Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 2, 1559-1560. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1865.
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'Elizabeth: October 1559, 6-10', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 2, 1559-1560, (London, 1865) pp. 18-30. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol2/pp18-30 [accessed 29 February 2024]
October 1559, 6-10
|39. The Queen to Frederic, Count Palatine, Wolfgang, Duke of Deux-Ponts, and Christopher, Duke of Wurtemberg.
|1. Has received their joint letters dated at Augusta Vindelicorum on 15 Aug. with great pleasure, since they express regard for herself, congratulations upon her good fortune, and the desire not only of intercourse and friendship, but also for united action in the advancement of the Gospel. To these they have added their exhortations that she would proceed with the establishment of pure religion. Their letter therefore is most acceptable to her, and she doubts not to Almighty God also. In no point will she be more watchful than in the purifying of religion throughout her realms, removing all foul errors, so that all her subjects may have its full enjoyment.
|2. They have reminded her that the devil will oppose the propagation of true religion, and that it is incumbent upon all its professors, especially Princes, to unite for its defence. She therefore is persuaded that if any secret treachery or open violence shall be employed against herself, they will assist her not only with their good advice, but with their active cooperation.
|3. She addresses them conjointly in one letter, because there exists among them the closest proximity not only of sentiment but of locality, religion, and family.—Westminster, 6 Oct. 1559
|Corrected draft. Endd. Lat. Pp. 3.
B. M. Reg. 13 B. 1. 18.
40. Another copy of the above.
R. O. 171 B.
41. Another copy of the above.
B. M. Calig. B. ix. 51. Teulet, 1. 414. (fn. 1)
|42. Manifesto of the Lords of the Congregation.
|1. Although the designs of the French to reduce Scotland into their own power have been in progress since Mary was carried into France, it is only within the last few months that they have assumed a definite form. It is the object of the present paper to show the steps by which they have been secretly laying the foundation of such an enterprise.
|2. When the design of carrying the Scottish Queen into France was first entertained, it was decided that the Duke of Châtellerault should be Governor of the realm during life. This was opposed by the King of France; who, perceiving that his intentions could not be carried out so long as there remained persons who claimed the crown by succession, caused the Queen, then only 11 years old, to execute a deed by which she appointed her mother to be Queen Regent. The nobility were bribed to connive at this arrangment. The Duke was compelled to lay down his office, and it was assumed by the Queen's mother.
|3. The principal difficulty being thus removed, the inferior offices of the State were filled up by Frenchmen. A post of the highest importance, that of Controller of the royal revenues, was given to one of them named Villemoron, who thus obtained the control of the receipts and issues of the crown. The Queen Dowager retained the Great Seal of Scotland in her own hands until the arrival of an advocate of the Senate of Paris, named M. de Rubbay, who was appointed the Vice-Chancellor, while the chancellorship was restored to the Earl of Huntly, he having filled that dignity for some years previously. The whole power, however, was in the hands of M. de Rubbay. The Earl of Casselis was at first appointed Treasurer, he having materially assisted the Queen Regent; but perceiving that the liberties of the realm were endangered, he grew slack in his service and fell into discredit. Still she did not venture to remove him, for he was an efficient officer and much beloved by the people; but she sent him into France, where he was detained for two years, during which time the office was held by an obscure clerk, who was entirely at the beck of the French.
|4. Although the custom of selecting the Councillors from among the nobility, which had prevailed for many centuries, could not openly be set aside, yet Rubbay, in virtue of his office, assumed the place of President and controlled the Parliament. The authority of the French Ambassador, D'Oysel, was supreme; nothing could be brought before the Parliament until it had been settled by him and Rubbay. Of the two, D'Oysel was the greater favourite of the people and the Queen, and consequently was much courted by the nobility. Nothing could be done save through him.
|6. These new honours made him proud and overbearing. He and Rubbay engrossed the entire management of the affairs of Scotland, both at home and abroad.
|7. Some years since, when war broke out against England the French advised that the castle of Wark should be besieged but they were opposed by the Scottish nobility, who urged that the English had a large army in the field, and that it was hazardous to begin a campaign, winter being then close at hand. Hereupon the Scottish army was disbanded. The French pronounced this to be an act of rebellion, and had they dared would have punished many of the nobility.
|8. Two difficulties still remained in the way of the supre macy of France; the jurisdiction of the ordinary judges, and the power of the Three Estates (or Parliament) in passing laws. The French attempted to vest both of these powers in the Privy Council, in which their sway was dominant. The scheme, however, was detected and defeated at the outset and it made the Queen exceedingly unpopular.
|9. Their next attempt was to sow discord among the nobility. They also had their designs in regard to the churchmen. When an ecclesiastic of any eminence died the vacant office was not filled up, frequently for some months, and the attempt was made to give it to a Frenchman. The commission by which the Queen of Scotland appointed her mother to be Regent reserved these nominations to herself; and if any of the nobility induced the Regent to intercede with her daughter in favour of any suitor for the vacant benefice, and the Queen gave her consent, the influence of the French in the Papal Court was so powerful that the appointment was held in suspense until the funds of the applicant were exhausted. Of all the benefices in Scotland which have become vacant within the last five years, scarce two have been filled by Scotchmen, while the Cardinal of Guise has easily obtained the richest and most important monasteries. Thus the chief ecclesiastical power has fallen into the hands either of the French or such Scotchmen as belong to their faction.
|10. They have also plotted against the nobility. Perceiving that many of the chief of them were inclined to the doctrine of the Gospel, they pretended to permit each to exercise his own religion within certain fixed boundaries. They also permitted the open expression of opinion. By these means many persons fell under ecclesiastical censures of great severity. A public meeting having been held on the the subject of a Reformation of Religion, many expressed themselves with much freedom, and thus fell into the power of the French. No token of their displeasure was given as long as the assistance of the Scotch was needed in the war between France and England; but on the conclusion of the peace, the Regent threw off the mask and declared that they should be punished to the extreme rigor of the law.
|11. After having thus been attempting for some years to lay the foundations of their power, they sent an embassy into France about the Queen's marriage. When it had been celebrated, the Queen, influenced by her uncles (her only counsellors), decided that the Ambassadors should return and bring the crown of Scotland back with them into France for the coronation of the King, her husband. The Councillors refused; whereupon the Queen's uncles attempted so to explain away the demand as to make it appear unimportant.
|12. When the peace was concluded, the French designs upon Scotland became more notorious. The King of France, whose treasury was exhausted by the long wars, although he elsewhere disbanded a large number of his troops, kept up the army in Scotland to its full strength, nor did he send its pay, but allowed it to pillage the inhabitants of the locality where it was quartered. The pay being two years in arrear, and no money arriving from France, the Queen issued a debased currency for the payment of the troops, which was the cause of yet greater mischief. Last summer there was imported into Scotland a large mass of debased French currency, which had been withdrawn from circulation in France, but which was declared by the Regent (without the consent of the Council or Parliament) to be a lawful tender in Scotland. Moreover, they attempted to seize the Earl of Arran, next in succession to the throne; directing that he should be brought to Court dead or alive, only because he was attached to the doctrine of the Gospel. When he had escaped, they seized his younger brother, (who had been sent into France for his education,) scarce fifteen years old, and imprisoned him. The Duke in the meantime was assisting the Queen Regent.
|13. The designs of the French now became notorious, and they no longer concealed them. Possibly they thought that the time for open action had arrived; possibly they were induced by the failing health of the Regent, (whose life was necessary for the execution of their plans,) to bring matters to a crisis. Be that as it may, they spared no pains to secure the kingdom. Additional troops were hurried into Scotland, new levies were raised, and strenuous efforts were made to secure the castle of Edinburgh. When this did not succeed the port of Leith was seized, fortified, and garrisoned. The nobility was indignant. The Duke of Châtellerault, no longer able to conceal his displeasure, wrote to the Regent, respectfully asking her to desist from these proceedings, adding that if necessary he would vindicate the liberties of the kingdom. She disregarded his remonstrance, and pushed on the works. Hence the tumults which now pervade the whole of Scotland.
|14. These are the grounds upon which the Scotch believe that the French have been plotting against the liberties of Scotland. They leave the decision of the question to the judgment of the unprejudiced reader, who they trust will not be seduced by the false accusations and calumnies of these tyrants.
|Copy. Lat. Pp. 9.
B. M. Calig. B. iv. 130.
43. Another copy of the preceding.
|44. Another copy of the preceding.
B.M. Calig. B. x. 24. Burnet, iii. App. No. 53.
|45. Manifesto of the Lords of the Congregation.
|A declaration made by the Confederate Lords of Scotland to the Queen, of their taking arms against the Queen Dowager and the French.
|1. It may be said by the French that they must subdue the rebellion in Scotland, and to that end bring this power thither.
|2. But the proceedings hitherto are no rebellion. When the French King wished to carry the young Queen of Scotland into France, great difficulty was made by the Scots; but it was brought to pass by the continual travail of the Queen Dowager, by corruption, authority, and fair promises. Before she could be transported thither, assurance was made by treaty, by oath, by Parliament, by the Great Seal of France, and by the seal of the Dauphin, that Scotland should be governed by its own laws, its nobility, and its people; that the offices should remain in the nation of Scotland, and that no garrisons should be kept by the French. After that time, much labour was made by the Dowager to procure the favour of the nobility to accord the marriage of the Queen with the Dauphin. Finally it was obtained in Parliament that the crown should be assigned to the Queen and the heirs of her body, and in default thereof, to the Duke of Châtellerault and his heirs. On the part of France, oaths were taken, charters delivered under the Great Seal, and confirmed by the young Queen and the Dauphin severally, under their respective seals, that Scotland should be governed by the Council of the land, that no liberties should be violated, that Edinburgh Castle should be delivered to Lord Erskine, to be kept for the preservation of the rights of the realm, and that Dumbarton Castle should be delivered to the Duke as heir apparent. Duplicates were made of the grants of France, one part to be kept in the treasury of Edinburgh Castle, and the other delivered to the Duke.
|3. In 1558, an embassy, consisting of two Bishops, two Earls, and four Lords was sent into France, and the marriage was then concluded. They were there requested to obtain in Parliament, on their return, that the crown of Scotland should be given to the Dauphin, which the embassy utterly refused to do. At Dieppe their number was made in one night suddenly less by [the death of] one Bishop, two Earls, and two Barons; and so departed home the other three. At their return the Dowager practised to obtain this purpose, and by rewarding those who had not received favour of the Duke during his governance, set enmity betwixt him and them. She also offered to others of the Lords permission to live freely according to their conscience in religion. Thus becoming very strong, she obtained in Parliament this matrimonial crown, upon condition that the Duke's right should not be impaired thereby.
|4. She now daily usurped against the liberties and promises made. She committed to prison the Chancellor of the realm, the Earl Huntly, one of the principal friends of the Duke; she fined him heavily, took the seal from him and gave it to one Rubay, an advocate of Paris. To flatter the Earl, she gave him the name of Chancellor, and put the office in Rubay's hands. She committed to another Frenchman, a servant of her own, named Vulemore, the office of Comptroller, to whom belongs the charge of the whole revenues of the crown. Although at peace with England, she kept all the garrisons of Frenchmen still in the country. Wages had they none out of France at all. The revenue of the crown was sent into France and certain money, decried and barred in France two years before, was made current in Scotland. She also coined a quantity of base Scottish money, and permitted certain of the French to coin their own plate, to their own advantage and the hurt of all Scotland.
|5. She practised thus with diverse noblemen to become parties against the Duke. Means were ineffectually made to have won Lord Erskine to deliver the castle of Edinburgh; next, to have stolen it. She much exasperated the people by giving away to Frenchmen such abbeys as fell void; generally keeping in her hands for three whole years almost all the ecclesiastical dignities that have fallen void, saving such as she gave to Frenchmen. She never would follow the advice of the nobility who were appointed to be of the Council. Against these doings many intercessions were made, but nothing availed. Then followed a practice the most dangerous and strange of all; to cut away the Duke and his house and to make a party against him. The Lord James, a bastard of the late King (a man of great courage and wisdom), and certain Earls and Barons of the realm (having no great love to the Duke or to certain ceremonies of the Church) were told by the Queen that she would bear with their religion if they would join with her against the Duke in favour of France, and that they might live freely according to their conscience in religion. Hereby emboldened they incurred the censures of the Church, and were also, by a private law of the land, ignorantly in danger of treason, whereupon process being made, they were endangered. The Queen then tempted them to become French; but as this enticement could not prevail, she threatened them with the law and declared them traitors. The nobility made much labour for their defence, but nothing would stay the Queen. She produced her garrisons to the field, proclaimed them traitors, gave away their lands, entered S. Johnstown with men of war, changed the provost, and left them four bands of men of war. Finding the whole realm much offended therewith, she sent for the Duke and the Earl Huntly, to whom she pretended good will; they travailed for her and stayed all the adverse part in quietness. She promised redress in the Parliament of next spring, whereupon the Duke and Earl took upon them to make a quiet with the adverse part.
|6. Whilst this was doing the Duke's son was sent for to the Court of France, whence he was advertised that he should be accused and executed for matters of religion. (fn. 2) Certain of good authority were then despatched from the Court to bring him, either quick or dead, but before their coming he escaped. They took his younger brother, about fifteen years old, and committed him to prison.
|7. In this time, while things were well appeased in Scotland and every nobleman had returned to his country, (by the Duke's means principally) there arrived certain bands of soldiers out of France into Leith, the principal port of the realm, which the Queen caused to be fortified, placing therein twenty-two ensigns of soldiers and one band of horsemen. Hereupon the nobility challenged the Duke, who entreated the Queen to forbear, but could not prevail. The force of the French was then increased; Leith fortified; out of France came daily French power by sea; yea, there went also captains by land through England. The Duke and all the nobility made now intercession by their letters that she would forbear this fortification; but her comfort grew so great out of France that she despised all requests. The French now thought within three or four days to subdue Scotland. Besides these she entertained two or three mean Lords between Leith and Berwick, viz., the Earl Bothwell and Lord Seaton, the only two of all the nobility of Scotland who keep company with her, and yet they notify by their doings that their hearts are with their countrymen.
|8. The Duke, the nobility, the Barons and Burgesses now assembled themselves. They began deeply to consider, on the one part, the right of their Sovereign, (married to a strange Prince, out of her realm, and in the hands of Frenchmen, who might die before she could have issue,) and on the other what the Dowager (a Frenchwoman, of the house of Guise, which rules all France,) had done to ruin the liberties of her daughter, seeking to knit Scotland perpetually to France, and so to execute their old malice upon England, the style and title whereof they had already usurped.
|9. Hereupon the Scottish nobility, for their own safety, for their Sovereign's right, and for the right of the crown, have communicated their whole cause to certain of the English ministers upon the borders; humbly requiring that their realm may be saved from the conquest of France and the rights of their Queen and her realm may be preserved.
|Copy. Pp. 8.
B. M. Cal. B. x. 27. Burnet, iii. App. p. 283.
|46. The Requests of the Nobility of Scotland.
|The nobility of Scotland desire,
|1. That all the Frenchmen of war within this realm may be removed with speed.
|2. That they may petition their King and Queen upon such articles as are necessary for the pacification and the government of the realm, without alteration of their ancient liberties.— Signed: James Hamilton, James Hamilton, Ard. Argyll, Glencarn, James Stewart, Alex. Gordon, John Menteth, R. Boyd, A. Uchiltre, John Maxwell, Ruthven, James Stewart.
|Orig. P. 1.
B. M. Sloane, 4734. 196. Knox, vi. 81. Calderw. 1. 533.
|47. Knox to the Queen Regent.
|1. Her servant, Mr. Robert Lockhart, has requested the writer and the others to whom her letters are addressed, to receive them in secret manner and to give him answer accordingly. Some of them, being upon the Great Council, have sworn to have nothing to do in secret manner either with her or her Council. They therefore return her letters by the bearer.
|2. Yet since Lockhart made to her some promise in the writer's name, the latter now testifies what he had formerly communicated to the bearer.
|3. In Dundee, Knox said to Lockhart that he did never declare any evident token of hatred against her. If it be the office of a friend to give faithful counsel to those who are running to destruction, then is he a friend unfeigned. What that counsel was, his writings, "as well my letter and addition to the same now printed, as divers others which I wrote from St. Johnston, do testify." He was such an enemy as to obtain that her authority should be obeyed of them in all things lawful, until she should declare herself open enemy to this commonwealth, which now, alas! she has done. If she, following the counsel of flattering men having no God but this world and their belly, proceed in her malice against Jesus Christ and His religion and true ministers, then she should accelerate God's plague and vengeance upon herself and her posterity; and when she should seek remedy, it should not be so easily found as it had been before. This is the sum of what he then said, and again he notifies the same.— Edinburgh, 6 Oct. 1559. Signed.
|4. P. S.—May God move her heart yet in time to consider that she fights not against men, but against the Eternal God and His Son, Jesus Christ, the only Prince of the kings of the earth.
B. M. Sloane, 4737. 109 b.
|48. Another copy of the above.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 485. No. LXIX.
|49. Cecil to Sadler.
|Sends in a porte-manteau 3,000l., wherein he was troubled in exchanging the same out of silver and other English gold into French crowns. Has retained 200 crowns in lieu of those received by Sadler there. The party [the bearer] thinks the money is silver (400l.) for Sadler himself. Sends the key sealed up with the signet. Has given the bearer 6l. 7s. 8d. for his horse hire. Was not able to convert as much as he wished into French gold.—Westminster, 6 Oct. 1559. Signed.
R.O. Forbes, 1. 246.
|50. Throckmorton to the Queen.
|1. Had signified by his letters of last of Sept., sent by— Layton, that on the 1st inst: the French King departed from Bar-le Duc; and as he rode to divers small houses of the Duke of Guise for hunting's sake, the writer thought it not amiss to see Lorraine and the towns therein. So, leaving Jones behind him, and accompanied by Killigrew, Somers, and one other, he rode straight to Metz, eight posts from Bar, passing by Toul, (where the French King keeps garrison) and by Ponta-Mousson, both towns of Lorraine. At Metz he was received very courteously by the Governor, M. de Vielleville, who, leaving M. de Seneterre his lieutenant, to look to his charge there, showed him the town; its artillery, munitions, granaries of corn, fortifications, &c.
|2. On the 3rd he rode to Thionville, 5 leagues from Metz, of which he had heard a great bruit. Found there Governor for the King of Spain, a gentleman of that country, M. de Grange, who also received him courteously and bears good affection towards her. He showed him what was to be seen, with the whole discourse of the French doings at that siege. The town is but little, but very strong by nature and well fortified, yet by such furious battery as the French can use, "and that so far off as I would not have believed having not seen it," and by their continual travail, (whereunto they are as ready as any other nation,) the town was forced to yield. Therefore considering what this King can do when bent on an enterprise, wishes all who have to do with him would well provide for it. De Grange told him that at Treves the inhabitants had put out of the town their Bishop, who is one of the Electors, and the Canons; in revenge whereof the Bishop went about to levy men of war. He said also that the Duke of Saxe, the Lantzgrave and certain Protestant Princes had promised to take the men of the town into their protection; so there is like to grow some matter hereof if the Bishop be stubborn.
|3. From Thionville he returned to Metz to bed, and as M. de Vielleville had departed, was that night well used by his lieutenant M. de Seneterre. On the 4th he rode to Nancy, the Duke of Lorraine's chief town and house, eight leagues from Metz, and passed by Nomeny, a little town where M. de Vauldemont, the Duke's uncle, lay sick, whom else he would have saluted, who presented him with wine and gave him a letter to M. de Hansomville, Governor of Nancy, by whom he was very well used, and saw the town and its fortifications made by the Duke, which are great; and was made to understand how they minded to proceed to the better fortification thereof. He saw also the munitions and artillery.
|4. On the 5th he returned and saw St. Nicolas, two leagues from Nancy, a fair village; having dined there he came to Toul. Understood when at St. Nicolas there passed on the 5th inst. Monpesat and three captains in his company, sent from hence to the Emperor; and the day before passed also in post a secretary of the Cardinal of Lorraine appointed to tarry for Monpesat and his company at Strasburg; in the inn where he lodged there was a trucheman of the King for the Dutch tongue, who went with them.
|5. On the 6th he rode to St. Desire, where he found his train, four leagues from Bar; the French King being the same night arrived at Ancerville, one league from the same town.
|6. Octavian, who conducted four ensigns of Frenchmen lately sent into Scotland, and who after landing there returned here, is now despatched to go thither again, rewarded here with 1,000 crowns. Vincent, a gentleman of M. D'Oisel, arrived here on the 5th, who brings news that the Frenchmen in Scotland are retired to their forts, not meaning to assail the Scots. Whereupon it is supposed that the time of the year being so far towards winter, the Scots bringing victuals for only fifteen days, are unable to bear the matter out and are wearied, in such sort that the French shall achieve their enterprises. Upon the arrival of the said Vincent there is order given for the levying of twelve ensigns more, to be sent into Scotland: for the transporting whereof one M. Martigues is appointed chief conductor, a gentleman of the King's chamber, a Count, and heretier to the Duke de Temps; and ships are already at Calais and other parts on this side. Advises her to cause the Lord Admiral and Lord Warden of the Ports to use means to know what is done at Calais, Boulogne, Dieppe, and Newhaven for the conducting of the men of war into Scotland.
|7. One Susels, a learned man, an acquaintance of Mr. Mewtas, (who heretofore has been in England, and in Queen Mary's time fled thence,) is taken for religion and committed to Bois de Vincent.
|8. P.S.—Three days ago John Rybaude was despatched from this Court for sea matters.—St. Desire, in Pertois, 7 Oct. 1559. Signed.
|Orig. Add. Endd. Portions in cipher, deciphered by Cecil. Pp. 4.
B. M. Sloane, 4135. 1.
51. Another copy of the above.
R. O. Forbes, 1. 249.
|52. Throckmorton to Cecil.
|1. Has not heard out of England since the 5th of September. Begs him to consider the advertisements he has written to the Queen. His late being in Thionville has informed him that the French can overcome very strong "pesies" when they like to apply their force. It may like him to hearken to the French practices in Germany. His opinion is that not too great trust be given to Sturmius at Strasbourg; for he is the French King's pensioner. If the bearer, Protestant, use diligence in the delivery of his letters, recommends him to Cecil's favour; supposes he passed from thence into Scotland. At the despatch hereof his servant Barnaby has been six weeks in England. Refers him to the Queen's letter.
|2. P.S.—As he has received no acknowledgment of his letters, fears they have miscarried. Begs him to write through this bearer on his return. Two Englishmen, Palmer and Gravenor, are here, well skilled in mining; both have served the Emperor and this King in their wars and offer their services to the Queen, being desirous to return home into their native country and have some means of living. Begs him to weigh what is to be done herein, and by his next advertise him of the result.—St. Dizier, in Partoys, 7 Oct. 1559. Signed.
|Orig. Add. Endd. A few words in cipher, deciphered by Cecil. Pp. 3.
B. M. Sloane, 4135. 6.
53. Another copy of the above.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 486. No. LXX.
|54. Thomas, Lord Wharton, to Sadler.
|Sends enclosed a letter from his cousin, Sir Thomas Dacre, of Lanercost, and also a copy of a recognizance, wherein Sir Thomas's son, Christopher Dacre, and others, are bound. He heartily desires Sadler to extend his favour to these his kinsmen. The father has served worthily many years. Begs him to give further credence to his said cousin Christopher Dacre, the bearer.—Hartley, 7 Oct. 1559. Signed.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 488. No. LXXII.
|55. The Earl of Northumberland to Sadler.
|1. Sends enclosed a letter directed to Sadler and himself by the Council; and as it is necessary to answer it speedily, he minds to be at Hexham upon Wednesday night, about the con sideration thereof, and will be glad to have him present. Begs to receive his answer before his departure from Harbotell on Wednesday morning.—Warkworth, 8 Oct. 1559. Signed.
|2. P.S.—Encloses a letter directed to Sadler, which came in the writer's packet.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 487. No. LXXI.
|56. Sadler and Croftes to Randolph.
|1. They have received his [Randolph's] letters by this bearer, and are glad of his safe arrival. They advise him to remain where he is as long as the Duke and Earl should think convenient; and beg him to assure them of their service, and that they wish them to be circumspect in this great and weighty business which they have in hand; for they hear that the Marquis d'Elbœuf will shortly arrive in Scotland, and also a band of Germans. Therefore the Lords of the Congregation should take their time while it serveth, for in the opinion of the writers much time has been lost in not preventing the French from fortifying of Leith when they could.
|2. The news of the King of Swecia are that he has sent a great Ambassador with liberal offers to the Queen. They will be glad to have news often, and think the Duke may make the way between Berwick and Hamilton easy and open to his messengers. They are assured that many gentlemen of the Marches and Tevydale will do him service, as they have instructed Alex. Whitlaw at his last being here.—Berwick, 8 Oct. 1559.
R. O. Forbes, 1. 250.
|57. Throckmorton to Cecil.
|1. Being advertised that Protestant the courier towards Scotland would repair on the 8th inst. on his way to St. Dezire, did put in readiness these other letters which he sends presently. Nevertheless he slipped by and departed without speaking to him [Throckmorton] at all, whereby he was driven to use other means of conveyance. Thinks it not amiss that Protestant should be made to perceive that he has not used himself well towards the writer.
|2. The twelve ensigns of foot to be conveyed into Scotland shall be conducted thither by Martigues, who is their colonel, and also of all the foot in Scotland on his arrival there. He is noted as lusty a man of war, of a young man, as any in France. John Ribaud is despatched from this Court with charge to repair to the Admiral, and from him to receive further direction for his going into Scotland; where the French mind for the winter to take them to their forts. Octavian since his arrival, has given advice for the French to remain about Dunbar, and to make fortifications of two bulwarks at the gates of the castle where it is weakest; whereof Cecil may advertise the Congregation.
|3. These men lie still hovering about these parts, expecting the old Duchess of Lorraine to arrive shortly; they desire to see if they can make any further alliance with her by the Duke of Guise. The Cardinal of Mantua, who for three days had the voice to be Pope, has failed, and another is as like to have the place as he.—St. Dezire, 9 Oct. 1559. Signed.
|4. P. S.—The more assuredly to weigh the matters of Scotland and the practices there, advises him to remember that one half of that realm is in religion contrary to the Congregation, wherein the French have a great advantage if the Papists declare themselves indeed their friends.
|Orig. Add. Endd. Portions in cipher, deciphered by Cecil. Pp. 2.
B. M. Sloane, 4135. 8.
58. Another copy of the above.
MS. Burton-Constable. Sadler, 1. 491. No. LXXIV.
|59. Sadler and Croftes to Randolph.
|Have received both his letters, the former of which they answered by the bearer thereof. They again advise him to move the Duke to respect the time, lest soon it be too late; for they hear from Mr. Secretary that a great aid will be sent from France under the Marquis d'Albœuf to Leith, therefore the Lords of the Congregation should prevent the malice of their enemies, by taking Leith, and expel the French before aid arrive. Approve of their determination to make no treaty, "for they may be sure that whatsoever is promised, nothing will be performed." Beg him to use secresy that he is there, thinking the fewer who know it the better. And for that the Lord of Lidington and he [Randolph] will be here in ten days, they pray to know the cause of his coming. Commendations to the Duke and the Earl of Arran. Have sent a copy of his letter to Mr. Secretary, with the Earl of Arran's hearty commendations, according to his desire.—9 Oct. 1559.
|60. The Queen to Frederick II., King of Denmark and Norway.
|Has received his letters dated at Copenhagen, 27 August, and thanks him for the sentiments of regard therein expressed. Their mutual interests require that their kingdoms should be closely allied with each other, having the same friends and the same enemies, especially since both profess the same pure and reformed religion.—Westminster.
|Corrected draft, in Cecil's hol. Lat. Pp. 2.
Lunig; Literæ Procerum, 111. 1084.
|61. The Queen to John Frederick II., Duke of Saxony.
|She replies to the two subjects upon which the Count of Mansfield and Franciscus Burcartus have addressed her in his name (as in Oct. 3, No. 12).—Westminster, 10 Oct. 1559.
|62. Franciscus Burcartus to Cecil.
|1. Has informed the Count of the statement made last evening to the writer by Cecil. Thanks the Queen for her good intentions towards the Princes of Saxony and more especially the Count, who will render her faithful service.
|2. The Count will provide the number of the troops which he is required to raise (10,000 footmen and 4,000 horsemen), and is content that he and the other officers shall receive monthly pay at the same rate as is paid by the Emperor and the King of France. As to the annual pension which the Queen offers (viz. 1,000 crowns), the Count urges that by this arrangement he will be loser if he is obliged to raise the number of troops already specified, since he must have under him certain captains and officers, whose wages, according to the scale adopted by the Emperor, the King of France, and the Princes of Germany, would consume the entire amount proposed. Although he had an annual pension of 6,000 francs from the King of France, as he can prove, yet he was only required to provide 10,000 foot soldiers and no horsemen. In proof, however, of his anxiety to serve the Queen, the Count will be satisfied with an annual stipend of 2,000 French crowns, for which he will provide the number of troops already specified, and he enters into various statements for the purpose of showing that this arrangement is more advantageous to the Queen than to his master.
|Orig. Endd. by Cecil: Pro Comite Mansfeld, 10 Oct. 1559. Lat. Pp. 8.