Addenda, Queen Elizabeth - Volume 21: June 1572

Calendar of State Papers Domestic: Elizabeth, Addenda, 1566-79. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1871.

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'Addenda, Queen Elizabeth - Volume 21: June 1572', in Calendar of State Papers Domestic: Elizabeth, Addenda, 1566-79, (London, 1871) pp. 396-416. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/domestic/edw-eliz/addenda/1566-79/pp396-416 [accessed 27 March 2024]

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June 1572

June 2. 46. Account of the execution of Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk.—At his coming to the scaffold at 7 A.M., in a black satin doublet, a long gown of black raised velvet, nightcap, and a felt hat, he looked about him, and after a little stay, asked where he should stand to speak to the people; he was directed to the east side. The noise being great, Master Nowell beseeched them to make silence, when the Duke said: It is not a rare thing to see a man come to die, yet through the great clemency of Her Majesty it has been strange to see a nobleman suffer in this place. It is my fortune to be the first, and I pray God I may be the last, and that my death may be an example to others (whereunto the people cried, Amen, Amen). I have not been accustomed to long speech in such an auditory; my rude speech shall consist in three parts. I would that none should take it in pieces, but the whole. I am loath to offend any.
The first is touching the state of my offences, as in my own conscience I judge them, and wherein I can clear myself. I will lay no injustice to my peers. I dealt touching a marriage with the Queen of Scots, not as I ought, but without the assent of my Prince, wherein I fell justly in Her Majesty's displeasure, for which I was committed to this place. I was afterwards delivered, and made a submission, and it sinks deeply in my stomach that I dealt most disloyally, contrary to my promise and truth. It has been bruited of an oath I should take, and protestations I should make of refusing the same, and receiving the communion thereupon; it is utterly untrue. I confess I dealt contrary to my promise and writing to the Queen. I have had judgement given on me by occasion of my dealing with suspected persons, namely, one Rudolphi. I never saw him but once—a stranger and a naughty man, with whom I never dealt, but touching a recognizance. (Here Sheriff Brameh interrupted him. and said he came to execution, and not to purge himself and charge his peers.)
I purge my peers; I will not accuse them. I have been charged that I received letters from the Pope; such letters were brought to me; the one deciphered I read, the other I saw in cipher; both were touching rebellion, but I never assented to nor allowed them, nor consented to rebellion or invasion, or any danger to my Prince or this city; but in that I had to do with such persons as had no good meaning to the Queen, and did not utter the same as appertained, I did offend. (Mr. Christopher vehemently interrupted him, affirming that such matters were not now to be dealt with, and that by such dealing he might bring them in danger of displeasure, and that he was come to be executed.)
The second matter is touching my conscience and religion to Godward. I have been called a papist, a leaner to papistry, and a maintainer of papists. I confess I have had many familiar friends, and many servants whom I did trust that were papists, and whom I have favoured, to some offence of the Gospel. The Lord in heaven forgive me; my only faith is in Jesus Christ; in Him and by Him only I trust to be saved.
As for the Pope and his traditions, I never liked them since I understood religion, neither do I trust to him, but renounce him utterly, and all his ceremonies. Bear with me; I can scarce make an even tale, to be so stopped as I am.
For the third matter, I am to show you how I am bound to our Sovereign Lady, whom, although I have grievously offended, yet of her mere mercy it has pleased hither to grant me pardon of the extremity of law for my offences, and she has long prolonged my execution, that I might repent my sins. The Lord send her a long and prosperous reign, to the comfort of the true profession of His word. She has promised to be good to my poor orphan children, and I pray God my death may end all troubles that grow to her. I would not wish any to lean to faction, and if any have factions, let them take heed; it will be their own destruction. It is possible there be divers factions; forsake them and depend only upon her; seek not to prevent her doings, for if every man had his wish, who would live in peace? Good Father Latimer, in King Edward's time, preached that our sins would be the cause of taking away that good King, and I pray God that your living may be such that God may lengthen [her] life, which I would wish to be to the world's end, which in my judgment will not be long, and I believe some alive shall see it. Pray all for her, that she may long reign over you, for preservation of the professors of the Gospel, and to the overthrow of papistry (whereunto the people cried God grant it).
Lastly, I beseech you pray for me, that I may depart cheerfully, and that God may strengthen my faith, through Jesus Christ, now at my last time, and give me sure hope in His mercies, that dying constant here, I may by death pass to life everlasting (to which all the people cried Amen).
Then he kneeled down towards the north-east corner of the scaffold, where the straw was laid, and read the 81st and 38th Psalms; and in the midst of the latter, at the word enemies, he said, "Enemies, enemies, God forgive them." and turning to the people, he said, "I have forgotten one thing which I should principally have spoken of; that if I have offended any, I heartily pray them to forgive me; and if I knew any particular man here that I have offended, I would ask him forgiveness, and do likewise generally forgive all that have offended me, even as I would be forgiven at God's hand, for Christ's sake." The Psalm he said very loud, and with great courage and cheerfulness, and afterwards said two prayers more softly. The latter prayer is translated out of Erasmus de Gravit. Morbo, and is commonly called Lord Cromwell's prayer.
Then he rose and put off his gown and doublet, in doing which he, with the Dean of Paul's rehearsed these words of Job: "The Lord hath given, the Lord hath taken away, as it hath pleased the Lord, so is it come to pass; blessed be the name of the Lord." And being in a white fustian waist, sleeveless, and with a low collar turned down his shirt band, he refused to have any handkerchief over his eyes, and bid the executioner not to fear, as he would lie quietly and handsomely for him, with his face open; and he would have seen the axe, being very earnest therein, but the Dean of Paul's prayed him to refrain from adding more terrors than the occasion needed, and that with humbleness he should thank God for the strength of his grace that was given him. When he had proved his neck sure upon the block, the Dean (with his consent), spoke these words to the people: "He prays you all now, at this his last instant, that ye will, with one voice and heart, beseech God, for Christ's sake, to have mercy upon him, and so to assist him with His heavenly grace that he may, by temporal death of his body, pass unto life everlasting." Whereat the people, with a mighty voice cried, "God be merciful unto him—God, for Christ's sake, have mercy on him." "Now," said the Dean, "I pray you hereafter to keep silence, and not speak nor shriek, for fear of troubling him, but pray for him in your hearts." Then the Dean, taking leave of him, and being also on his knees, he took him about the middle in his arms, and said, "The God of all mercies embrace you with His mighty grace, and comfort you, through Jesus Christ our Lord;" putting him in remembrance to stretch out his neck, and to bend his chin downward, and continually to say, or at the least to think, until the stroke came, "O, Father of Mercies, into Thy hands I commend my soul; Lord Jesus receive my spirit." So very suddenly, after his neck had settled upon the block, his head was struck off with one stroke.
Moreover, after the executioner had kneeled down and asked him forgiveness of his death, he cheerfully forgave him, and delivered him 40s. in gold and 18s. 6d. in silver, as also his hat, gown and doublet; and standing in his vest, which was of white fustian, he said to Mr. Nowell in his ear, "this is the satin doublet which the preacher (Tobie Mathew) spoke of."
His head being off, his body was put into a coffin belonging to Barking church, and the burying cloth of the same church laid on him. He was carried into the chapel of the Tower by four of the Lieutenant's men, and there buried by the Dean of Paul's, he saying the service according to the Queen's book, without any other preaching. [3¼ pages. Modern copy, from the original in the collection of the Marquis of Hertford.]
June 2. 47. Similar account, less full, of the Duke's last speech, adding that after he had refused a cloth to cover his face, and had laid himself upon the block, his truss or shirt being very straight, he rose up again upon his knees, and requested a knife to cut the same, but it being refused, he said, "Do you think I despair? God forbid;" and upon having it, he cut open the place, saying this is the last deed that ever I did, and lay down again, saying, "Lord be merciful unto me and receive my spirit," and then his head was struck off at one stroke." [2 pages, damaged. Both these accounts differ slightly from that printed in Howell's State Trials, Vol. I., pp. 1032–1035.]
June 2.
St. James.
48. The Council to the Captain of Jersey. You are to call to you the chief and best experienced jurats of the island, and all the parties concerned, with their witnesses, to examine the petition of Heliar Malesars, of Jersey, who complains of a wrong judgment given against him by the bailiff. Make final orders, according to equity and the customs of the island. [½ page, copy.]
June 2.
Carlisle.
49. Henry Lord Scrope to Lord Burghley. The bearer, Mrs. Best, prays my letters to you in her favour, about such things as she has to do there; extend your goodness to her, as you shall find she deserves. [½ page.]
June 3.
Berwick.
50. Phillip Strelley to Lord Burghley. My late troubling you would forbid my pressing you again so soon, but my necessities egg me, and your noble courtesy draws me forward. The present state of Flanders causes me to think that a man of my profession would have entertainment amongst those that, having long sustained a heavy yoke of bondage, now stand upon the hard point of life and liberty; for whose safety and release I would gladly adventure, by Her Majesty's favour, trusting to further the common cause of God, and the good estate of my Prince and country, and to alleviate the burden that lies on me. I have obtained my Lord Governor's favour, if Her Majesty will permit. I beg your answer to my Lord Governor, and help that my poor wife may enjoy my pension until my return; if it were not beyond the bounds of duty, I would also crave leave for an inferior pensioner or two, that would willingly go with me, if their pensions might not be withdrawn during their absence. [¾ page.]
[June 5.] 51. The Queen to Henry Lord Hunsdon. The Earl of Northumland, attainted of high treason, being at last delivered to you, you are to cause him to be surely kept by persons who may not for respect be remiss therein, or suffer him to have or give any intelligence. You are to examine him upon articles sent to you herewith; and, upon his answers, to add any other questions tending to discover the truth of the rebellion, who were the authors, promoters, or any ways parties thereto; and likewise on all other traitorous practices or intelligences since. You may use speeches to terrify him with extremity of punishment if he shall conceal anything; as you see cause, you may also comfort him with hope, so as it be not in our name, if he will utter the truth of every person, without regard to any, though he may think they be in place of credit. Send his answers up with speed, and you shall know our further pleasure. We like not any chargeable entertainment of him, in his diet, considering him as a person attainted; by over tender usage he may gather comfort to persist in denial of the truth of things known to him. [1 page. Draft by Lord Burghley.] Enclosing,
51. i. Twenty-six interrogatories to be administered to the Earl of Northumberland touching his connexion with the rebellion. [6½ pages. In the handwriting of Att. Gen. Gerard, corrected by Lord Burghley. These questions are calendared, as far as needful, in connexion with the answers on 13 June. See No. 56 I. infra. Both questions and answers are printed connectedly and in full, in Sharpe's Memorials of the Rebellion, pp. 188–206.]
June 5.
Dover.
52. Hen. Cobham to Lord Burghley. You will have heard of the Duke Montmorency's stay, through lack of health, but I thought it my duty to advertise you what order has been taken for furnishing his train with house and lodgings from the sea side forwards, and have enclosed a schedule of the number of horses prepared for his first arrival which are to be ready at an hour's warning, and so dealt that the country is not extraordinarily charged. As it is set forth for this town and Canterbury, so is the service directed to Gravesend, and the lodgings will be as good and convenient as he could find between this and Paris. I lament that a few hangings have not been sent down to furnish the Duke's bedchamber. The sheriff is appointed by the Earl of Pembroke to receive the Duke on Barham Down, near Dover, with the country gentlemen, and Mr. Stonar has made very good preparation for victuals.
Pray further my suit to Her Majesty for certain farms on lease, instead of the fee-farm of Manling which I am to surrender to her. Recommend to her my painful journeys, the best part of my youth spent in 13 years' service, the goodwill and the desire I have shown to serve faithfully, and now would, with her gracious help, maintain myself out of debt. [2 pages.]
June 8.
Berwick.
53. Sir Valentine Browne to Lord Burghley. You know the arrival here of the late Earl of Northumberland. I am not in little care for the safe keeping of him in my own house, besides my charges thereby, this being a dangerous place for practise. I pray you help that I may be rid of him with all speed. He stands in great hope of Her Majesty's mercy, but nothing altered from his old mummish opinions, which he would persuade to be taken for the cause of his rebellion. Thanks for your aid prepared for recovery of my hoy and goods that were, as I was fully advertised, past help, and had been if I had not made search in time, but now is in safety, and arrived here these two or three days. Pray excuse the importunity of my man for my prests. [½ page.]
June 12.
Berwick.
54. Henry Lord Hunsdon to Lord Burghley. I received your packet with the articles to examine the Earl upon, whereupon I went to him with Mr. Treasurer, and examined him, and he answered very fully; but as he said his memory was short, and he would not willingly conceal anything, he desired paper and ink to be left with him that night, and will return his answer tomorrow. He seems willing to satisfy Her Majesty, and if his confession be true, the rebellion was one of the strangest matters that has been heard of, and principally procured by old Norton and Markenfeld, and earnestly followed by the two Countesses.
Yesterday Mr. Marshal sent me two letters to send you, of occurrents there, by which you will see what likelihood there is of accord among them. If I had not sent them that powder, they had been at a great afterdeal, for their arquebusiers had not three shots apiece left. When you receive the Earl's answer, procure my deliverance of him, that I may rid my hands of him; but he must be safely sent up, as he has many friends by the way.
I look for Nicholas Elviston to-night or to-morrow. Her Majesty has small cause to grant any of their demands that thus discourteously deny the Irish Bishop and his writings, but it is Morton's doing, and let Her Majesty be well advised before she yields to let them have Hume and Fastcastle, for they import great matter for this realm. [1 page.]
June 13.
Berwick.
55. Henry Lord Hunsdon to Lord Burghley. Having now received the Earl's answer with his hand to every article, as also mine and Mr. Treasurer's, as witnesses, I trust you will procure that I may be discharged of him. His answers are very long, and yet not so long as he would have made them, as he would have made discoveries of every trifling thing of no effect; but he seems unwilling to leave out anything. He greatly excuses my Lord of Westmoreland, and plainly says that they could never get any hold of him until the last hour, and that by the procurement of his wife.
Our neighbours are daily taking advantage of one another. I look shortly to hear of broken heads; the 300 soldiers that went out of the castle will bring more men, victuals, and money, or they will smart for it, and the others will hinder them if they can.
P.S.—My wife prays that although you are greatly busied with the entertaining and the affairs of Montmorency, yet that you will dispatch me of my prisoner, that we may make merry this summer at Brancepeth. [1 page.]
June 13.
Berwick.
56. Henry Lord Hunsdon to the Queen. I have examined the Earl, first upon one half of the articles and afterwards on the others; he required leave to have them to think upon, as his memory was short, and he would not willingly omit or conceal anything. I granted it, and appointed a trusty man to write his answers, which I send herewith. I never thought him so simple as I now find him, and if his confession be true, he was greatly procured to it by others. He excuses Westmoreland more than himself, affirming that they could never get any hold of him for the rising until the last hour, and he was only brought to it by his wife, who was more vehement therein than any other. I will not trouble you with my neighbours' daily skirmishes, whereby there is daily less hope of agreement.
Nicholas Elviston has just come, and is to repair to you with certain suits. Pray remember how courteously they deal with you in keeping the Irish Bishop, whereto they have no colour but because you will not grant them the Bishop of Ross, for whom they care not, but they would have a colour to withhold the other. Pray rid me of my charge of the Earl, whom I keep in great fear, having no apt place to keep any prisoner of charge in. [1 page.] Enclosing,
56. i. Answers to interrogatories by the Earl of Northumberland, before Lord Hunsdon and Sir Valentine Browne:—
1. What conference had you, or others through you, with the Spanish ambassador about the Scottish Queen? Ans., I repaired to Court on Her Majesty's letters, lodging at Skinner's, in Westminster. The Spanish ambassador sent me salutations, and I promised to visit him.
The Queen being at Hampton Court, I went thither sundry times, but was as long at Westminster, my leg being bruised with the fall of my horse. I had nothing to do with the ambassador till the day of my departure, when I went and spent half an hour with him before break of day, Thos. Bates interpreting. He said the King his master favoured me for my love to the Catholic religion, and lamented its decay in this realm, and said every nobleman should further it. We spoke of the examples of other subjects. I hoped a marriage between the King of Spain and Queen of Scots; he did not reply. I asked how much the Queen had had of the King's treasure landed in the West country. He told me, but I forget the sum. He named no matter of moment. He might forbear from dislike to my long delay in coming, or my haste to depart lest I should be seen, the day growing light, or from dislike to my interpreter, or from my small affection to the Queen of Scots' marriage with the Duke [of Norfolk]. Nothing was said, as Bates can testify, of the advancing the Queen of Scots, invasion, or imperilling Her Majesty. On our return, when we were up at Raby, and the Earl of Westmoreland laying siege to Barnard castle, one came, as he said, from the Spanish ambassador and the Bishop of Ross, to see how long we could keep together, and promised us aid from Alva in 20 days. Fras. Norton and Markenfeld said he was a man of credit belonging to the Queen of Scots; but most of us thought it was old Rich. Norton's device, to cheer us and keep us together.
2. What conference had you or your wife with the Scottish Queen in England? Ans., My wife never saw her nor I, but at Carlisle half an hour in public; but she sent me and my wife several letters with thanks for good will, &c., which I answered, praying her specially to regard the advancement of the Catholic religion. Nothing important was in the letters. A servant of hers brought me a like message in Westminster, and the Bishop of Ross came and fed my humour that the Queen would marry another, not the Duke. I asked how the lords in commission proceeded in her matters; he said well, and asked how the noblemen and gentlemen in the North were inclined. I named those of the religion who I imagined would take that part, but nothing was said of any enterprise.
3. What tokens or messages have you or your wife had from her? Ans., The tokens sent me and my wife were rings of small value, a gold cross, &c., and we returned such trifles as we had. I sent her word by John Leviston, one of her messengers, how her marriage with the Duke was misliked, he being counted a Protestant, and if she looked to recover her estate, it must be by advancing the Catholic religion; but that if the Duke were a Catholic, I would rejoice at the match.
4. What were the devices for taking her away, and who were privy thereto? Ans., My cousin Leonard Dacre, Fras. Norton, and Markenfeld consulted whether it would be possible to liberate the Queen of Scots, and Dacre and Norton went near to the Earl of Shrewsbury's, to practise the matter with acquaintance in the house; they were to have 20 horses and servants near, and be met half way; but they could not bring it to pass.
5. Why was she to be taken away? Ans., They hoped, by having her, to get reformation or sufferance in religion, and the freedom of one who was the second person and heir apparent.
6. When and by whom was she to be proclaimed Queen of England? Ans., I do not remember its being moved.
7. What messages have you sent her by Fras. Norton, John Hamlyn, &c.? Ans., No other messages were sent to and fro than as stated.
8. What conferences have there been about her marriage, and whom was she to marry? Ans., The Earl of Westmoreland, his uncles, and some of the Nortons liked her marriage with the Duke. My cousin Dacre, I, and others wanted a sound Catholic, even if it were a foreign prince; but we kept it secret, because the Queen sent us word to seem contented with the match. When the Queen of Scots was at Bolton, Chris. Lassels come to my house at Leckenfield, and spoke much of the Queen's marriage with the Duke, asking how I liked it, and wishing me to write her about it, but I refused, unless she wrote to me. He brought me a courteous letter afterwards, but it seemed not to be her own hand, and was rather to press me to give an opinion than to express her own, and it seemed as though it were procured by the messenger. I only gave a verbal answer, which did not content him.
9. What conferences had you with the Duke of Norfolk about his marriage with her, and who were privy thereto? Ans., The first time I spoke to the Duke about the marriage was a fortnight after he came to York, reluctantly, at request of John Leviston. He thanked me for my good will, but I never dealt further in it. When the Duke came into his country, I sent to ask him what he wished me to do. I was told that his friends seemed to refuse him; but he would venture not to go up [to Court], and send to me if needful. I sent to the Spanish ambassador, who advised us not to stir, but this was after the Duke was committed to the Tower, Cantrell brought me a letter from the Duke, saying he had been moved by sundry noblemen, but would not enter into it without my advice. I answered that I would do as others did.
10. How often did you confer with Leonard Dacre, Oswald Wilkinson, and others about taking away the Queen of Scots? Ans., My cousin Dacre, Westmoreland, old Norton, and Markenfeld were with me when the Duke's servant came to the Earl of Westmoreland from Royston, whither his master had repaired at the Queen's command. As the man would not be seen, Westmoreland met him at 3 a.m., and then told us that the man urged him, by his love to the Duke, not to stir, or the Duke would lose his head; but the Earl of Northumberland could do as he liked. Yet Westmore land said he would do as we did. Dacre and I sought not to enter into these troubles with so little chance of success; but to keep credit with the others, who were earnest to stir, we devised that Dacre should seem willing to enter the matter, and we would proceed the next Monday. Westmoreland asked what the ground of the quarrel was to be. They said Religion. He said No, for such quarrels were accounted rebellion in other countries, and he would not blot his long stainless house. This happened as my cousin and I looked for, that we might excuse ourselves to the rest. We ever judged Westmoreland was unwilling, but urged to the matter. We then separated, my Lord returning home; Dacre I never saw since. Then old Norton and Markenfeld came to me, and said we were already in peril, through our often meetings, and must either enter the matter without the Earl, or depart the realm; and it would be a great discredit to leave off a godly enterprise that was looked for at our hands by the whole kingdom, many of whom would assist us. I bade them take time to consider; they were away 14 days, and then returned with other gentlemen of the bishopric, and some belonging to the Earl, who were forward in the matter. I objected that my Lord President suspected us, and would not let us escape; but I offered to write to the gentlemen of the country to know their mind. They answered coldly, and that stopped us awhile. They then devised to take the Lord President and Council, and thus allure the rest. I said this must be done by my servants, and I wished Westmoreland would join. They devised that on a Sunday, when the Lord President and Council, and mayor and aldermen were at sermon, I should come from my house at Topcliffe to Galtres forest, four miles from York, have one well horsed in town, to tell us when the bell was tolling for sermon, come to church, and keep the two doors, which might force them to yield to us. But as neither Westmoreland nor I were willing for such an attempt, as likely to breed bloodshed, it was passed over. I wished to consult the Earl of Derby, Queen of Scots, and Spanish ambassador. The first did not answer; the other two thought it better not to stir.
Then our company were discouraged. I left my house on a false alarm, and went to Lord Westmoreland's on my way to Alnwick. I found with him all the Nortons, Markenfeld, his two uncles, the two Tempests, John Swinburne, and Sir John Nevill, all ready to enter forthwith. We consulted; my Lord, his uncles, old Norton, and Markenfeld were earnest to proceed. Fras. Norton, John Swinburne, myself, and others thought it impossible, so we broke up and departed, every man to provide for himself. Lady Westmoreland, hearing this, cried out, weeping bitterly, that we and our country were shamed for ever, and that we must seek holes to creep into. Some departed, and I wished to go, but my Lord's uncles and others were so importunate that I and my Lord should not sunder, or we should cast ourselves away, that I remained a day or two. If any of us had provided a ship, we should have been glad; but when I found I could not get away, I agreed to rise with them, and promised to go and raise my force in Northumberland, to join Lord Westmoreland about the Tyne. They misliked my de parting, but I told them I must go, unless I went under my Lord's standard without force of my own. I had got away an arrow shot, when the Nortons and others came to persuade me to return; being desperately urged, I returned, and met my Lord, riding homeward I thought, but he passed towards Durham; when I understood they would begin the matter there, I would no further, and willed my Lord to return home and take better advice. I walked up and down till sunset, and then they forced me to go.
Oswald Wilkinson, my farmer in certain mills, I sent post up to London, to tell the Spanish ambassador in what extremity we were, and must either enter into arms or fly our country. My money being spent, Wilkinson offered to go at his own charge; but being taken at York on his return, we had no answer. I know not Hawley. Thos. Bishop is a tenant of mine, whom I had to sue for rent; he was under my guard while we were up, till we fled into Scotland. Thos. Borthwick is the Queen of Scots' man. Thos. Hussey I showed of before.
11. When did you first enter into this conspiracy, how many were privy thereto, and how often did you and others confer thereof? Ans., We first began to talk of these matters when the Duke went in displeasure from Court to his house in London, and it was bruited in Yorkshire that the Council was wonderfully divided about the succession, that the Duke and other noblemen had retired to their houses, and that the realm would be in a hurly-burly; so I went to the Duke and assembled my friends, to know their inclinations. I and many gentlemen intended to join the Duke, if the quarrel rel were for reformation of religion or naming a successor, but not to hazard myself for the marriage. This I fear made my enemies about Her Majesty pick a quarrel with me. On the Duke's repair to Court, hearing that the reports about naming a successor were untrue, I sought to forbear to stir. Yet to keep in those gentlemen that had frankly taken my part, I did not seem to mislike their earnestness in executing their purpose, but put them off, until at last I was driven to it perforce. Those privy to it were the Earl of Westmoreland, his uncles, Sir John Nevill, Robert (Rich. ?) Norton, Fras. Norton, and others of his brethren, Vavasour of Hazlewood, Plumpton of Plumpton, And. Oglethorpe, Chris. Danby, Robt. Tempest of Homeside, and his son, John Swinburne, Markenfeld of Markenfeld, &c. some from affection to the aforesaid two causes, some that they might be doing. The Earl of Westmoreland was cold, and had never attempted it but through the earnest means of his wife.
12. When was the Duke of Norfolk first made privy to it, and what message was sent to him about it by you, the Earl of Westmoreland, or others ? Ans., I can say nothing more than before.
13.What message did you or Westmoreland receive from the Duke about it ? Ans., I received no message by the Earl from the Duke other than before said.
Answers to other articles.
1. What was the intent and meaning of the rebellion ? Ans., Our first object in assembling was the reformation of religion and preservation of the person of the Queen of Scots, as next heir, failing issue of Her Majesty, which causes I believed were greatly favoured by most of the noblemen of the realm. I hoped my Lord Leicester, and especially Lord Burghley, with his singular judgment, had by this time been blessed with godly inspiration to discern cheese from chalk, the matters being so evidently discoursed by learned divines, and they have sway about the Prince, and would bring Her Majesty to the truth; but being deceived, I can only pray God to indue her and them with His grace to know and fear Him aright.
2. Did you mean to take the Queen of Scots and have her proclaimed Queen ? Ans., Fully answered in the other articles 4, 5, and 6.
3. What foreign aid was promised to maintain the rebellion ? Ans., I looked for aid from the nobility, for reformation of religion and appointing a successor, until the Duke's first committing to the Tower. No aid was promised by the Queen of Scots, Spanish ambassador, or any others.
4. What force was promised by any in England to join in the rebellion ? Ans., Answered before.
5. Were you reconciled to the Church of Rome before the rebellion, and how, or by whom? Ans., I was reconciled by Master Copley, two years before our stir. I cannot testify about the rest before-named that were of our confederacy.
6. Who first told you of the bull against the Queen, how was it obtained, how many were privy to it, and how often did you confer with Morton, an old priest, about it ? Ans., I never perfectly understood of any bull from Rome against the Queen, but heard that one was set up on the Court gates, and then on the Privy Council doors. There was a division amongst us, after the Duke's first committing to the Tower, whether it was lawful to rise against our anointed Prince; we referred the judgment to two learned men, Copley and another. They proved from Scripture that we should not fight against an anointed Prince, unless excommunicated by the Church. The other party said the Queen was excommunicated when she refused to suffer the Pope to send his ambassador to her presence. This, Markenfeld reported, was the opinion of Dr. Morton beyond seas. Most of us thought it was his own imagination. The other two thought it insufficient unless the excommunication had been published within the realm. On this Sir John Nevill, I, and others forbore the matter. Dr. Morton was once at my house, and told me of no such bull or promise of aid from the Pope; but lamented the want of sound Catholic priests to whom he might give authority to reconcile such people as would seek it.
7. What aid was promised you from Rome, the Queen of Scots, Duke of Alva, Duke of Norfolk, and others ? Ans., Answered in my former articles; no other relief than before specified was promised.
8. What was the message you sent to the Spanish ambassador by Thos. Hussey, Taylor of Tadcaster, or Oswald Wilkinson, or to the Bishop of Ross before the rebellion ? Ans., Answered before.
9. What message did you receive from the Scottish Queen during the rebellion, and what message did Thos. Bishop bring you from her ? Ans., I remember no message to encourage us to forward the matter. Thos. Bishop's message I do do not remember.
10. What message did Havers, Norfolk's servant, bring you or Westmoreland before the rebellion ? Ans., Havers' message was only to my Lord of Westmoreland.
11. When was the Queen of Scots made privy to the rebellion, and how often was there conference with her or her servants ? Ans., Neither I nor others sent to make the Queen of Scots privy to our designs, nor had other conference with her servants than to ask her opinion what she wished us to do.
12. What aid did she promise the rebellion, and why did she wish you to stay the time ? Ans., No aid was promised; I know not what moved her to advise us to stay, except what might move all wise men.
13. What conferences had your servants, Heckington, Hamlyn, or others with the Queen of Scots, or with Borthwick or any other Scot touching this rebellion or the delivery of the Scottish Queen ? Ans., I have specified all conferences of my servants with the Queen of Scots or other Scotchmen. I remember no Scot dealing with us about our rising and delivering the Queen of Scots.
It was talked of by my cousin Dacre, Fras. Norton, and myself. [13½ pages, each article signed by the Earl of Northumberland. The queries are supplied from No. 51 i. supra.]
1572?
June 16.
Gloucester.
57. Robert Anfyld to Edmund Catesby. Mrs. Grisogan Holcombe is suspended out of the church, and will be excommunicated if she does not come to Court by 26 June, next Court day. We cannot meddle with Tristram Holcombe till she has made answer, as he was not an executor to Mr. Porter, but she was save in two points. We may call him ad plenius respondendum, or call him tanquam persona in cujus manus bona magistri Porter pervenerunt. This I may do after her answer, but I think she will stand out contumax to the uttermost day. I have received no money from you for almost a year. [½ page.]
1572.
June 17.
Bruges.
58. Thomas Parker to Rob. Hoggins, at Edm. Hoggins', Milk Street, London. I feared you had forgotten your poor friend, being silent so long, but I perceive you were out of town. I see by proof your desire for my Lord my brother [Lord Morley's] well doing; he thanks you for it, and desires you to remember my Lord of Leicester of his estate, to whom he would write, but he fears his writing would prejudice his Lordship. As for his writing to submit to Her Majesty, he has done it divers times in most humble wise, and would not only submit but spend his blood in her service, if she would accept him. He has been evil-handed by mean persons suborned against him, and so affronted (being of noble courage) as no man could so long have endured. Although it grieves me to see him out of his country, yet here he lives with honour and quietness, and desires but to remain in some place where Her Majesty appoints, with some relief from home, which cannot be much, weighing his small living, to have my lady and his children maintained, and especially his eldest son, whom he would have furnished as appertains the place he is in. Of late he sent him three horses from hence, and now has at Brussels an armour making for him, which stands him in 300 crowns, as fair graven and gilt as ever I saw; nevertheless he lives barely, although if he would receive any offer, he has been sought of late; but he says as long as he can get bread, he will never take a groat of any. My wages are now paid little by little, and I am commanded to arm myself to this service either against Mons or Flushing, where besides a bed fellow, I have 15 crowns a month, and two men in wages allowed.
I am sorry to hear of the death of Norfolk, if otherwise it had pleased God and Her Majesty, for I fear some fineness was in it to hasten the matter. God grant that it may rest with him, for in our miserable country, as I have read in our chronicles, there are ever followers, till one consumes the other. They speak much of it here, that upon little surmises, such a person should perish, and attribute it a great infamy to our country.
We hear of a great league made with France; it is thought here that thereby the French pretend some further fetch to serve their turn, but I hope England will live without giving over much credit to foreign friendship.
Here are great preparations, for within these 20 days, there will be 10,000 horsemen and 50,000 footmen; likewise 80 sail of men-of-war at sea. Don John of Austria has come with his galleys to Genoa, and the Venetians go onward against the Turks, who have augmented their forces. The Duke of Savoy arms for the King 8,000 foot, and commands in person. Flushing saluted the Duke of Medina Celi very ill at his coming, and burnt three ships of the merchants, only by treason of a Flushing varlet that come out of Spain with them, and took upon himself to lead them into the port of Sluys, and set them on ground, and himself went his way. Yet the day after, the wind being very good, the rest of the Duke's army hoisted sail, and in spite of the town of Flushing, passed to the Ramikins, without hurt more than one gunner slain. The Portugal fleet of this country, like false traitors, struck anchor before Flushing, and many thereby may be undone. The Genoese took 26 Spaniards off the three ships that were burnt, and hung them in the town; the Spaniards likewise took 30 French horsemen coming to Mons, among whom was the son of Mons. Mongomery, who offered 5,000 crowns ransom; he and his companions were hanged at Villeforte six days past; here is no favour but hanging on both sides.
Our countrymen and women, as my Lady of Northumberland, lie at Mechlin, and so does Mr. Dacre, where not many days since, two of my Lord Seaton's sons were like to have been slain in the tumult. Now they begin to come cooler, and to obey the magistrates. The poor Earl of Westmoreland lies at Louvaine, and so does Lady Hungerford, my old knight, and others. I dare not break with my Lord touching the marriage of my nephew, for he, hearing of it before by other means, is very much aggrieved, as he would prefer him where he might have to live withal, during my Lord his father's life, and my Lady's, honourably both to the advancement of his house, which is now hardly able to maintain the state of worship, for without gold, honour and gentility are little set by. My nephew should take such an one as may make the pot seethe, or else use his wit for his better advantage, until he is an old bachelor as I am; by myself I see that it had been wisdom to have got something in my youth, for now money and lands they all look for. Pray persuade him to look to the lands and the gold, for beauty soon passes, and then follows repentance. I write from no evil intent towards the gentlewoman; she may do well without him, for he will never have but a poor living. I will write weekly from the camp of our occurrences. [2 pages.]
June 18/28.
Brussels.
59. Thos. Jennings to the Countess of Northumberland. Your letter of June 8 [came ?] at the arrival of the English gentlemen, who will be grateful for your courtesy, especially the Nevills. I have pawned my credit for their apparel, diet, and money. Cuthbert Neville has satisfied the 6l. N * * writ of; their coming so soon may hurt the cause. They came away before we received resolution of general support * * is discontent with the hasty publishing the interdiction in England, done without advice from any on this side, for the Louvainists clear themselves. It has prejudiced some things, and caused the Queen to begin her inquisition, and lay hands to the sword, whereby all our friends are in extreme danger. We have no resolution of general support. The nobility of * * Scotland ? have not sent their requests and assurances. I have not moved any of * * yet lest it might prejudice the general suit, but as they delay, I will move earnestly for money. I hope soon to receive good news by Peter Cyrce. [1 page. Noted by John Lee. The whole letter is in cipher undeciphered, but read by the key in the following No. 60. The passages in italics are deciphered conjecturally.]
June 18/28.
Brussels.
60. Partial key to the cipher of the preceding letter, and decipher of it. [1 page. Endorsed, by Burghley, The alphabet of Jennings, and his letter to the Lady Northumberland from Brussels.]
June 20.
Sheffield.
61. George Earl of Shrewsbury to Burghley. I have just heard of Lord Wharton's death, and that the Earl of Sussex has the wardship of his son. His house and lands are near me, and my wife has a daughter of his years, whom I mind to prefer in marriage. If his Lordship will part with the young gentleman, I will give as much as another for his marriage. Pray be a means between us to obtain this request, which my wife and I earnestly desire. [½ page.]
June 22.
Carlisle.
62. Lord Scrope to Lord Burghley. I have received letters from Council, not to license any Scotch pedlars to travel further upon these Borders than Carlisle, as they have been informed that by such travelling this city is greatly injured; but it is known that it has been done by all that have served here, as Lords Wharton, Conyers, and Dacre, and is at this day, and always has been, by the officers of the Marches at discretion. The injury done by them to the city cannot be great, for they are not many, their trade very small, and the wares they carry are bridles, saddles, daggers, spurs, stirrups, skins for covering coats of plate, and steel bonnets, and bonnet coverings, which I thought meet for the service of the country, and requisite that the poor Borderers might as well buy them of the Scots, as afterwards of the merchants at greater price. The allegation of the informer notwithstanding, there were but four pedlars so licensed, and I had always care that no man's licence was for longer than one month, and I committed the charge to Lockwood, my servant, and have never heard of any complaint by any Englishman against any so travelling. However I shall satisfy their Lordship's pleasure; certainly, some of them are very honest and to be used, and by occupying that trade, in some respects well deserve their liberty.
P.S.—I have perused the books wherein all such licences are entered, and find that only four have gone forth to four pedlars, and one to three seamen who brought fish and wine to the coast in a boat. I enclose the names of those whose licences are continued, and wish the informer were called, that it might appear what cause of complaint he had, and what injury has grown to this city. [12/3 pages.]
June 24. 63. Second examination of Thomas Earl of Northumberland on interrogatories:—1. Never spoke to the Bishop of Ross at York, as he affirms, but only once at his own chamber in Westminster.
2. This was to the effect mentioned in his former answer.
3. Upon his coming up, had no talk with any noblemen or others, but once or twice with the Duke, and then not a dozen words.
4. Found none addicted, but that the Earl of Worcester rebuked the marriage of the Earl of Bothwell.
5. Found none inclined to the marriage with the Duke, and had no talk with anyone thereon.
6. Christ. Lassels was the first to break it.
7. No addition to his former answer.
8. Does not remember talking of the marriage of Austria, but wished a strong match for her, for the maintenance of his religion.
9. Has before shown why he talked with his friends of matters connected with the question of succession, and ever afterwards did what he could to break off the matter.
10. Spent in the quarrel, 120l., receiving 10l., that he left with his wife in Liddesdale; laid some plate with Oswald Metcalf before the rebellion, but his chief plate his wife hid about Hexham; does not know what became of it. His collar he laid in gage at York before the rebellion for 60l.; borrowed no money.
11. Heard nothing of Rob. Heckington, except in Leonard Dacre's letters commending his service, which were written by Heckington; thinks he is now with his wife.
12. Was out hunting with my Lord of Westmoreland when Thos. Bishop's son, from the Queen of Scots came up and said something to him of no moment; has forgotten what; did not return any answer.
13. Was willing to go to York, but all his company disagreed. It was spoken of at Mr. Tankard's at Boroughbridge, whence they returned back; as to not enterprising to get the Queen of Scots, that appears in his former answers.
14. Does not know Old Rolleston, nor any of that name, and never had conference with Sir Thos. Stanley or Sir Thomas Garratt.
15. Sir Oswald Wilstropp, Sir Valentine Browne, and Mr. Vaughan were the most forward gentlemen in Yorkshire in the Queen's service.
16. Answered before.
17. Leonard Dacre and Fras. Norton, taking some enterprise to rescue the Queen of Scots, returned and said they could do nothing; nevertheless, Fras. Moore, favouring the Scottish Queen, came and said he had discouraged her from marriage with the Duke [of Norfolk].
18. Wilkinson came to him about money for his rents; required him to repair to London to the Spanish ambassador, for advice whether to enter into arms or fly the realm, but never saw him again. Letters were brought from London to his wife; does not know by whom, nor their contents, as they were written in Spanish.
19. Answered before.
20. The Earl of Cumberland often had a man in the camp to see and behold what would become of the causes; never talked with him, nor knew his intent. Michael Thirkeld, his servant, said the Earl of Cumberland was affected towards these causes; knows nothing of Lord Wharton beyond that Markenfeld said he also had an affection for the cause.
21. Was not privy to Leonard Dacre's going to Court. They had then thought to have broken up. Never saw Dacre afterwards, nor knew what became of him, as they concluded to break up and end their attempt; but being at Knaresborough, heard that Leonard Dacre had returned from the Court, and was within two miles of them and that upon Peter Kirk and Rob. Witherington of Spofford park being sent to him, he said he would take such part as they did.
22. Never heard of Davers. Havers came with a message to Lord Westmoreland, but does not know what answer his wife returned.
23. Young Tempest came from his father, and John Swinburne, who offered to take his part, notwithstanding the Earl of Westmoreland's refusal.
24. Remembers no letters brought from him to London by Taylor of Tadcaster.
25. Thinks it was by John Leviston, the Queen of Scots' man, who often came to him, that he sent the Queen word of their rising.
26. She never required them to stay until she might obtain aid of money, but required them generally not to rise or make any stir.
27. Cannot name any particular man who reported a division in the Council about a successor last summer, but it was a common bruit that the succession was had in question before Her Majesty and Council, and that they were divided thereupon.
28. Knows no means used by Lady Westmoreland to provoke her husband to proceed, till the last day when they were to break up, and shift for themselves; then she provoked him, and the rest with persuasion and crying.
29. They did not enter the matter of reformation of religion considerably, but hoped it would follow in time.
30. Nothing beyond his former answers; the talk about maintaining the Queen of Scots at liberty against Her Majesty's will was sudden and short.
31. The divines that so discoursed as to cause Leicester and Burghley to know cheese from chalk in religion, are Harding, Sanders, Stapleton, and others, who have lately written largely against the divines in Scotland, showing how they misconstrue the word of God, and falsify the ancient writers, as may appear in Sanders' 7th book of the supper of our Lord; also in his Rock of the Church, which tends to advance the supremacy, and the unity which ever has been throughout Christendom amongst Papists. The great dissensions that ever have been among Protestants are, I think, sufficient to allure all godly and humble minds from the dangerous sects scattered among Protestants. Endeavouring in my former answers to show of all things I was charged with, and to open my meaning touching every article; this opinion coming to my memory, I happened to open that with the rest. I crave pardon if it was uttered more vehemently than became me.
32. Only hoped assistance in the cause of religion and appointing a successor through those whose disposition he knew, and others who were addicted to the Scottish Queen, as Lords Lumley and Morley.
33. Copley, who reconciled him to the Church of Rome, had no abiding place, but was sometimes in Lancashire.
34. Has declared Copley's opinions and other divines' who debated whether they might raise against the Queen. The Earl of Westmoreland, old Norton, Francis his son, Markenfeld, Sir John Nevill, John Swinburne, and Mr. Tempest, were privy to the argument. [3½ pages. Printed in Sharpe's Memorials of the Rebellion, pp. 207–213, along with the queries to which they are replies, which are also printed in Murdin's State Papers, pp.219–221. The passages in italics are from these questions, and are requisite to make the answers intelligible.]
June 25. 64. Order of the Rolls Court in the cause of Fras. Alford, plaintiff, and Ludovic Greville, defendant. The plaintiff having made sufficient proof before the Master of the Rolls and Justice Weston of the payment of the money for the purchase of the lands in dispute, no process is to be issued against him from this Court, upon a recognizance acknowledged by Wm. Porter, now deceased, late of Aston-under-Edge, co. Gloucester, to the use of the said defendant, for 2,000l.
Time is to be given to the defendant to show cause why such recognizance shall not be delivered up to be cancelled; and if he does not show it, the Court will take further order. Signed by Martin James. [1¼ pages.]
June 30.
Carlisle.
65. Henry Lord Scrope and Richard Bishop of Carlisle to Lord Burghley. On yours and the Council's letters for the searching for vestments, copes, &c. concealed, as we were about it, we heard that 12 months since, Lawrence Banister with others rode down to Rockliffe castle, and leaving his company, took Thos. Carleton, land serjeant of Gillesland, and Wm. Hutton, steward of Brugh Burgh ? Barony, and rode into Scotland, and had some practices with the Lord Herris, Banister delivering him money. We advertise you, as Carleton and Hutton are now in London, and if examined, you might learn more. [1 page.]
[June 30.] " The arguments exhibited by the Lord Keeper, Sir Nich. Bacon, in Parliament, proving the noblemen's persons to be attachable for contempt committed by them in the Queen's Majesty's Court of Chancery, disobeying the decrees in that Court; which came in question upon an attachment ordered out of the same Court to the Sheriff of Norfolk, to attach the body of the Lord Cromwell, for disobeying a decree made in the said Court, between one [James] Taverner, plaintiff, and the said Lord Cromwell, defendant, which attachment [was] so executed by the said sheriff, and the body of the said Lord Cromwell brought prisoner in the said Court of Chancery." [Dom. Miscellaneous, Vol. VIII., ff. 61, 62. See Lords Journals, Vol. I., p. 727.]
June. 66. John Lee to Lord Burghley. I received yours of 25 May, and told the Earl of Westmoreland thereof, but he has not made any answer. The Countess of Northumberland greatly mislikes that her husband should be delivered; it is the only let why she does not go into the King of Spain, and now some are of opinion that she will go into some monastery, but others that she will practise notwithstanding, withstanding, as opportunity shall serve, whereof they have some good hope, as they find the Duke of Medina their friend.
Swinnerton and Smith have arrived. Smith is very earnest in the cause, and chiefly against you, expecting that another matter will shortly spring up, and accomplish the enterprise lately pretended. The Papists in the Low Countries and the rest are somewhat appalled at the loss of the Duke of Norfolk, and affirm that Her Majesty is greatly weakened thereby, and are doubtful lest the Scottish Queen should follow, and affirm that you lately made a vehement oration concerning the same, whereby you procured more enemies than you had before, which was needless.
The Duke of Alva is beginning to encamp not far from Mount Henault; the Duke of Medina, Don Frederick, Capt. Vitelli, and North Carne are gone before, and it is thought Alva will shortly follow, and that Mount Henault will be besieged. Further commandment is given that all the gentlemen of the country are to be ready by the 15th of next month, to serve with horse and foot. The fifth part of Holland has entered into amity with Count La Mark. Count Lodovic is greatly menaced, and it is thought standeth doubtful, unless the Prince of Orange comes shortly, who, if reports be true, is already on the way with 10,000 Almains and 5,000 horse and foot. Middleburgh (?) stands on the same terms it did and Flushing has a good store of ships. The report is that Mons. Beauvois, captain of Middleburgh, has overthrown 200 English soldiers. The Duke of Medina deals in no way as yet; he brought 47 ships, whereof Flushing spoiled eight, and took 150 Spanish soldiers. There have been many dangerous practices against Count Lodovic, and large offers to cut him off, for which one Gambowa, who was half English, and several others were executed.
Fras. Norton acknowledges himself bound to you, and reposes his whole confidence in Her Majesty's clemency through you. Pray let him partake it, as it would be no prejudice to her, a comfort to him, and grievous to those contrary to us to see. I must send my letters by Mr. Smith, as the other party is not here. [2½ pages, unfinished. Noted, "Tradita Jo. Lee 16 April 1573 post pascham." The passages in italics are in cipher undeciphered.]