charge of the Earl, whom I keep in great fear,
having no apt place to keep any prisoner of charge in. [1 page.]
Enclosing, |
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56. i. Answers to interrogatories by the Earl of Northumberland, before Lord Hunsdon and Sir Valentine Browne:— |
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1. What conference had you, or others through you,
with the Spanish ambassador about the Scottish Queen?
Ans., I repaired to Court on Her Majesty's letters, lodging at Skinner's, in Westminster. The Spanish ambassador sent me salutations, and I promised to visit him. |
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The Queen being at Hampton Court, I went thither
sundry times, but was as long at Westminster, my leg
being bruised with the fall of my horse. I had nothing
to do with the ambassador till the day of my departure,
when I went and spent half an hour with him before
break of day, Thos. Bates interpreting. He said the
King his master favoured me for my love to the Catholic
religion, and lamented its decay in this realm, and
said every nobleman should further it. We spoke of
the examples of other subjects. I hoped a marriage
between the King of Spain and Queen of Scots; he
did not reply. I asked how much the Queen had had
of the King's treasure landed in the West country. He
told me, but I forget the sum. He named no matter of
moment. He might forbear from dislike to my long
delay in coming, or my haste to depart lest I should be
seen, the day growing light, or from dislike to my interpreter, or from my small affection to the Queen of Scots'
marriage with the Duke [of Norfolk]. Nothing was
said, as Bates can testify, of the advancing the Queen
of Scots, invasion, or imperilling Her Majesty. On
our return, when we were up at Raby, and the Earl of
Westmoreland laying siege to Barnard castle, one
came, as he said, from the Spanish ambassador and
the Bishop of Ross, to see how long we could keep
together, and promised us aid from Alva in 20 days.
Fras. Norton and Markenfeld said he was a man of
credit belonging to the Queen of Scots; but most of us
thought it was old Rich. Norton's device, to cheer us and
keep us together. |
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2. What conference had you or your wife with the
Scottish Queen in England? Ans., My wife never
saw her nor I, but at Carlisle half an hour in
public; but she sent me and my wife several letters
with thanks for good will, &c., which I answered,
praying her specially to regard the advancement of
the Catholic religion. Nothing important was in the
letters. A servant of hers brought me a like message
in Westminster, and the Bishop of Ross came and fed
my humour that the Queen would marry another, not
the Duke. I asked how the lords in commission proceeded in her matters; he said well, and asked how the
noblemen and gentlemen in the North were inclined.
I named those of the religion who I imagined would
take that part, but nothing was said of any enterprise. |
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3. What tokens or messages have you or your wife
had from her? Ans., The tokens sent me and my wife
were rings of small value, a gold cross, &c., and we
returned such trifles as we had. I sent her word by
John Leviston, one of her messengers, how her marriage
with the Duke was misliked, he being counted a Protestant, and if she looked to recover her estate, it must
be by advancing the Catholic religion; but that if the
Duke were a Catholic, I would rejoice at the match. |
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4. What were the devices for taking her away, and
who were privy thereto? Ans., My cousin Leonard
Dacre, Fras. Norton, and Markenfeld consulted whether
it would be possible to liberate the Queen of Scots, and
Dacre and Norton went near to the Earl of Shrewsbury's, to practise the matter with acquaintance in the
house; they were to have 20 horses and servants near,
and be met half way; but they could not bring it to
pass. |
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5. Why was she to be taken away? Ans., They
hoped, by having her, to get reformation or sufferance
in religion, and the freedom of one who was the second
person and heir apparent. |
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6. When and by whom was she to be proclaimed
Queen of England? Ans., I do not remember its
being moved. |
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7. What messages have you sent her by Fras. Norton,
John Hamlyn, &c.? Ans., No other messages were
sent to and fro than as stated. |
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8. What conferences have there been about her marriage, and whom was she to marry? Ans., The Earl
of Westmoreland, his uncles, and some of the Nortons liked her marriage with the Duke. My cousin
Dacre, I, and others wanted a sound Catholic, even if it
were a foreign prince; but we kept it secret, because the
Queen sent us word to seem contented with the match.
When the Queen of Scots was at Bolton, Chris. Lassels
come to my house at Leckenfield, and spoke much of the
Queen's marriage with the Duke, asking how I liked it,
and wishing me to write her about it, but I refused,
unless she wrote to me. He brought me a courteous
letter afterwards, but it seemed not to be her own hand,
and was rather to press me to give an opinion than to
express her own, and it seemed as though it were procured by the messenger. I only gave a verbal answer,
which did not content him. |
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9. What conferences had you with the Duke of Norfolk about his marriage with her, and who were privy
thereto? Ans., The first time I spoke to the Duke about
the marriage was a fortnight after he came to York,
reluctantly, at request of John Leviston. He thanked
me for my good will, but I never dealt further in it.
When the Duke came into his country, I sent to ask
him what he wished me to do. I was told that his
friends seemed to refuse him; but he would venture not
to go up [to Court], and send to me if needful. I sent
to the Spanish ambassador, who advised us not to stir,
but this was after the Duke was committed to the Tower,
Cantrell brought me a letter from the Duke, saying he
had been moved by sundry noblemen, but would not
enter into it without my advice. I answered that I
would do as others did. |
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10. How often did you confer with Leonard Dacre,
Oswald Wilkinson, and others about taking away the
Queen of Scots? Ans., My cousin Dacre, Westmoreland, old Norton, and Markenfeld were with me when
the Duke's servant came to the Earl of Westmoreland
from Royston, whither his master had repaired at the
Queen's command. As the man would not be seen,
Westmoreland met him at 3 a.m., and then told us that
the man urged him, by his love to the Duke, not to stir,
or the Duke would lose his head; but the Earl of
Northumberland could do as he liked. Yet Westmore
land said he would do as we did. Dacre and I sought
not to enter into these troubles with so little chance of
success; but to keep credit with the others, who were
earnest to stir, we devised that Dacre should seem willing to enter the matter, and we would proceed the next
Monday. Westmoreland asked what the ground of the
quarrel was to be. They said Religion. He said
No, for such quarrels were accounted rebellion in other
countries, and he would not blot his long stainless house.
This happened as my cousin and I looked for, that we
might excuse ourselves to the rest. We ever judged
Westmoreland was unwilling, but urged to the matter.
We then separated, my Lord returning home; Dacre I
never saw since. Then old Norton and Markenfeld
came to me, and said we were already in peril, through
our often meetings, and must either enter the matter
without the Earl, or depart the realm; and it would be a
great discredit to leave off a godly enterprise that was
looked for at our hands by the whole kingdom, many
of whom would assist us. I bade them take time to
consider; they were away 14 days, and then returned
with other gentlemen of the bishopric, and some belonging to the Earl, who were forward in the matter. I
objected that my Lord President suspected us, and
would not let us escape; but I offered to write to the
gentlemen of the country to know their mind. They
answered coldly, and that stopped us awhile. They
then devised to take the Lord President and Council,
and thus allure the rest. I said this must be done by
my servants, and I wished Westmoreland would join.
They devised that on a Sunday, when the Lord President and Council, and mayor and aldermen were at
sermon, I should come from my house at Topcliffe to
Galtres forest, four miles from York, have one well
horsed in town, to tell us when the bell was tolling for
sermon, come to church, and keep the two doors, which
might force them to yield to us. But as neither Westmoreland nor I were willing for such an attempt, as
likely to breed bloodshed, it was passed over. I wished
to consult the Earl of Derby, Queen of Scots, and
Spanish ambassador. The first did not answer; the
other two thought it better not to stir. |
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Then our company were discouraged. I left my
house on a false alarm, and went to Lord Westmoreland's on my way to Alnwick. I found with him all
the Nortons, Markenfeld, his two uncles, the two Tempests, John Swinburne, and Sir John Nevill, all ready
to enter forthwith. We consulted; my Lord, his uncles,
old Norton, and Markenfeld were earnest to proceed.
Fras. Norton, John Swinburne, myself, and others
thought it impossible, so we broke up and departed,
every man to provide for himself. Lady Westmoreland, hearing this, cried out, weeping bitterly, that we
and our country were shamed for ever, and that we
must seek holes to creep into. Some departed, and I
wished to go, but my Lord's uncles and others were so
importunate that I and my Lord should not sunder,
or we should cast ourselves away, that I remained a
day or two. If any of us had provided a ship, we
should have been glad; but when I found I could not
get away, I agreed to rise with them, and promised to
go and raise my force in Northumberland, to join Lord
Westmoreland about the Tyne. They misliked my de
parting, but I told them I must go, unless I went under
my Lord's standard without force of my own. I had
got away an arrow shot, when the Nortons and others
came to persuade me to return; being desperately
urged, I returned, and met my Lord, riding homeward
I thought, but he passed towards Durham; when I
understood they would begin the matter there, I would
no further, and willed my Lord to return home and
take better advice. I walked up and down till sunset,
and then they forced me to go. |
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Oswald Wilkinson, my farmer in certain mills, I
sent post up to London, to tell the Spanish ambassador
in what extremity we were, and must either enter into
arms or fly our country. My money being spent,
Wilkinson offered to go at his own charge; but being
taken at York on his return, we had no answer. I
know not Hawley. Thos. Bishop is a tenant of mine,
whom I had to sue for rent; he was under my guard
while we were up, till we fled into Scotland. Thos.
Borthwick is the Queen of Scots' man. Thos. Hussey I
showed of before. |
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11. When did you first enter into this conspiracy, how
many were privy thereto, and how often did you and
others confer thereof? Ans., We first began to talk of
these matters when the Duke went in displeasure from
Court to his house in London, and it was bruited in
Yorkshire that the Council was wonderfully divided
about the succession, that the Duke and other noblemen
had retired to their houses, and that the realm would
be in a hurly-burly; so I went to the Duke and assembled my friends, to know their inclinations. I and
many gentlemen intended to join the Duke, if the quarrel
rel were for reformation of religion or naming a successor, but not to hazard myself for the marriage.
This I fear made my enemies about Her Majesty pick
a quarrel with me. On the Duke's repair to Court,
hearing that the reports about naming a successor were
untrue, I sought to forbear to stir. Yet to keep in
those gentlemen that had frankly taken my part, I did
not seem to mislike their earnestness in executing their
purpose, but put them off, until at last I was driven to
it perforce. Those privy to it were the Earl of Westmoreland, his uncles, Sir John Nevill, Robert (Rich. ?) Norton, Fras. Norton, and others of his brethren, Vavasour
of Hazlewood, Plumpton of Plumpton, And. Oglethorpe,
Chris. Danby, Robt. Tempest of Homeside, and his son,
John Swinburne, Markenfeld of Markenfeld, &c. some
from affection to the aforesaid two causes, some that they
might be doing. The Earl of Westmoreland was cold,
and had never attempted it but through the earnest
means of his wife. |
|
12. When was the Duke of Norfolk first made privy
to it, and what message was sent to him about it by
you, the Earl of Westmoreland, or others ? Ans., I
can say nothing more than before. |
|
13.What message did you or Westmoreland receive
from the Duke about it ? Ans., I received no message
by the Earl from the Duke other than before said. |
|
Answers to other articles. |
|
1. What was the intent and meaning of the rebellion ? Ans., Our first object in assembling was the
reformation of religion and preservation of the person
of the Queen of Scots, as next heir, failing issue of Her
Majesty, which causes I believed were greatly favoured
by most of the noblemen of the realm. I hoped my Lord
Leicester, and especially Lord Burghley, with his singular judgment, had by this time been blessed with
godly inspiration to discern cheese from chalk, the matters being so evidently discoursed by learned divines,
and they have sway about the Prince, and would bring
Her Majesty to the truth; but being deceived, I can
only pray God to indue her and them with His grace
to know and fear Him aright. |
|
2. Did you mean to take the Queen of Scots and have
her proclaimed Queen ? Ans., Fully answered in the
other articles 4, 5, and 6. |
|
3. What foreign aid was promised to maintain the
rebellion ? Ans., I looked for aid from the nobility, for
reformation of religion and appointing a successor,
until the Duke's first committing to the Tower. No aid
was promised by the Queen of Scots, Spanish ambassador, or any others. |
|
4. What force was promised by any in England to
join in the rebellion ? Ans., Answered before. |
|
5. Were you reconciled to the Church of Rome before
the rebellion, and how, or by whom? Ans., I was
reconciled by Master Copley, two years before our stir.
I cannot testify about the rest before-named that were
of our confederacy. |
|
6. Who first told you of the bull against the Queen,
how was it obtained, how many were privy to it, and
how often did you confer with Morton, an old priest,
about it ? Ans., I never perfectly understood of any
bull from Rome against the Queen, but heard that one
was set up on the Court gates, and then on the Privy
Council doors. There was a division amongst us, after
the Duke's first committing to the Tower, whether it was
lawful to rise against our anointed Prince; we referred
the judgment to two learned men, Copley and another.
They proved from Scripture that we should not fight
against an anointed Prince, unless excommunicated
by the Church. The other party said the Queen was excommunicated when she refused to suffer the Pope to
send his ambassador to her presence. This, Markenfeld reported, was the opinion of Dr. Morton beyond
seas. Most of us thought it was his own imagination.
The other two thought it insufficient unless the excommunication had been published within the realm. On
this Sir John Nevill, I, and others forbore the matter.
Dr. Morton was once at my house, and told me of no
such bull or promise of aid from the Pope; but lamented the want of sound Catholic priests to whom he
might give authority to reconcile such people as would
seek it. |
|
7. What aid was promised you from Rome, the Queen
of Scots, Duke of Alva, Duke of Norfolk, and others ?
Ans., Answered in my former articles; no other
relief than before specified was promised. |
|
8. What was the message you sent to the Spanish
ambassador by Thos. Hussey, Taylor of Tadcaster, or
Oswald Wilkinson, or to the Bishop of Ross before the
rebellion ? Ans., Answered before. |
|
9. What message did you receive from the Scottish
Queen during the rebellion, and what message did Thos.
Bishop bring you from her ? Ans., I remember no
message to encourage us to forward the matter. Thos.
Bishop's message I do do not remember. |
|
10. What message did Havers, Norfolk's servant,
bring you or Westmoreland before the rebellion ? Ans.,
Havers' message was only to my Lord of Westmoreland. |
|
11. When was the Queen of Scots made privy to the
rebellion, and how often was there conference with her
or her servants ? Ans., Neither I nor others sent to
make the Queen of Scots privy to our designs, nor had
other conference with her servants than to ask her
opinion what she wished us to do. |
|
12. What aid did she promise the rebellion, and why
did she wish you to stay the time ? Ans., No aid was
promised; I know not what moved her to advise us to
stay, except what might move all wise men. |
|
13. What conferences had your servants, Heckington,
Hamlyn, or others with the Queen of Scots, or with
Borthwick or any other Scot touching this rebellion or the
delivery of the Scottish Queen ? Ans., I have specified
all conferences of my servants with the Queen of Scots
or other Scotchmen. I remember no Scot dealing with
us about our rising and delivering the Queen of Scots. |
|
It was talked of by my cousin Dacre, Fras. Norton, and
myself. [13½ pages, each article signed by the Earl of
Northumberland. The queries are supplied from No.
51 i. supra.] |
1572? June 16. Gloucester. |
57. Robert Anfyld to Edmund Catesby. Mrs. Grisogan Holcombe
is suspended out of the church, and will be excommunicated if she does
not come to Court by 26 June, next Court day. We cannot meddle
with Tristram Holcombe till she has made answer, as he was not an
executor to Mr. Porter, but she was save in two points. We may
call him ad plenius respondendum, or call him tanquam persona
in cujus manus bona magistri Porter pervenerunt. This I may do
after her answer, but I think she will stand out contumax to the
uttermost day. I have received no money from you for almost a
year. [½ page.] |
1572. June 17. Bruges. |
58. Thomas Parker to Rob. Hoggins, at Edm. Hoggins', Milk Street,
London. I feared you had forgotten your poor friend, being silent so
long, but I perceive you were out of town. I see by proof your desire
for my Lord my brother [Lord Morley's] well doing; he thanks you for
it, and desires you to remember my Lord of Leicester of his estate, to
whom he would write, but he fears his writing would prejudice his
Lordship. As for his writing to submit to Her Majesty, he has
done it divers times in most humble wise, and would not only
submit but spend his blood in her service, if she would accept him.
He has been evil-handed by mean persons suborned against him,
and so affronted (being of noble courage) as no man could so long
have endured. Although it grieves me to see him out of his
country, yet here he lives with honour and quietness, and desires
but to remain in some place where Her Majesty appoints, with
some relief from home, which cannot be much, weighing his small
living, to have my lady and his children maintained, and especially
his eldest son, whom he would have furnished as appertains the
place he is in. Of late he sent him three horses from hence, and
now has at Brussels an armour making for him, which stands him
in 300 crowns, as fair graven and gilt as ever I saw; nevertheless
he lives barely, although if he would receive any offer, he has been
sought of late; but he says as long as he can get bread, he will never
take a groat of any. My wages are now paid little by little, and I
am commanded to arm myself to this service either against Mons
or Flushing, where besides a bed fellow, I have 15 crowns a month,
and two men in wages allowed. |
|
I am sorry to hear of the death of Norfolk, if otherwise it had
pleased God and Her Majesty, for I fear some fineness was in it to
hasten the matter. God grant that it may rest with him, for in
our miserable country, as I have read in our chronicles, there are
ever followers, till one consumes the other. They speak much of it
here, that upon little surmises, such a person should perish, and
attribute it a great infamy to our country. |
|
We hear of a great league made with France; it is thought here
that thereby the French pretend some further fetch to serve their
turn, but I hope England will live without giving over much credit
to foreign friendship. |
|
Here are great preparations, for within these 20 days, there
will be 10,000 horsemen and 50,000 footmen; likewise 80 sail
of men-of-war at sea. Don John of Austria has come with his
galleys to Genoa, and the Venetians go onward against the Turks,
who have augmented their forces. The Duke of Savoy arms for the
King 8,000 foot, and commands in person. Flushing saluted the
Duke of Medina Celi very ill at his coming, and burnt three ships of
the merchants, only by treason of a Flushing varlet that come out
of Spain with them, and took upon himself to lead them into the
port of Sluys, and set them on ground, and himself went his way. Yet
the day after, the wind being very good, the rest of the Duke's army
hoisted sail, and in spite of the town of Flushing, passed to the
Ramikins, without hurt more than one gunner slain. The Portugal
fleet of this country, like false traitors, struck anchor before
Flushing, and many thereby may be undone. The Genoese took
26 Spaniards off the three ships that were burnt, and hung them in
the town; the Spaniards likewise took 30 French horsemen coming
to Mons, among whom was the son of Mons. Mongomery, who
offered 5,000 crowns ransom; he and his companions were hanged
at Villeforte six days past; here is no favour but hanging on both
sides. |
|
Our countrymen and women, as my Lady of Northumberland, lie
at Mechlin, and so does Mr. Dacre, where not many days since, two of
my Lord Seaton's sons were like to have been slain in the tumult.
Now they begin to come cooler, and to obey the magistrates. The
poor Earl of Westmoreland lies at Louvaine, and so does Lady
Hungerford, my old knight, and others. I dare not break with my
Lord touching the marriage of my nephew, for he, hearing of it
before by other means, is very much aggrieved, as he would prefer
him where he might have to live withal, during my Lord his
father's life, and my Lady's, honourably both to the advancement
of his house, which is now hardly able to maintain the state of
worship, for without gold, honour and gentility are little set by.
My nephew should take such an one as may make the pot seethe, or
else use his wit for his better advantage, until he is an old bachelor
as I am; by myself I see that it had been wisdom to have got
something in my youth, for now money and lands they all look
for. Pray persuade him to look to the lands and the gold, for beauty
soon passes, and then follows repentance. I write from no evil
intent towards the gentlewoman; she may do well without him,
for he will never have but a poor living. I will write weekly from
the camp of our occurrences. [2 pages.] |
June 18/28. Brussels. |
59. Thos. Jennings to the Countess of Northumberland. Your
letter of June 8 [came ?] at the arrival of the English gentlemen,
who will be grateful for your courtesy, especially the Nevills. I
have pawned my credit for their apparel, diet, and money. Cuthbert
Neville has satisfied the 6l. N * * writ of; their coming so soon may
hurt the cause. They came away before we received resolution of
general support * * is discontent with the hasty publishing the
interdiction in England, done without advice from any on this
side, for the Louvainists clear themselves. It has prejudiced some
things, and caused the Queen to begin her inquisition, and lay
hands to the sword, whereby all our friends are in extreme danger.
We have no resolution of general support. The nobility of * *
Scotland ? have not sent their requests and assurances. I have
not moved any of * * yet lest it might prejudice the general suit,
but as they delay, I will move earnestly for money. I hope soon to
receive good news by Peter Cyrce. [1 page. Noted by John Lee.
The whole letter is in cipher undeciphered, but read by the key
in the following No. 60. The passages in italics are deciphered
conjecturally.] |
June 18/28. Brussels. |
60. Partial key to the cipher of the preceding letter, and decipher of it. [1 page. Endorsed, by Burghley, The alphabet of
Jennings, and his letter to the Lady Northumberland from
Brussels.] |
June 20. Sheffield. |
61. George Earl of Shrewsbury to Burghley. I have just heard
of Lord Wharton's death, and that the Earl of Sussex has the
wardship of his son. His house and lands are near me, and my
wife has a daughter of his years, whom I mind to prefer in marriage.
If his Lordship will part with the young gentleman, I will give as
much as another for his marriage. Pray be a means between us
to obtain this request, which my wife and I earnestly desire.
[½ page.] |
June 22. Carlisle. |
62. Lord Scrope to Lord Burghley. I have received letters from
Council, not to license any Scotch pedlars to travel further upon
these Borders than Carlisle, as they have been informed that by such
travelling this city is greatly injured; but it is known that it
has been done by all that have served here, as Lords Wharton,
Conyers, and Dacre, and is at this day, and always has been, by the
officers of the Marches at discretion. The injury done by them to the
city cannot be great, for they are not many, their trade very small,
and the wares they carry are bridles, saddles, daggers, spurs, stirrups,
skins for covering coats of plate, and steel bonnets, and bonnet
coverings, which I thought meet for the service of the country, and
requisite that the poor Borderers might as well buy them of the Scots,
as afterwards of the merchants at greater price. The allegation of the
informer notwithstanding, there were but four pedlars so licensed,
and I had always care that no man's licence was for longer than
one month, and I committed the charge to Lockwood, my servant,
and have never heard of any complaint by any Englishman
against any so travelling. However I shall satisfy their Lordship's
pleasure; certainly, some of them are very honest and to be used,
and by occupying that trade, in some respects well deserve their
liberty. |
|
P.S.—I have perused the books wherein all such licences are
entered, and find that only four have gone forth to four pedlars, and
one to three seamen who brought fish and wine to the coast in a
boat. I enclose the names of those whose licences are continued,
and wish the informer were called, that it might appear what cause
of complaint he had, and what injury has grown to this city.
[12/3 pages.] |
June 24. |
63. Second examination of Thomas Earl of Northumberland on
interrogatories:—1. Never spoke to the Bishop of Ross at York, as
he affirms, but only once at his own chamber in Westminster. |
|
2. This was to the effect mentioned in his former answer. |
|
3. Upon his coming up, had no talk with any noblemen or
others, but once or twice with the Duke, and then not a dozen
words. |
|
4. Found none addicted, but that the Earl of Worcester
rebuked the marriage of the Earl of Bothwell. |
|
5. Found none inclined to the marriage with the Duke, and
had no talk with anyone thereon. |
|
6. Christ. Lassels was the first to break it. |
|
7. No addition to his former answer. |
|
8. Does not remember talking of the marriage of Austria, but
wished a strong match for her, for the maintenance of his religion. |
|
9. Has before shown why he talked with his friends of matters
connected with the question of succession, and ever afterwards
did what he could to break off the matter. |
|
10. Spent in the quarrel, 120l., receiving 10l., that he left
with his wife in Liddesdale; laid some plate with Oswald
Metcalf before the rebellion, but his chief plate his wife hid about
Hexham; does not know what became of it. His collar he laid
in gage at York before the rebellion for 60l.; borrowed no money. |
|
11. Heard nothing of Rob. Heckington, except in Leonard
Dacre's letters commending his service, which were written by
Heckington; thinks he is now with his wife. |
|
12. Was out hunting with my Lord of Westmoreland when
Thos. Bishop's son, from the Queen of Scots came up and said
something to him of no moment; has forgotten what; did not
return any answer. |
|
13. Was willing to go to York, but all his company disagreed.
It was spoken of at Mr. Tankard's at Boroughbridge, whence they
returned back; as to not enterprising to get the Queen of Scots,
that appears in his former answers. |
|
14. Does not know Old Rolleston, nor any of that name, and
never had conference with Sir Thos. Stanley or Sir Thomas
Garratt. |
|
15. Sir Oswald Wilstropp, Sir Valentine Browne, and Mr.
Vaughan were the most forward gentlemen in Yorkshire in the
Queen's service. |
|
16. Answered before. |
|
17. Leonard Dacre and Fras. Norton, taking some enterprise
to rescue the Queen of Scots, returned and said they could do
nothing; nevertheless, Fras. Moore, favouring the Scottish Queen,
came and said he had discouraged her from marriage with the
Duke [of Norfolk]. |
|
18. Wilkinson came to him about money for his rents; required him to repair to London to the Spanish ambassador, for
advice whether to enter into arms or fly the realm, but never saw
him again. Letters were brought from London to his wife; does
not know by whom, nor their contents, as they were written in
Spanish. |
|
19. Answered before. |
|
20. The Earl of Cumberland often had a man in the camp to
see and behold what would become of the causes; never talked
with him, nor knew his intent. Michael Thirkeld, his servant,
said the Earl of Cumberland was affected towards these causes;
knows nothing of Lord Wharton beyond that Markenfeld said
he also had an affection for the cause. |
|
21. Was not privy to Leonard Dacre's going to Court. They
had then thought to have broken up. Never saw Dacre afterwards,
nor knew what became of him, as they concluded to break up
and end their attempt; but being at Knaresborough, heard that
Leonard Dacre had returned from the Court, and was within two
miles of them and that upon Peter Kirk and Rob. Witherington of
Spofford park being sent to him, he said he would take such part
as they did. |
|
22. Never heard of Davers. Havers came with a message to
Lord Westmoreland, but does not know what answer his wife
returned. |
|
23. Young Tempest came from his father, and John Swinburne,
who offered to take his part, notwithstanding the Earl of Westmoreland's refusal. |
|
24. Remembers no letters brought from him to London by
Taylor of Tadcaster. |
|
25. Thinks it was by John Leviston, the Queen of Scots' man,
who often came to him, that he sent the Queen word of their
rising. |
|
26. She never required them to stay until she might obtain aid
of money, but required them generally not to rise or make any stir. |
|
27. Cannot name any particular man who reported a division
in the Council about a successor last summer, but it was a
common bruit that the succession was had in question before Her
Majesty and Council, and that they were divided thereupon. |
|
28. Knows no means used by Lady Westmoreland to provoke
her husband to proceed, till the last day when they were to break
up, and shift for themselves; then she provoked him, and the rest
with persuasion and crying. |
|
29. They did not enter the matter of reformation of religion
considerably, but hoped it would follow in time. |
|
30. Nothing beyond his former answers; the talk about maintaining the Queen of Scots at liberty against Her Majesty's will
was sudden and short. |
|
31. The divines that so discoursed as to cause Leicester and
Burghley to know cheese from chalk in religion, are Harding,
Sanders, Stapleton, and others, who have lately written largely
against the divines in Scotland, showing how they misconstrue
the word of God, and falsify the ancient writers, as may appear in
Sanders' 7th book of the supper of our Lord; also in his Rock
of the Church, which tends to advance the supremacy, and the
unity which ever has been throughout Christendom amongst
Papists. The great dissensions that ever have been among Protestants are, I think, sufficient to allure all godly and humble minds
from the dangerous sects scattered among Protestants. Endeavouring in my former answers to show of all things I was
charged with, and to open my meaning touching every article;
this opinion coming to my memory, I happened to open that with
the rest. I crave pardon if it was uttered more vehemently than became me. |
|
32. Only hoped assistance in the cause of religion and appointing a successor through those whose disposition he knew, and
others who were addicted to the Scottish Queen, as Lords Lumley
and Morley. |
|
33. Copley, who reconciled him to the Church of Rome, had no
abiding place, but was sometimes in Lancashire. |
|
34. Has declared Copley's opinions and other divines' who debated
whether they might raise against the Queen. The Earl of Westmoreland, old Norton, Francis his son, Markenfeld, Sir John
Nevill, John Swinburne, and Mr. Tempest, were privy to the
argument. [3½ pages. Printed in Sharpe's Memorials of the
Rebellion, pp. 207–213, along with the queries to which they are
replies, which are also printed in Murdin's State Papers, pp.219–221. The passages in italics are from these questions, and are
requisite to make the answers intelligible.] |
June 25. |
64. Order of the Rolls Court in the cause of Fras. Alford, plaintiff,
and Ludovic Greville, defendant. The plaintiff having made
sufficient proof before the Master of the Rolls and Justice Weston
of the payment of the money for the purchase of the lands in dispute, no process is to be issued against him from this Court, upon a
recognizance acknowledged by Wm. Porter, now deceased, late of
Aston-under-Edge, co. Gloucester, to the use of the said defendant,
for 2,000l. |
|
Time is to be given to the defendant to show cause why such
recognizance shall not be delivered up to be cancelled; and if he
does not show it, the Court will take further order. Signed by
Martin James. [1¼ pages.] |
June 30. Carlisle. |
65. Henry Lord Scrope and Richard Bishop of Carlisle to Lord
Burghley. On yours and the Council's letters for the searching for
vestments, copes, &c. concealed, as we were about it, we heard that
12 months since, Lawrence Banister with others rode down to
Rockliffe castle, and leaving his company, took Thos. Carleton, land
serjeant of Gillesland, and Wm. Hutton, steward of Brugh Burgh ?
Barony, and rode into Scotland, and had some practices with the
Lord Herris, Banister delivering him money. We advertise you,
as Carleton and Hutton are now in London, and if examined, you
might learn more. [1 page.] |
[June 30.] |
" The arguments exhibited by the Lord Keeper, Sir Nich. Bacon,
in Parliament, proving the noblemen's persons to be attachable
for contempt committed by them in the Queen's Majesty's Court
of Chancery, disobeying the decrees in that Court; which came in
question upon an attachment ordered out of the same Court to
the Sheriff of Norfolk, to attach the body of the Lord Cromwell, for
disobeying a decree made in the said Court, between one [James]
Taverner, plaintiff, and the said Lord Cromwell, defendant, which
attachment [was] so executed by the said sheriff, and the body of the
said Lord Cromwell brought prisoner in the said Court of Chancery."
[Dom. Miscellaneous, Vol. VIII., ff. 61, 62. See Lords Journals,
Vol. I., p. 727.] |
June. |
66. John Lee to Lord Burghley. I received yours of 25 May,
and told the Earl of Westmoreland thereof, but he has not made
any answer. The Countess of Northumberland greatly mislikes that
her husband should be delivered; it is the only let why she does
not go into the King of Spain, and now some are of opinion that she
will go into some monastery, but others that she will practise notwithstanding,
withstanding, as opportunity shall serve, whereof they have some
good hope, as they find the Duke of Medina their friend. |
|
Swinnerton and Smith have arrived. Smith is very earnest in
the cause, and chiefly against you, expecting that another matter
will shortly spring up, and accomplish the enterprise lately pretended. The Papists in the Low Countries and the rest are somewhat appalled at the loss of the Duke of Norfolk, and affirm that
Her Majesty is greatly weakened thereby, and are doubtful lest the
Scottish Queen should follow, and affirm that you lately made a
vehement oration concerning the same, whereby you procured more
enemies than you had before, which was needless. |
|
The Duke of Alva is beginning to encamp not far from Mount
Henault; the Duke of Medina, Don Frederick, Capt. Vitelli, and
North Carne are gone before, and it is thought Alva will shortly
follow, and that Mount Henault will be besieged. Further commandment is given that all the gentlemen of the country are to be
ready by the 15th of next month, to serve with horse and foot.
The fifth part of Holland has entered into amity with Count
La Mark. Count Lodovic is greatly menaced, and it is thought
standeth doubtful, unless the Prince of Orange comes shortly, who,
if reports be true, is already on the way with 10,000 Almains and
5,000 horse and foot. Middleburgh (?) stands on the same terms it
did and Flushing has a good store of ships. The report is that
Mons. Beauvois, captain of Middleburgh, has overthrown 200
English soldiers. The Duke of Medina deals in no way as yet; he
brought 47 ships, whereof Flushing spoiled eight, and took 150
Spanish soldiers. There have been many dangerous practices
against Count Lodovic, and large offers to cut him off, for which one
Gambowa, who was half English, and several others were executed. |
|
Fras. Norton acknowledges himself bound to you, and reposes
his whole confidence in Her Majesty's clemency through you. Pray
let him partake it, as it would be no prejudice to her, a comfort to
him, and grievous to those contrary to us to see. I must send my
letters by Mr. Smith, as the other party is not here. [2½ pages,
unfinished. Noted, "Tradita Jo. Lee 16 April 1573 post pascham."
The passages in italics are in cipher undeciphered.] |