Preface

PREFACE.

The present volume of Calendar embraces the State Papers of a longer period than any of its predecessors, viz., 13 months. This is partly attributable to a greater paucity of records, and the absence, after March 1652, of the letter books of the Council of State, and partly to the reaction of quiet after the defeat of the royalist rising of 1651. The battle of Worcester had left one serious difficulty behind it in the numerous prisoners, English and Scotch, who were still crowding the prisons, in spite of the disposal of large numbers, as alluded to in the Preface to the last volume of this Calendar. Of the English prisoners confined at St. James's House, 20 were chosen to be made examples of, and were executed, but it was complained that the others, owing to their closeness of restraint, had fallen ill, and were not only infecting one another, but endangering the health of the soldiers quartered there (p. 8). The Irish and Scotch Committee were therefore ordered to send away all those from St. James's and the Mews to service in Ireland (p. 67), and they were released on bond of friends, if it could be obtained, if not, on their own parole, to march to Chester, and there present themselves for embarkation for Ireland (p. 86). A committee was also appointed to send away to the Plantations all the remainder, whether in London or elsewhere, who were under the degree of field officer (p. 46).

The case of the Scotch prisoners was less easily disposed of. The noblemen were still retained prisoners in the Tower, with permission, however, to have servants to attend them, provided the servants also became prisoners. Among these we find the Earl Marshal, Earl of Rothes, and Lord Crawford Lindsay (pp. 12, 67); also the Earls of Leven, Carnwarth, and Kellie; George Lord Ogilvy or Ogleby of Banff and Sir David Leslie, who had the liberty of the Tower. But all to whom this privilege was granted had special keepers assigned, to see that they did not escape. A committee was also appointed to see how some of them could be disposed of elsewhere, so as to have the liberty of their respective prisons, and yet be separated from each other, and thus prevented plotting together (p. 76).

Among the prisoners was Lieut.-Gen. Middleton, whose wife Grisell, with a maid servant, was permitted to continue with him in the Tower (p. 35), and later she was allowed to depart, after she had visited him (p. 82), but within a few days it was discovered that not only she, but he, had quitted the Tower, to the great indignation of Council. They wreaked their vengeance upon the wife, who was apprehended, and upon the unfortunate maid, and the warders of the Tower, in whose charge the prisoner was, by committing them to Newgate (p. 101). This offence was considered the more heinous because Middleton had broken parole before his committal to the Tower. Council wrote to all port officers, describing him as tall, with black hair, a red face, and high nose; ordering a very strict search of all passengers setting sail, lest he should be amongst them, and offering 200l. reward for his apprehension; but, in spite of their efforts, he escaped from the coast of Sussex into France (p. 240).

The Earl of Leven was released on security in 20,000l. given by himself, by Ralph Delaval, of Seaton Delaval, Northumberland, and John Delaval, of Peterborough, that he should remain within 12 miles of Seaton Delaval, and he and his servant were thereupon dismissed from the Tower (pp. 13, 16, 17).

Of other prisoners, out of the pale of the nobility, but yet of political consequence enough to be committed to the Tower, we find Robert Douglas, Mungo Law, and Jas. Hamilton, (whose wives were allowed to repair to them, and who were granted the liberty of the Tower), John Smith, And. Authenlike, and John Robinson, all ministers; and also Andrew Kerr. These remained in custody as late as November 30th, 1652, when they were discharged, on promise to repair to Scotland, and to behave inoffensively (p. 515).

Sir Adam Hepborne had the liberty of the Tower, but he procured for his son Thomas leave to return to his studies at St. Andrew's, on bond in 2,000l. for good conduct, and Mr. Fotheringel was dismissed on like conditions (pp. 39, 76).

In reference to the common Scotch soldiers, reports had been received from Scotland that those allowed to return there had tried to raise new disturbances, and that others were endeavouring to get away without leave (p. 20). It was therefore suggested that Commissioners should be appointed to try them, with the powers of a constable's and marshal's court (p. 16).

Special inquiry was ordered at Bristol, and elsewhere, why the merchants who had engaged to carry the prisoners off to the Plantations had broken their contract, and left so many behind (pp. 38, 44), as infectious disease was breaking out amongst them. To remedy this, the starvation allowance of 2¼d. a day (p. 21), hitherto granted them, was on November 28th raised by Parliament to 4d. (pp. 38, 44), being nearly half of the 8½d. allowance made to common sailors (p. 360). Those in Chelsea College were permitted to send deputies from their number, on parole, to Scotland, to obtain further relief for their subsistence from their own friends (p. 77).

Those in York Castle, Durham, Shrewsbury, and Gloucester, were, at length, allowed to return home, on taking the engagement (pp. 120, 164, 166, 313); but a careful list of them was sent to the Commissioners of the English Parliament in Scotland, that none not included therein might escape on pretence of these permits (p. 227). The officers, who were chiefly lodged in Windsor Castle, were still detained, and allowed 5s. each a week (pp. 44, 130).

From Scotland itself there seemed so little now to be feared, that many of the troops were removed thence to Ireland.

A Scot, writing on January 15th, 1652, speaks of the people as very inclinable to peace, except Jack Presbyter, who is still a sworn enemy to civil government, and refused the Edinburgh magistrates a voice in the election of "that sacred beast, the ruling elder," because they had taken the engagement, and submitted to the English commonwealth, forgetting that a Scotch commonwealth had been established eight years ago (p. 103).

Commissioners and justiciaries, appointed by the English Parliament, administered law in the subjugated portions of the country (pp. 28, 119, 146, 182, 191, 204, 210), whilst the surrender in June 1652 of Dunottar Castle, after many fruitless efforts, to Major.-Gen. Deane, put an end to the show of resistance (pp. 255). Commissioners were even sent by Scotland to England to negotiate the long contemplated but tardily achieved union of the Parliaments of the two realms. As their proceedings do not however terminate with the present volume, a notice of them is postponed to the succeeding Calendar.

One act of conciliation was performed; the Scotch records brought to England, especially bonds and bills, after passing through the careful methodising of Wm. Ryley, Clerk of the Records in the Tower, were ordered to be returned to Scotland (pp. 47, 56, 97, 109). A list of these bonds and bills is preserved in the Public Record Office (Vol. I. 134, Interregnum).

Of the still lingering war in Ireland little notice occurs, beyond payments for it in the table of money warrants, and the drafting thither of soldiers, not only from Scotland, but from Jersey and Guernsey, after their surrender, provided the men could be induced to go (p. 174). Many of the Irish prisoners of war were allowed to enlist into the service of the Catholic King, and sent to Spain, on an engagement made by the Spanish Ambassador—to be safely kept among the records of Council —that they should never again be allowed to return to Ireland (pp. 322, 379; see also Index, Irish foot for Spanish service).

The notices of the exiled royal family in the present volume are scanty. On February 5th, 1652, occurs a long paper of instructions from Charles II., then at the Louvre, to George Earl of Norwich, deputed to visit the Archduke, Duke of Lorraine, Princess Royal of Orange, and the German Electors and Princes, to ask advice or solicit aid, as the case might demand (pp. 134–8.) On March 8th, is a warrant from him, also dated from the Louvre, to the Treasurer of his Exchequer, to pay 40s. a day and extraordinaries to Wm. Curtius, continued from the death of Charles I. as the King's agent to Germany; and on May 13th, a commission, again from the Louvre, appointing Charles Lord Gerard of Brandon Captain of the Life Guards raised or to be raised for His Majesty. He also granted a commission to Wm. Davenant to command some English plantations in America (p. 485). All these documents, however, could only have a provisional aspect, and their value was based on hope for the future, rather than reality for the present.

A trunk of gold which had been left by Charles II. in Worcester after his escape was an object of eager search by the Government, who offered 2,000l. for its discovery (p. 307); but seemingly without effect.

There is a confidential letter, dated 1st September 1652, from Sir Marmaduke Langdale to Sec. Nicolas, offering, if the King commands it, to endeavour the regaining of some port town, provided a good army can be sent to rescue it when taken, but this was a condition beyond Charles' power to fulfil (p. 389).

The King's youngest brother, Henry Duke of Gloucester, still remained at Carisbrook Castle, a solitary inmate after his sister's death. Moreover, the committee that had the power of disposing of the late King's goods, unknowing or unheeding his presence there, sold away all the goods in the castle, so that a remonstrance was sent to Parliament that he was left wholly without necessary accommodation (p. 29).

Further his attendant, Rich. Lovell, complained of the nonpayment of the salary of 1,500l. a year assigned him, whereby there was great difficulty in finding a supply for him and his attendants; upon which the Council of State wrote to the Revenue Committee, requiring payment of the arrears, and regular payment of the salary as it should become due in future (p. 170). This was early in March; in September, Council took it upon them to consider "the disposing of Henry Stuart, now in the Isle of Wight" (p. 394), but the result of their deliberations does not appear in the present volume.

The under current of disaffection to Government still existed, but its manifestations were checked by the utter failure of the party at the battle of Worcester.

In Wales the collecting of the excise by distress, on failure of payment, led to violence and bloodshed, and to the imprisonment of the excise officers (pp. 445–447). "Very foul riots and malicious actions" in Oxford were complained of against persons who met only for religious worship, worse than had been known in the time of the late King, and strict inquiry was ordered, with protection of the complainants from violence (pp. 81, 82).

The ministers were a frequent thorn in the sides of Government, by their preaching of disaffection. Those in Lancashire, Sam. Golty of Ipswich (p. 115), and Dr. Eaton of Axbridge, co. Somerset (p. 125) came in for reprimand, and also the ministers of the Merchant Adventurers' Company at Hamburg, to whose preaching was attributed much of the disaffection to the commonwealth that was frequently expressing itself in action there (pp. 69, 195, 234, 502).

The last volume of this Calendar noted the arrival in England of Ambassadors from the States-General, with whom Parliament entered into a serious and difficult negociation; but an unexpected collision in the Downs between the Dutch and English fleets, under Blake and Van Tromp, on 19th May 1652, in which, as usual, each party threw the blame of the first attack upon the other, rendered diplomacy nugatory for the time being.

When, on May 21st, the news of this attack reached London, Council dispatched a messenger to Dover for particulars, and he was ordered to send a report from every post stage as he went down (p. 251). They decided to sit on the Lord's day afternoon, if the Lord General deemed that there was occasion (p. 252), and Cromwell at once went down in person to the coasts, forwarding the preparation of the fleet, and corresponding with Parliament and the Council of State (p. 256).

The populace of London were so incensed by this attack in time of peace that it became necessary to place a strict guard upon the residence of the Dutch Ambassadors at Chelsea, and to offer them a body guard if they wished for it, to secure them from personal insult, if not violence (pp. 250, 253). Four files of musketeer guards and 20 horse, under a civil officer, were told off for this service, but the officer was ordered so to manage the guard that it should appear to be honourable, and to place no restraint on their persons (p. 253).

Negociations being rendered useless, Mynheer Nieuport obtained leave to return to Holland (p. 269). Papers were still exchanged between the two powers, and the English dwelt especially upon the fact that the attack was begun by the Dutch, and so begun whilst a treaty was pending (pp. 278, 279).

On June 8th, Heer Hempstead signified to Council his arrival at Gravesend as Ambassador Extraordinary from the United Provinces, and he was received with formality and courtesy (pp. 282, 283); on June 12th he had a solemn audience before the Council of State (p. 287), and almost daily negociations were carried on with him and two other Ambassadors Extraordinary, towards composing the differences between the States (pp. 290, 291, 302), but their proposal for the reference of the case to arbitrators being refused, and the proposals made to them by Parliament being alike negatived by them, they took leave and departed at the end of June (p. 307).

A proposition to stay all Dutch ships in English ports was made, but at first negatived (p. 251), and only Dutch men-of-war at anchor in the Thames or other ports were seized, and their sails and rudders taken away, to prevent their joining the hostile fleet (pp. 252, 267).

A few days later, however, this regulation was extended to all Dutch vessels in English ports (p. 290). The rights of mere passengers were respected, and 250 of them, intercepted by Gen. Blake, were sent over to Holland in a special vessel (p. 273).

A sense of the emergency of the occasion roused all parties concerned to vigorous action. Ordnance officers, gunpowder makers, navy victuallers, were all urged to the utmost despatch in providing the needful supplies, and the postmasters on the road to the Downs were ordered to carry Council's letters express (pp. 254, 288, 289). A proposal was also made for reducing all the inland garrisons, and strengthening those on the coast, especially Portsmouth and the Isle of Wight (p. 258).

All ships in the service were forthwith ordered to the Downs, and permission was given to press mariners, not only from ships inward bound, but also from those outward bound—a step which had hitherto been disallowed (pp. 250, 251). The vice-admirals of the southern counties were ordered to press all seamen between the ages of 15 and 50, giving them press money, 1s. each, and mileage, 1½d., and all civil officers were to assist therein (pp. 257, 259).

Ships sent on other duties, as convoys, &c., were summoned back (pp. 252, 253, 256), an exception being made for those gone to the Orkney and Shetland Isles, on account of the Dutch fishing there (p. 255).

The Navy Commissioners and Committee of Trinity House were to report what merchant ships in the Thames were fit for service, and to contract for their speedy hire, but "so that the State may not, by their present necessity, be brought into too great disadvantages" (p. 254), and a messenger was sent to note any ships leaving the Thames, their condition, and how far they were on their way (p. 254). Council considering that 40 ships more than already in the service should be taken on hire (p. 256), an embargo of a fortnight, and then of 21 days, was laid on all ships without distinction, except colliers, provision ships to Scotland and Ireland, and fishing vessels (pp. 258, 268, 269). A few days sufficed for the impress of 30 ships, guns for which were ordered on May 26th, but six fire-ships required were less readily obtained (pp. 259, 263).

An Act was also prepared and passed for calling home all English mariners, and forbidding them, under the strictest penalty, from serving any sovereign, prince, or state (p. 258). Still the lack of seamen impeding operations, numerous land soldiers were told off to duty at sea (p. 321).

The general temper of the English people was good. The men of Dover and Deal merited and received the thanks of Council for their energy in volunteering help in manning the fleet, and General Blake reported well of the willingness and unanimity of the fleet officers (p. 283).

On May 29th, a letter was received from the Mayor of Weymouth, with the serious intelligence that 60 Dutch vessels had been seen passing towards the Downs, and it was sent to Gen. Blake, with orders to intercept them if possible (p. 267). The English fleet, according to Blake's account, on June 7th, mustered 55 ships, but one of his officers reported them only as 42 (p. 280).

About June 8th, a skirmish took place between the Tiger and Laurel and two Dutch men-of-war, in which Capt. Peacock of the Tiger merited thanks for his worthy deportment (p. 285), but Capt. Taylor of the Laurel was not only severely censured, but ordered condign punishment, "to the terror of others upon a like occasion" (pp. 285, 286).

A fortnight later news was received of the steady increase of Van Tromp's fleet, and of the presence off the Land's End of 10 Dutch men-of-war, placed there to intercept English vessels coming into the Channel, an inconvenience which Blake was requested to remedy, whilst the mayors of Plymouth and other western seaport towns were ordered to employ light barks to be sent out on appearance of English trading ships from the East Indies, Barbadoes, Turkey, the Straits, &c., to give them notice of the position of affairs, and put them on their guard (pp. 299, 304– 306, 328).

About June 24th, Blake wrote from the South Foreland, announcing that his fleet was ready, and about to sail to find and encounter Van Tromp, leaving Sir George Ayscue with 16 ships in the Downs, to protect the coasts and the Channel (p. 302), not only from the Dutch, but from infesting pirates (p. 306). Pains were taken by Council to strengthen this latter fleet as much as possible, in order to make it efficient for its important duties (pp. 312, 318); but after the previous strain put on to fit out Blake's fleet they found the task more difficult than they expected (p. 317), and as late as July 10th, 20 merchant ships taken into the service were still detained in the river, for want of men (p. 327).

On July 9th, a large Dutch fleet of 102 men-of-war, beside fire-ships, being seen off the coast of Kent, troops were ordered to march to Deal for the safety of that part, and the county troops were to be raised if needful. There was much alarm lest the Dutch fleet should intercept the ships that were dropping down the river to join Ayscue's small fleet (pp. 323, 325, 328), which was obliged to seek the shelter of Dover Castle. Next day, however, brought the welcome intelligence that the fleet of Blake, which had gone northward as far as Flamborough Head and Sunderland in search of Van Tromp, was moving southward; and not too soon, for the Dutch fleet, in skirting the eastern coast, took two ships off Southwold, and raised an alarm of a descent on the eastern coasts (pp. 317, 325). To prevent this the forts were strengthened, troops marched towards Yarmouth and Lovingland (p. 232), and the gentry even of Yorkshire were requested to look to their own coasts, towards which troops were also hastened (p. 336).

By the end of July, Ayscue's fleet, being joined by the ships in the river, had become strong enough to take the charge of the Channel, and sail westward for protection of the expected incoming merchant vessels (pp. 339, 340).

On August 15th, on information received from Sussex of 100 Dutch sail seen to the westward, Blake was requested, if he could leave his eastward position without serious disadvantage, to sail westward to find the enemy, and join Ayscue's fleet (p. 368), and three days later the tidings from Plymouth that Ayscue was in actual fight with the Dutch fleet led to a still more urgent message (p. 373).

The fight, which was of doubtful success, was over before Blake received these mandates, therefore his next orders were to despatch six or eight frigates to Ayscue, to strengthen him to re-encounter the Dutch fleet, if he could find it; but to go himself towards the coast of Holland, whence Tromp's fleet was said to be again coming forth (p. 377).

The next rumour was from Deal and Dover on September 12th, that the enemy's fleet had appeared off the South Sand Head; expresses were sent to Blake and Ayscue accordingly, and cautions to the eastern ports to allow none of their vessels to put to sea (p. 400). On September 14th it was seen off Beachey Head (p. 406).

Unfortunately, few details occur in the State Papers of the fight in which, on September 28th, at 4 p.m., Blake attacked a fleet of 60 Dutch vessels, sunk six or eight, and chased the remainder to their own coasts, handling them so roughly that, but for the drawing in of the night, not half of them would have reached their own shores (p. 430).

The victory, however, had its painful side in the number of the English wounded men sent on shore. Those who were unable to travel were left in charge of the Mayor of Dover, to whom 500l. was assigned for their expenses; the rest were sent up to the Savoy and other hospitals in London (p. 428).

Difficulty also arose in the disposal of the prisoners taken in the Dutch ships. The vessels themselves were, of course, secured and fitted out for service (p. 295), but the harbouring of numbers of Dutch prisoners at Dover proving both inconvenient and expensive, Blake and the Mayor of Dover were ordered to send them back to Holland the first opportunity, securing only the captains and commanders (pp. 273, 284). These were at first detained in Dover Castle, but afterwards sent up to London (p. 284). Later the seamen themselves were ordered to be kept on board their respective ships; but as in the continuance of war they became more numerous, and as their good treatment was likely to secure reciprocity towards the English prisoners taken by the Dutch, a more liberal policy was adopted, and they were discharged, 5s. being paid to each man to help him home (pp. 406, 420).

The news of the conflict between England and Holland speedily reached Italy, where three rich merchant vessels of the Straits' fleet, with three men-of-war to guard them, were anchored at Leghorn. Thereupon 14 Dutch vessels, which had been hovering about Marseilles and Toulon, made their way into Leghorn Road, blocking the egress to the English, and their commander told the Governor of Leghorn that should any of the English ships unload their goods there, he would sink or burn them. The Governor, however, gave the English his protection, under cover of which they landed their more valuable goods in safety in the Lazaretto (pp. 315, 316, 325). The Grand Duke, on appeal, ordered protection to the English goods in unlading, in spite of the plea urged by the Dutch that the goods were theirs, as they had besieged the vessels (p. 330). For weeks they hovered about the port, sometimes veering off for a day or two, but re-appearing (pp. 346, 378), until the position of the English, whose provisions were nearly consumed, and who were months without receiving their English letters, on account of an outbreak of plague at Genoa, became uncomfortable and anxious (p. 352).

Capt. Rich. Badiley, who had been at Smyrna with three men-of-war convoying the Smyrna fleet of 24 merchantmen, was at Zante on his homeward route, when he met the Constant Warwick, sent from Leghorn to warn him that there was a breach with Holland, and that 14 Dutch vessels were in and about Leghorn. On the 27th, the Dutch, leaving only three or four ships for the blockade of Leghorn, attacked Badiley, and after a hot dispute,— in which the English claimed the advantage, but lost one of their best vessels, the Phœnix,—Badiley succeeded in putting into Porto Longone, where he was hospitably received, and his wounded taken ashore and cared for by the Governor (pp. 380, 384, 402, 403, 477). This gentleman, who was of high position, was disgusted with the conduct of the Dutch agent there, who had offered him 8,000 pistoles for liberty to fall upon the English ships (pp. 435, 436), and had also tried to send in a fire-ship amongst the English vessels, but he had prevented it (p. 443).

The two English squadrons were now only a few miles apart, and Capt. Hen. Appleton, commander of those at Leghorn, wrote urgently for permission to engage the unladen merchant vessels to act in the service as men-ofwar, or to hire some Venetian ships, and then he would try to avail himself of some unguarded moment to slip away, join Capt. Badiley's squadron, and defy the blockading fleet. This request was granted, but with the proviso that Badiley should assume the command of the joint squadron (p. 407). Appleton had incurred some displeasure by not attempting to force his way out of Leghorn harbour, when the main force of the Dutch being away, first on the attack and then on the blockade of the other squadron, his power was superior to that of the four vessels left to keep him in (p. 410). His excuse for inaction was that he could not persuade the merchant vessels to engage unless they received definite orders from the Council of State (pp. 414–418). He also pleaded difficulty on account of intelligence given to the Dutch by the numerous English royalists in and about Leghorn (p. 429). The Dutch had meantime so strengthened their fleet by the addition of merchant and other vessels, that nothing less than a fleet from England could be strong enough to break through them; and how was this to be obtained when every available vessel was needed at home ? Yet Longland, the agent resident at Leghorn, wrote letter after letter imploring for a fleet to be sent, and speedily, or the Straits' trade would be entirely destroyed (p. 410).

Badiley himself wrote on Oct. 17th, in the same strain, and complaining of injury to the cause, owing to the tardiness in the arrival of orders. Had his commission to seize Holland ships come earlier, he could have taken two rich prizes, now made men-of-war against him. If the order often requested, and at length tardily given, to employ merchant ships in the service, had come six weeks earlier, it had then been possible for the Leghorn ships to break through and join him, but now the Dutch fleet had in creased to 40 sail, 25 being men-of-war, and they were still taking up merchant ships, their own and the Genoese, and what could the small English squadrons attempt against such odds? (pp. 443, 451).

Though orders were now definitely sent to engage the merchant ships, other difficulties arose; the captains had not the consent of the owners, they wanted money to fit their ships as men-of-war, and they had not sufficient men. Orders were therefore again requested to hire Venetian ships (pp. 453, 478, 494).

At last there came some hope of the long wished for succour from England. On Oct. 22nd, it was promised as speedily as affairs would permit (p. 453). On Nov. 12th, the resolution took the shape of sending 20 vessels, to be fitted out by Dec. 1st (p. 489). Every effort was made to have them ready and victualled by that time (p. 497), and Capt. Peacock was appointed their commander until they should arrive at the Straits, when Capt. Badiley was to take the command of the entire squadron (p. 498). It was suggested that land soldiers should be sent on board some of the ships, Capt. Appleton having reported that this was done by the Dutch, and that their fleet was greatly strengthened thereby (p. 502).

The presence of the captured English ship Phœnix before Leghorn was a perpetual silent reproach to the English. She was now turned into a Dutch man-of-war, and this seemed to give a colour to the Dutch boasts of their great victories at sea. Attempts to seize or fire her were whispered, but checked by fear of violation of respect to the neutral port of the Grand Duke (pp. 421, 429).

At length a favourable opportunity presenting itself to regain her, the temptation proved irresistible. Capt. Appleton, probably anxious to vindicate his character by a deed of daring, despatched Capt. Cox one dark night with three boats full of stout mariners, 80 in all, to the Dutch fleet; they glided silently and unobserved to the side of the Phœnix, entered her, took possession with but little opposition, cut her cables and slipped away, escaping the chase of two men-of-war who followed on the movement being perceived. Moreover the younger Van Tromp was captured on the Phœnix, and another commander only escaped through the cabin port, and swam for his life (p. 503).

The political difficulties caused by this violation of the rights of a neutral port will appear in the next volume.

In the thick of the trouble of the Dutch war, another arose from a very unexpected quarter. The King of Denmark seized and detained in his ports 20 Eastland merchant ships, laden with the commodities so needful to the Navy at this juncture, and 18 men-of-war sent to convoy them home were forced to depart without them (pp. 442, 453).

On this all Danish ships in the Thames were stayed by order of Parliament, till these vessels should be released, or security given for their safe return (pp. 447, 448). Rich. Bradshaw was sent from Hamburg to Denmark to remonstrate (p. 461), but the issue of his negotiation does not appear in the present volume.

The relationships with France still continued in the same hostile position as mentioned in the preface to the preceding volume of this Calendar, and no attempts were made at negotiation or compromise.

This volume begins with the concluding month of the second Council of State. The third Council, comprising 28 old and 13 new members, sat for the first time on 2nd Dec. 1652, and with this alteration in its modus operandi, that instead of the perpetual presidency of Bradshaw, a President was chosen for each month of four weeks (p. 42). The Presidents were successively Bradshaw, Com. Whitelock, Hesilrigge, Viscount Lisle, Com. Lisle, Chief Justice Rolle, Sir Hen. Vane, the Earl of Pembroke, Bond, Purefoy, Chief Justice St. John, Sir J. Harrington, Sir W. Constable, and Sir W. Masham.

The attendances are shown in the tables printed at the close of this preface. The number of meetings held was 330, and the average number present was 15.98, being a reduction of 3.2 on the previous year's attendance. The Parliamentary average on the other hand rose from 50.4 to 57.1, chiefly owing to the interest excited by the passing in January of the Act of Oblivion. The largest number of members present was 97, the smallest 38, but, during the last few months, the average attendance did not exceed 48.

In the month of March, 1562, Council lost the assistance of their laborious secretary, Gualter Frost, sen., who died seemingly in straitened circumstances, for 1,000l. was ordered to be paid to his widow and children, and Parliament was requested to settle on them some support (p. 341). Complaint was also made that his executors were liable for debts which he had personally incurred in behalf of Parliament. An investigation was ordered, and the report showed that he died worth 5,900l., 3,400l. of which he had cleared during 11 years' employment in affairs of State; but on the other hand, he had become responsible in 1642 for debts on account of provisions for Ireland, which now amounted with interest to upwards of 5,000l., and from this his family requested liberation (pp. 512, 513).

The successor to Frost in office was John Thurloe, who was assigned the salary of 600l. a year, three times the amount granted to Milton (p. 203). During his regime the transcript volumes of the Council of State letter books cease, but the historical student will pardon the omission for the sake of the large collections of documents preserved by him, a selection from which was afterwards published and is well known as the Thurloe State Papers.

Gualter Frost, jun. was continued in the post of assistant secretary, and on him was devolved the management of the Council's money matters, which had previously been entrusted to his father (pp. 199, 120), and which was no sinecure, as 64,000l. passed through his hands in one year (p. 514).

The most important feature of home legislation was the passing on Jan. 18th, 1652, of a general Act of pardon and oblivion for all political crimes, fines, and forfeitures committed before 3rd Sept. 1651, though with numerous and important exceptions, as well appear by the abstract of it given on pp. 106–108.

A committee was appointed to consider the inconveniencies of the law, and from the list of reports presented to it by the officers of the courts of Exchequer and Chancery, may be gathered with some accuracy the amount of their salaries and fees (pp. 159–163, 189).

The Mint also called for its share of attention; there are papers relating to the expediency of a small coinage of tin, brass, or copper; the prevention of the export of gold and silver, the giving currency to foreign coin, and the securing the import of coin and bullion, &c. (pp. 23–26, 243). A letter from an English merchant of Amsterdam, date 26th May 1652, contains a vigorous exposure of mismanagement in the Mint, and of the reasons of the light and counterfeit coin so abundant, especially in Scotland and Ireland (see pp. 31, 45, 508, 510). He complains also that 300,000l. worth of gold and silver lace is made annually in England, which ought to be prevented until the nation is recruited with treasure (pp. 260, 263).

The business of coinage was one much in dispute. Pierre Blondeau, the celebrated French coiner, was very anxious to introduce his method of coining money marked at the edge as well as on both sides, and therefore much less susceptible of paring and filing, and a warm contest arose between him and the former workmen of the Mint, as to their modes and facilities of working, and much beating down of each other as to the minimum cost of coining. Blondeau's coins were, after a fair trial, allowed to bear the palm, both in point of workmanship and cost, over those produced by the Mint workmen (pp. 153–157).

The administration of the posts was attended with difficulty, owing to the rival claims of five persons holding patents by possession or assignation, and their adjustment was the subject of frequent consultation (pp. 15, 29, 189, 473, 509, 510); but at last it was referred by the Council of State to the sole decision of Parliament (p. 505). A proposal was submitted for what was then considered cheap postage, that is, that letters should be delivered within 100 miles of London for 2d., in other parts of England and Wales for 3d., Scotland 4d., and Ireland 6d. (p. 507) If, however, we multiply these sums by four and a half to represent the present value of money, we see how far removed were the ideas of two centuries ago from the cheap postage of the present day.

The state of the public Treasury called loudly for legislation. The several sources of income, as customs and excise, assessments, fines of delinquents, sequestered estates, receipts from sales of Crown lands, of bishops' and deans' and chapters' lands, of fee-farm rents, and of estates forfeited for treason, had all warrants assigned upon them, which were of present value just so far only as the fund in question was more or less anticipated by previous warrants. Sometimes moneys which had no chance of being paid for months or even years from the fund on which they were assigned were transferred to other funds, and thus embarassment and confusion arose (pp. 423, 424, 473), but it was not until the protectorate that the amalgamation of the revenue into one Exchequer was accomplished.

There are some papers of local interest;—such are those relating to the port and pier of Dover and its necessary repairs (pp. 86, 87, 202, 264).

To the state of the forts in the Isle of Wight (p. 508).

To the government of the town of Great Yarmouth (pp. 6, 168).

To the surrender of Jersey, and its subsequent jurisdiction, civil and military (pp. 54, 72–74, 80, 81, 116, 118, 126, 174, 219, 223, 461).

Also to the condition and government of the Isle of Man after its surrender (pp. 8, 22, 29, 59, 75, 131, 132, 140, 281, 330, 352).

The wild savagery of the Cornish wreckers towards men cast away on the coast, and their greed in seizing wrecked goods, called for serious remonstrance; and the ViceAdmiral of Cornwall was urged to prevent or punish it, so that neither foreigners nor natives may have cause to complain, "in case they fall into any such distress, it being the duty of every good Christian to give his assistance therein." In case he cannot peaceably obtain the restoration of the purloined goods, the sheriff of the county "and other good people thereabouts" are required to give him their best assistance (pp. 141–143).

A serious dispute broke out between the Aldermen and the Common Council of London as to their relative shares in the election of city magistrates. A committee of 12 influential members of the Council of State, including Cromwell, Fleetwood, Sir Harry Vane, and the two Lords Chief Justices, was appointed to meet with four deputies of each party, to compose the difference; or failing this, to report to the Council of State or Parliament (p. 46). This committee, however, succeeded in their efforts, without appeal to Parliament (p. 63).

A petition of the brickmakers urging the employment of bricks only for new buildings in London, gives some curious details of the inconveniences of the construction of the timber houses of ancient London; e.g., darkening of lights by juttings and encroachments; stifling the streets; promoting the spread of plague; breeding of vermin; and especially incurring danger from repeated fires. After the perusal of such a document, one cannot regard the fire of 1666, which desolated London, as an unmixed evil (pp. 197, 198).

The question of free trade, whereby was meant not trade free of customs,—an idea much in advance of 17th century legislation—but trade free to all to engage in, rather than under the monopoly of companies, was freely discussed between Mr. Walwyn and the Turkey or Levant Company, but the company succeeded in maintaining its privileges (pp. 232, 235, 271).

A similar contest arose in reference to the exclusive right of fishing in Greenland, claimed by the Muscovy Company as discoverers of the trade, and as holders of several Parliamentary grants. It was referred to a committee, and meanwhile, the whale fishery being of consequence, both parties were to order their fishing so as not to interrupt each other (pp. 177, 178).

The Pinmakers' Company also applied for protection, not against English interlopers, but against the import of foreign pins, connived at by haberdashers and shopkeepers, by which their trade was ruined, whilst Parliament, often appealed to, was too busy to do anything for their relief (pp. 470, 515, 516).

The Council of Trade had long been working upon reports on numerous questions in dispute, to be made to the Council of State and Parliament, but the delay of Parliament in attending to them caused great vexation to the suitors (p. 87). The woollen trade especially suffered for want of better regulation, bad and deceitful goods having been made and vented abroad to such an extent that the English were now in danger of losing the foreign market altogether (p. 88).

The different branches of the wool trade were at variance—clothiers, fellmongers, wool staplers, jobbers, and broggers, petitioning against each other, and each party defending their own rights, vindicating their own importance, and decrying their rivals (pp. 469–472, 479– 481).

Of individual characters of eminence the notices are but scanty. Cromwell's influence is rather felt than seen; his commission of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, which expired on 23rd June 1652, was renewed (p. 291), and Major-Gen. Lambert was appointed to command under him (p. 113), but Cromwell refused any longer to receive the salary of Lord Lieutenant; he requested that of the arrears of 5,139l. 14s. 5d. due to him, 2,000l. should be paid to Lambert, and he remitted the remainder to the use of the State (p. 623).

His activity in the despatch of the fleet against the Dutch has been already alluded to, but the absence of land warfare made his office as Lord General of the Forces almost a sinecure. Still the sense of his importance was well recognised, not only by the Government at home, but by the royalists abroad, who wished "Cromwell's heart's "blood were out" (p. 309). The Duke of Buckingham endeavouring to negotiate with Council, sent a sealed letter, not to them but to Cromwell, who, however, delivered it to Council, and the messenger was ordered to depart the realm "within 10 days at his uttermost peril" (p. 317).

And. Sandelands writing from Edinburgh, addresses to his friend John Milton, at his house in Petit France, beyond Westminster, a proposition for a supply of mast timber for shipbuilding from Scotland, and Milton handed over the letter to the Navy Commissioners, amongst whose papers it was found (p. 103). This letter formed the basis of a negotiation carried out in 1653, for utilising the pine timber of Scotland.

Sir Oliver Fleming, Master of the Ceremonies, sent in a remonstrance, complaining that, though Parliament appointed him in 1643 to retain his office with its former rights and allowances, his income, which used to be with incidents 1,000l. a year, was reduced to the low salary of 200l., "gratuities from foreign public ministers and other profits being laid down, as dishonourable to the commonwealth," which however had granted him no compensation therefor; so that, unable to maintain himself in the quality demanded by his employment on means so slender, he had contracted heavy debts. Parliament was requested to give him a reward for the past, and a competent salary for the future, that he might not "be under the temptation of doing things dishonourable" (p. 334).

The famous shipbuilding family of the Petts became the subjects of grave accusation, owing to abuses which had sprung up in the dockyard at Chatham under their superintendence, Peter Pett being resident Navy Commissioner there. Those who knew of the abuses dared not expose them, it was said, because of "the kindred," who were "all so knit together that the devil himself could not discover them except one impeached the other" (pp. 37, 38), and it was argued that it was not for the State's interest "to have a generation of brothers, cousins, and kindred packed together in one place of public trust" (pp. 41, 42). Commissioner Pett retaliated by counter accusations against his accusers, for breach of trust and using the State's timber, and other goods for private purposes (pp. 57, 58, 127, 128, 622, 624).

The whole case,—including that of Wm. Adderley, the minister on duty, against whom a complaint was made that he would only officiate in the town, and refused to preach on board the ships (pp. 61, 62),—was referred to a local committee (p. 70), and before them were produced the accusations, proofs, and answers of the several parties. One against Rich. Holborn, master mast-maker, and cousin to Commissioner Pett, is that he not only had his bedsteads made at the State's charge, but also two coffins to bury himself and his wife when they die, which coffins are now in his own house! He acknowledges to both bedstead and coffins, but, "as he thinks, he paid for the workmanship himself" (pp. 127, 128). These proceedings, however, failed to unsettle the useful family of the Petts from their respective posts.

Amongst the papers of interest may be named a long letter from John Finch, dated Lyons, 2nd April 1652, giving a graphic account of the perils of French travel during the civil war (pp. 205–209).

There is also a lengthened account of the seizure of the Marmaduke, late vice-admiral's ship of Prince Rupert's fleet, by some of her own men, who with difficulty and danger secured her for Parliament, and brought her into Plymouth (pp. 308–312).

Several literary notices occur in this volume. Eliz. Alkin was paid 10l. reward, and 3l. 8s. charges for discovering the book Manus testium, lingua testium (pp. 39, 41).

The searchers of customs at Gravesend received thanks for intercepting some printed copies of the Meditation of the late King, and the ship in which they were sent over was ordered to be stayed (p. 78). Milton wrote a reply to this book, and John Durie was ordered a reward for translating the reply into French (p. 493).

A bond was taken of the printer of Walker's history of Independency not to sell or part with any of the sheets in his hands (80).

A committee was appointed to examine Mr. Dugard, the printer, about his printing the Catechesis Ecclesiarum Poloniæ (p. 132).

The printer and publisher of the Faithful Scout were ordered to be examined; also Geo. Wharton, supposed author of an almanac containing something prejudicial to Government; and Parliament was requested to consider of the Act prepared for the regulation of printing, much prejudice being done "by unlicensed and scandalous pamphlets" (pp. 444, 464).

On the other hand, Council ordered payment for the printing of a book justifying the taking the engagement to the present Government; the Committee for Foreign Affairs ordered the printing of a work entitled Mare Clausum, with a picture of the commonwealth of England in the frontispiece, justifying the engagement with the Dutch fleet, and 200 copies were ordered for the use of the members of the Council (pp. 303, 358, 483).

Patrick Young, late librarian at St. James's, had contemplated publishing an edition of Tecla's Greek Bible, of which a MS. existed in that library; but on his decease, strict orders were given for the restoration of the MS. to the library (p. 421); this order not being attended to with promptness, his executors were threatened with a suit by the trustees for sale of the late King's goods, and it was only stayed by order of Council, to whose care the St. James's library was committed by Parliament (p. 497).

Council pronounced its approbation of the printing of a polyglot Bible by Dr. Brian Walton, as very honourable and deserving encouragement, but referred the case to Parliament (p. 328). They also allowed 100l. to Fitzpayne Fisher, for a treatise which would be of great use in all schools for youth (p. 367), and they considered of an encouragement to be given to Mr. Pell, for remaining in England to read lectures on mathematics (p. 495).

The letters to Viscount Conway supply a few items; he corresponded with several scientific and literary persons who supplied him with books and curiosities of divers sorts (pp. 415, 508). A letter from James Allestrye, who was his book agent, gives several particulars of prices and editions, mentioning especially two maps of Venice by Albert Durer, one in six imperial sheets, price 12s., the other in five smaller ones at 8s. (p. 449). Carew, son of Sir Walter Raleigh, sends him "a parcel of papers which perchance you will scorn, as they are old, rotten, and dirty, and such as a person less intelligent than yourself would hardly understand; but they are all receipts, and most in my father's hand, and therefore approved ones. I have many others of verses and discourses of several kinds, which, on the return of these, shall be sent if you desire it" (p. 303).

We have a specimen of verse written by H. H . . . . to Lady Frances Seymour and Lord Molineux, on their private marriage at Essex House (pp. 468, 469).

In concluding these remarks, I beg again to offer my acknowledgments to G. J. Morris, Esq., B.A., clerk of the Public Record Office, for valuable literary assistance in the compilation of this volume, and to Mr. G. W. Thompson, transcriber, for important service in rough drafting and indexing.

M. A. E. G.

100, Gower Street,
November 17, 1877.