Elizabeth: December 1562, 11-15 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 5, 1562. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1867.

'Elizabeth: December 1562, 11-15', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 5, 1562, (London, 1867) pp. 536-559. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol5/pp536-559 [accessed 26 April 2024]

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December 1562, 11-15



Dec. 11.	1225. George Butside to Cecil.
	Randolph has reported to him how good he has been, without whose help he would have ended his life a prisoner, as he has been most miserably these eleven years past. Remains here until he has paid his debts to certain merchants. Hopes that Sir Ralph Bagnal will consider what he has endured for his sake.—Edinburgh, 11 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.
Dec. 11.	1226. Vaughan to Cecil.
	Thanks for his letter of the 4th inst., and will stand to the judgment of Warwick and the rest of the Council here, only one man excepted; for the things past between him [Warwick] and the writer at the Council Board, no one can better inform Cecil than the Lord President.—Newhaven, 11 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig., with seal. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 2.
Dec. 11.	1227. Declaration of War.
	The Queen of England having broken her faith, and contrary to the late treaty seized on the King's places, and aided his rebels with her troops, thereby showing herself his enemy, he declares war against her, and orders it to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet through Paris.—11 Dec. 1562. Endd. Fr. Pp. 2.
Dec. 12.	1228. Randolph to Cecil.
	1. His estate is presently so mean and poor that he is ashamed to utter the same. Since his return from the north he finds he is in debt above 400 crowns. Has spent besides of his own 50l. yearly. Finds daily new occasions to increase his charge. The continual attendance upon the Court, the resort of friends, the sending letters (which one thing has cost him since his coming into Scotland 40l.) consumes him utterly. Would however rather die than leave anything undone. This last journey into the north was costlier than if the interview between the Queens had taken place. Into so dear a country he never came. Has buried the best servant he had, and left another sick behind him, his horses are marred, and his charges so unreasonable that less pleasure he never took of journey, nor worse country he never came into. His expenses in meat and drink only exceeded his allowance.
	2. The more suspicious they are of discord, and the more rumours of this Queen's misliking of his mistress's doings towards her uncles, the more some mislike to see him ride or go in the street or haunt the Court, the more he prepares himself to stand their malice. Cares not with what mind they look him in the face or what they think of his doings, so that the same be performed in the Queen's service. Hopes Cecil will be a means for his relief. Owes but to those who have more commodity by lending than by any other traffic they use.—Edinburgh, 12 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 3.
Dec. 12. Forbes, ii. 222.	1229. Warwick to the Council.
	1. On the 11th inst. he went to Harfleur to view the seat and manner of it (which stands in a low valley three parts compassed with high hills, and the fourth with the sea, which is within a furlong of it), and took with him MM. Bricquemault and Beauvoir, with 2,000 soldiers, besides the band of Scottishmen who first gave the alarum there. Certain of their horsemen and footmen offered skirmish; against whom he sent Captain Antwisill with his arquebusiers, who beat divers of their footmen into their trenches, and after from one trench to another, where he was shot through the right arm; then Mr. Horsey supplied his place.
	2. In the meantime another company came up the hill to a long hedge; where with their shot they kept certain of the English in play, until Briquemault brought a band of the French, who entered two gates and repulsed them down the hill, to the gates of the town. At this charge Beauvoir entered valiantly, and followed to the foot of the hill, where he was shot through the neck, close by the throat, with a great bullet of a courrier (as was supposed) out of the town. Whereupon he retired.
	3. After the skirmish had continued two hours, having sufficiently considered the seat of the town, he caused his men to retire to the back of the hill where the battle was placed. In this Briquemault behaved valiantly. During this skirmish there were (as the Rhinegrave's drum has this day confessed) above four score slain and wounded of the swart-reitters, besides four horses and one reitter taken by the Scotch, who served well, two or three of them being wounded, whereof the "guydon" named Armstrong was one, who was wounded in the thigh. Willed him to get his wound dressed, but he said it was far enough from the heart, and returning to the skirmish was afterwards shot through both hands.
	4. Before this the Rhinegrave came from Montevillier with 300 horse, just as they began to retire, who showed themselves upon the hill, and they thought they meant to cut between them and home, and have charged them; but when they saw their number and order, they gave them a quiet passage. Those of Harfleur were so encouraged by their arrival that they continued the skirmish with the tail of the English in retiring for a good space after; where two or three were slain, which was all the loss they had, excepting divers that were wounded. After coming home he visited Beauvoir, whose wound is dangerous, yet there is hope of his recovery.
	5. Those he put in Tancarviele have taken certain letters of the Rhinegrave sent to Caudebec, and "distressed" of his wines going to Montevillier. Divers gentlemen of the country have come to them, and show themselves glad of their coming hither, and have offered to see them furnished with victuals with their own money. To-morrow he will send Mr. Bromfeld thither to see the strength thereof, and to consider what is requisite to be had; and see whether it shall be kept or no, and advertise accordingly.—Newhaven, 12 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Add. Endd. Pp. 4.
Dec. 12.	1230. Windebank to Cecil.
	According to Cecil's letter of 16th Nov., sent by Mr. Manley, he has conferred with Mr. Knolles, who thinks it better for Mr. Thomas to pass the winter at Strasburg, where he may profit in the French tongue and in godliness also, by reason of sermons; and towards the end of March to set forwards to Italy, and spend there so much time only as will serve for the sight of that country. Wishes that he would call him home rather than abide so many hazards as chance now, and especially in that country. It imports much that Mr. Thomas should have an honest and wise man to wait on him, which to find in this country or Italy is a great chance. (fn. 1) Therefore he begs him to send some one from England with two or three geldings able to endure travail, which would save them much money. Has received from Gresham a letter of credit for 200 dollars at Strasburg. As for the wearing of Mr. Thomas's apparel, he thinks he will find him much amended, as therein he is very courtly. If anything be amiss in his accounts he will amend it upon advertisement. Desires a book of service, as Throckmorton has kept theirs.—Rhinehausen, by Spires, 12 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. Pp. 3.
Dec. 12.	1231. Draft of the above in Windebank's hol., with the following additions: "At this time if the Low Countries of Flanders had a head, the likelihood is of such trouble as was at the enterprise of Amboise, and so forth, [and] greater to come on. And he that said [it] his surname is Schwarts, a solicitor for the captains that be entertained by King Philip; adding, that if the Queen of England would give but some courage to certain in Flanders (meaning the Count of Egmont, Count Horne, and the Prince of Orange, (fn. 2) ) a fire would be kindled therein, which should be the means for England and France at this time to hold King Philip, now their common enemy of religion, under their feet, so as he should not be able to annoy them of long time. This ever he said to certain Frenchmen and Italians, I being in their company (taken for a Frenchman); and the like touching Flanders I had seen in a letter of the Cardinal Granville, sent to Frankfort." Philip has lost twenty-two galleys. "These countrymen here do all look to be set on work the next summer, and will be to the most offerer; where no doubt the Papists will spare no cost for maintenance of their kingdom." Endd.: From Frankfort. Pp. 4.
Dec. 12.	1232. Thomas Leighton to Cecil.
	Craves pardon for not sending any letter on departing from the Court, or since. Has been taken prisoner and commanded not to write; but the bearer, Captain Heys, has encouraged him to write, and assured the delivery. Has no news. Asks him to get him removed from hence. Is very honourably used by D'Anville.—Paris, 12 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.
Dec. 12. Forbes, ii. 124, 5.	1233. Instructions to Richard Worsley.
	1. First, to make haste to Portsmouth, and to will Sir Hugh Poulet to take over with him but five thousand pounds, and leave the rest in charge with Sir Wm. Kellwaye. (fn. 3) The principal matter of his journey is to inform Warwick of these things following: They are informed by letters from Throckmorton (being in Condé's camp, dated 6th December,) that he believes the Prince will accord with the Guises, so as consideration shall not be had of the Queen; but will accord that she shall give up possession of Newhaven without recompence for the same. By letters of the 7th inst. from Smith, it appears that the Queen Mother told him that she and the Prince had agreed; and that the Queen should leave the town, although the accord was not then made; but Smith had suspicion that the Guises meant to spend time with the Prince until they increased their force, then break off, and drive the Prince to fight, or make peace with disadvantage.
	2. Warwick is not to give credit to the reports of peace, except he hears from Throckmorton or Smith, or from hence. Everything must be done to fortify and guard that town, even though the powers of the Prince and Guise were coming against it. To avoid the French within the town, especially Bricquemault. As for Beauvoir, not to press him to depart, but deal plainly with him, that he dare not permit such a number of Frenchmen to remain within the town; and induce him to allow of the removing of them. If he cannot be persuaded, rather than suffer the number to abide there, let them be avoided by other means.
	3. Let all ships that are unserviceable be broken up, and the timber so dispersed that no danger may ensue. If the victuals coming from England were looked to so that the French might not have any, or that they were set at high prices, it might diminish their numbers and save victuals. And order that a staple of all kinds of victuals should be kept untouched, as a store for the siege, and so be an excuse. Neither Francis Clark nor any other Frenchman shall grow strong upon the sea; but some indirect means be used to impeach the same, else they might stop the passage. Let him devise how he can prevent Clark and the others from going to sea, until it appears what this matter will come to with the Prince. Until it be known for certain that the Prince has made peace without the Queen, let him and his have good words given to them.
	4. He is to understand what is the strength of the town, in fortifications and men, to abide a siege; and shall bring the Queen the last muster books, if they are ready, with a special book from the Treasurer of the payments made from the beginning until the last muster taken. Draft, in Cecil's hol., and dated and endd.: Instructions to Ric. Worsley, Captain of the Isle of Wight. Pp. 6.
Dec. 12.	1234. Mundt to Cecil.
	1. Although they have used all diligence whilst at Frankfort to obtain favourable replies from all the Princes at the same time, and although the Palatine and the Dukes of Wurtemberg and Deuxponts gave them a promise, they could obtain nothing certain from the Elector Palatine at Frankfort; and the other Princes always referred them to him. At his desire they followed him to Heidelberg, where (in the midst of the confusion on account of the arrival of the King and Queen of the Romans, and the Duke and Duchess of Lorraine,) he gave them a reply, in which it is probable all the rest of the Princes will acquiesce. There is great hope that the religious controversies in Germany will decrease, as there are clear tokens that the King of the Romans and the secular electors will not for the future yield such obedience to the Pope as they formerly did. However, whilst the Emperor lives he must be indulged somewhat, who has plainly shown that he is aware that there will be a great change in religion on his death. It is very probable that the form of episcopacy in Germany will be altered. The Archbishop of Magdeburg, the son of the Elector of Brandenburg, is reported to be about to marry shortly. Several of his canons have already done so. Alexander, the son of the Elector of Saxony, is the administrator of the bishopric of Mersebourg. Maximilian has seven sons, to whom the Pope will give some appointment. Wishes that all this wealth might be converted into pious uses; but that which is appointed for the treasury and the nobles is not sufficient for their extravagance; so nothing can be spent in a proper manner. Will instruct Mr. Thomas Cecil in both the public and private affairs of Germany.
	2. P. S. (fn. 4) —The Queen's letters to them with others for the Emperor and Maximilian, sent by Antwerp, were detained more than a month on the way; wherefore if she writes she had better employ John Abel, a merchant of London, to convey her letters.—Heidelberg, 12 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Hol., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. Lat. Pp. 3.
Dec. 12.	1235. N. Stopio to Sir John Mason.
	Wrote as usual last Saturday, since which time the enclosed intelligence has arrived. News about Turkish affairs.— Venice, 12 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Hol., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. Ital. Pp. 2.
Dec. 12.	1236. Memoranda by Challoner.
	1. Nov. 27. On his access to the King he intimated that he would make answer.
	2. Nov. 28th he had conference with the Duke of Alva; his opinion of the Queen's allegations. Now the house of Guise is not so much to be respected as in the time of the late King. Saving the troubles in France, he did not take England to be able to match with that realm. The interposition of the King Catholic in the last attempt on Scotland, "which the French would none of."
	3. Dec. 9. Challoner's letter to the Duke of Alva.
	4. Dec. 12. Challoner's conference with the Duke on occasion of the said letter. The King had sent into France touching the affair of Havre, and deferred his answer.
	5. In his private discourse the Duke said that the Queen's pretence only concerned Calais and Havre-de-Grace; that therein the King would gladly enterpone, so the English might rest in good terms either of the restitution or in more assurance of the same; otherwise, if the Queen meant any further exploit upon any other ground, there was no place or means of treating this way. She had small cause to esteem so much the affair of the Guises. He willed him to think upon it, and after a few days to go to the King again. Orig. Hol. Draft. Pp. 2.
Dec. 13.	1237. Madame De Roy to the Queen.
	Begged her some time past to become security for her sonin-law, the Prince of Condé, for the sum of 300,000 dollars. Has sent her a blank signed by D'Andelot, with a duplicate of the warrant which he has from the Prince and his allies, and another blank signed by herself. If more security is required she will procure it. In the meantime she begs the Queen not to delay in affording assistance. The bearer will show her the speech made by the Prince's envoy to the Emperor.—Strasburg, 13 Dec. 1562. Signed: Madelene De Mailly. Orig., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. Fr. Broadside.
Dec. 13. Forbes, ii. 226.	1238. Throckmorton to the Queen.
	1. Since his letters of the 5th, 6th, and 7th inst., whereby he informed her of the accord betwixt the Prince and the Queen Mother, the said Queen Mother and her councillors have showed again how sincerely they mean in their treaties. When their force arrived out of Gascony, with 2,500 Spaniards, and had well trenched and fortified Paris (seeing the Prince could not remain longer before it for lack of victuals), she having abused him with this treaty eight or ten days, with the Duke of Guise, the Constable and St. André, refused the conditions before accorded, so the Prince was forced to move his camp on the 9th inst. and take to some other enterprise than the taking of Paris. Thereupon he marched towards Normandy, intending to take Chartres and other places of importance.
	2. During these five weeks spent in the field the Prince has not achieved any enterprise to his advantage, save Pluvieres and Etampes, which are now of no importance, considering his passage into Normandy, and they are not guardable with the small force left in them. The enterprises made and to be made in Normandy may serve greatly for the Queen's service. He has and does still urge the Prince to prosecute the enterprises in Normandy, for he thinks it of great importance that all the places held by the enemy on both sides the Seine, from Pont De l'Arche to the sea, were recovered from them. For that purpose she should aid the Prince with men and money, giving order for her safe possession of Newhaven; and also to have assurance given for the repayment of the money lent to the Prince, as the possession of Honfleur, Harfleur, Caudebec (if they can recover them), or any of them. They promise an obligation of the Prince, the Admiral, and others, with the assurance of the towns of Lyons and Orleans. Also the said Prince and persons above named promise to make no accord, nor consent to any, without the Queen agreeing thereto.
	3. It behoves her to deal substantially with these men, for in their late treaty before Paris they showed much inconstancy. The prosperity of the Prince's doings consists chiefly in expedition; therefore her aid of men and money must not be deferred, for he is at this despatch but twelve leagues from Chartres. The same being taken (as he is in hope of), he will march straight to Pont De l'Arche and take the places before spoken of, which he cannot do, being in want of money to pay his Almains, who are two months and a half behindhand, and are therefore feared, lest they should revolt. Wanting the Queen's force of men, it is not likely he will be strong enough to accomplish his intents. His adversaries have at present about 15,000 or 16,000 men of all nations, whilst he has not more than 7,000, whereof his 3,000 Frenchmen are badly armed; and the time of year daily consumes his men, they lying so long in the field.
	4. The Prince accounts that as soon as he approaches Pont De l'Arche; and may with his horsemen guard the Queen's footmen, then they shall march towards him. The difficulty is, how they are to pass the water, considering the force of the Rhinegrave and those under Villebonne. It is not convenient for the Prince nor any with the French and Almain force to enter Newhaven; therefore it would be well, if the Queen is resolved to aid him, that they should be sent to meet him, or that the horsemen which he shall send shall remain at some convenient distance from Newhaven, as shall be thought meet by Warwick and agreeable to the said Prince.
	5. He has used some plaints to the Prince, the Admiral, and the rest of the Council for their ingrate proceedings towards her at their late treaty with the Queen Mother. They have promised to repair all things, and never proceed again to make an accord without informing the Queen before they conclude. The Prince sends to her a memorial of his doings, with an explanation thereof, so she may the better interpret his late proceedings; and has requested him to pray her on his behalf to order her men to this side, and that part of the force at Newhaven may march forthwith and join him, under the command of the Count of Montgomery.
	6. If the Prince remains in this resolution, he will be near Rouen and those parts before this letter comes to her hand, wanting the commodity to send the same to her by post, either by Smith's means or otherwise. Notwithstanding the promise the Queen Mother made to the Prince for his [the writer's] despatch, he cannot perceive that she means to keep it. He has solicited the Queen Mother, the Duke of Guise, and the Constable for his despatch, and, rather than fail, he would commit himself to depart without a trumpet for safeconduct, although promised one; but he cannot procure means to be despatched hence. He desires the Queen to command Smith to use some speech on her behalf for his despatch one way or other.
	7. The Prince and Admiral account to have at least twelve cannon from Newhaven to use against such places as shall resist them, with shot, powder, and all other things necessary, which they want. Hopes she will aid the Prince with all things necessary for him, but does not think it meet that so many cannon should be taken from Newhaven, considering what is meant against the place. It is the want of great artillery that hinders the Prince's purposes, and he will not be able to take nor defend any place until he has some. The Prince also desires to have 600 or 1,000 of her chosen men for pioneers. This nation either has no will, strength, or skill to make any great groundworks. Asks her to signify her pleasure with speed to Warwick. If they have a good force to join them they mean to assail Paris again.
	8. Here is a bruit that the Duke De Nemours is either taken or slain, and his forces defeated by the Baron Des Adrets. Informed her in his late letters how dishonourably M. De Genlis departed from the Prince's camp before Paris; and, having the watchword, and knowing his intended enterprise, to assail Paris again by camisado, departed in the night to the enemy's camp and discovered the same. Grammont (of whom all men have suspicion, from the familiarity betwixt Jenlis and him) has made a declaration of his honour, requesting to fight Jenlis in the camp; all former doubts respecting Grammont are now well cleared.
	9. Hopes she will give order to Warwick not to allow any salt coming from any place to pass up the Seine or land at Harfleur or thereabouts, which may be transported to Rouen or Paris by water, for by the gabelle of salt the King monthly draws a great profit; and the towns of Rouen, Paris, and others standing upon the Seine will be driven to a great necessity, wanting salt, and thereby compelled to compound with her. What he says of salt is to be said of other mer chandises, especially of "drogues," and spicery next to salt. Means will be made to her, to Warwick, and the Council to tolerate this matter, and there will be presents offered to bring the same to pass; some have already assailed him with great offers.—St. Arnoul, 13 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Add. Large portions in cipher, deciphered. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 6.
Dec. 13.	1239. Throckmorton to Warwick.
	1. Since he sent his of the 17th ult. from La Ferté Alais by one of the gentlemen of the Vidame of Chartres, the Prince's army have spent their time before Corbeil and Paris, where they have done nothing. They were very near an accord, neither honourable for them nor good for their friends. It did not take place, and the terms of hostility continued as before. The Prince is constrained to march towards Normandy. Cannot, as he would wish, write covertly, there being no cipher betwixt them. The Prince accounts to have a large part of the Queen's force under Warwick's charge to join him, with ten or twelve cannon, and munition for the same. He also looks for money, and upon that hope he marches into these parts, and is now at St. Arnoul, eight leagues on this side Chartres, which he will assay to take in his passage. Has by the bearer written to the Queen.—St. Arnoul, 13 Dec. 1562.
	2. P. S.—Desires that Warwick would not suffer any salt, drugs, spicery, or any other merchandise to pass up or land near the river Seine, so that they cannot be easily taken to Rouen, Paris, or any towns standing on this side the river. Also desires him to look in time to a place called the Head of the Cause, which beats the entry into the haven; and to look also to the old town, and to a place named La Fosse, and make provision so that he may not want fresh water. Requests him to appoint some passage for the bearer speedily, for so he has charge from Condé; the bearer is secretary to Count Montgomery. Signed. Orig. Part of the P.S. in Throckmorton's hand. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 3.
Dec. 13.	1240. Smith to Cecil.
	1. On Tuesday the 8th inst. despatched Wanton, the Lord Mayor's man, to the Queen. The same day arrived here William Killigrew's man with letters of the Court, who said he met Wanton at the first post from hence. The letters which Cecil directed to be delivered are sent. Attempted on Saturday what the Queen willed him, with as many earnest reasons as he could, to which there were replyings to the contrary, and has no comfort given him; yet does not despair.
	2. Was with the Queen on Thursday upon some of his men being evilly handled at Paris; she promised to take order with Montmorency, Governor there. The next day, Friday, the 11th inst., a proclamation was made in the palace of Paris by the sound of a trumpet. (fn. 5) His men being then in Paris nothing was said to them; but they heard of the proclamation in which Englishmen were named, but could learn no certainty. When he went to Bois De Vincennes on Saturday, he sent Middlemore in the meanwhile to Paris to learn what it was, who brought the enclosed information. Neither the writer nor his men heard anything at the Court.
	3. The Prince removed from Paris on Tuesday the 9th inst. and laid at Palaiseau, and the next night further towards Chartres. They follow him with all their power. The Duke of Guise is at Poissy, to lie betwixt the Prince and Normandy, either to fight with him, thinking themselves a great deal too strong for him, or else, which the writer most doubts, they are privately agreed together, and make these but a pretence with their powers so joined to set upon the English forces.—St. Denis, 13 Dec. 1562. Copy, entirely in Throckmorton's cipher, deciphered. Add. Endd. by King. Pp. 2.
Dec. 13.	1241. Another copy of the above in Smith's cipher. Orig., large portions in cipher, partly deciphered. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.
Dec. 13.	1242. Captain Turner to Cecil.
	Would rather have his goodwill deciphered by his service, than by uttering the same in writing.—Newhaven, 13 Dec. Signed: Edward Turner. Orig. Hol., with seal. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.
Dec. 13.	1243. H. Knolles to Throckmorton.
	1. Received his letters dated from Orleans the 3rd of Oct. at Frankfort on the 3rd ult. brought by M. De Passey; by which he understands that M. D'Andelot at the time they were together at Frankfort thought he used strangeness towards him, as one that did not like to let him under- stand any part of his commission; whereby the Prince of Condé and the Admiral have conceived some doubt of the Queen's proceedings towards them. Although Knolles visited him twice and offered to do anything for the furtherance of the service he went about; yet he did not directly open unto him the effect of their commission, for upon advice with Dr. Mundt they thought it not convenient. They told him of the Queen's zeal towards Condé and those following his steps for maintenance of religion and the safety of their King and country; and of her care how to assist them as well by the procuring of others as by herself against their adversaries; and that he might conceive that as they had already treated, so they had farther to treat with the Princes in this behalf. They told him at what time he should come to the Palsgrave, from whom they had just returned; upon conference with whom he might understand how their negociations here tended to the maintenance of their cause. Desires Throckmorton to use diligence to quit him of this suspicion either by mouth or by letter.
	2. Since Knolles left England (which was the 11th August) he has been continually travelling first up and down along the Rhine until he came to Frankfort, from thence to Hesse, Saxony, and Franconia, and has returned again to Frankfort. In this journey he has spoken with the Palsgrave, the Landgrave, the Dukes Augustus and John Frederick of Saxony, the Dukes of Zweybruck and Wurtemberg, all of which, though they are of one religion, are not of one mind towards the conservation thereof, but the most part in manner are very well inclined. Concerning the Emperor and the King of Bohemia, he has not had (nor any other), any commission to them, neither has he heard anything from England since he left except by letters from his private friends; so they know nothing here of the Queen or the state of their country, otherwise than by uncertain bruits. The Emperor arrived here on the 24th Oct., and the King and Queen of Bohemia the day before, the Electors and the Princes of the Empire soon after, but the most part before, all furnished with great companies of horsemen, inasmuch that the harbinger estimates them at 9,000 horse. The Princes Electors are all here excepting Cologne; also the Dukes of Zweybruck, Bavaria, Cleves, Wurtemberg, Mechlenberg, Brunswick (he that gave the overthrow at St. Quentin), also two of the Landgrave's sons, William and Ludovic, besides other inferior Dukes, Bishops, etc.
	3. On the 9th ult. he received letters from the Queen with commission to them and the King of the Romans, which he has executed, and hopes shortly to be despatched of all other business and be in England. Now the matter for which the Princes assembled has taken effect, on the 24th ult. Maximilian was elected King of the Romans with much ceremony; he was crowned on the 30th ult. with less ceremony but more ostentation of pomp towards the people, with roasting an ox and other meats in the market place, where every man took his part; likewise for oats and wine, and casting money amongst the multitude. Amongst their old ceremonies the Mass at no time could be spared, but the Electors Palsgraves of Saxony and Brandenburg, whilst that pageant was playing, held themselves in the vestry: the King of the Romans, that could not be out of the play, was noted to hold down his head whilst they lifted up their idol. The Protestant Princes absented themselves till it ended. Sends his commendations to him and his lady, and trusts to be in England ere long.— Rhinehausen, 13 Dec. Signed. Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 4.
Dec. 13.	1244. Thomas Cecil to Sir William Cecil.
	Saw the Count Palatine at Heidelberg on the 7th inst. Begs that he will allow him to return and see the war, which would be most agreeable to him. They have seen everything worth seeing in Germany.—Rhinehausen, near Spires, 13 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. Fr. Pp. 2.
[Dec. 14.]	1245. The Vidame of Chartres and La Haye to Condé.
	They hear that he has been several days near Paris, negociating a peace, which the Queen would not have believed if her Ambassador had not told her. She has refused most advantageous offers if she would desert his cause, and has also caused her Ambassador Smith to declare to the King in full council that she would not make any treaty of peace without the Prince's consent. She therefore complains that he does not act in the same way towards her. Although she desires peace, yet it is not reasonable that he should conclude one without her. Hopes that his enemies will not take advantage of her discontent and deprive him of her succour; and also that he will not find himself cut off from the hope of peace under colour of which his enemies have prevented him from employing his forces when he might have constrained them to offer much more advantageous conditions. They beg him to contradict those things which have roused the Queen's suspicions, whose friendship, and that of the other foreign Princes of the same religion, he ought to cherish, as by this religious alliance they could hold in check all their enimies in France and elsewhere. Further, they might, little by little, establish the pure religion, and also free the King from restraint. The hostages for the conditions would be better kept in England than elsewhere. If they cannot make peace it will be best for him to go to Normandy, where he may receive succour from hence. The 100,000 crowns are in gold at Couldray. Copy. Fr. Pp. 3.
Dec. 14.	1246. Another copy of the above. Portions underlined, to be ciphered. Dated and endd. by Cecil. Fr. Pp. 4.
Dec. 14.	1247. La Haye to Condé.
	They are much troubled at not hearing from him, as the Queen is discontented at not being informed of the state of his affairs, according to agreement. Her good-will to his cause still continues. Begs him not to conclude anything without first advertising her. They have often written to him; also by the last despatch by Caen. Copy. Endd. and dated by Cecil's secretary. Fr. Pp. 2.
Dec. 14.	1248. Condé to Warwick.
	They are in great need of succour. If Montgomery has returned with any forces, he desires Warwick to put him on his way to Honfleur.—Camp at St. Arnoul, 14 Dec. 1562. Signed: Loys De Bourbon. Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Fr. Pp. 2.
Dec. 14.	1249. The Queen to Smith.
	It appears by his letter that he did not, for lack of advice, know what to do, although the bearer of his said that he met Killigrew's man, (who had a special despatch from hence.) coming towards him. By perusing the letters which he brought, both he and Throckmorton will fully understand her mind; for more certainty whereof she repeats that she cannot be content with any other end than the rendition of Calais. Draft in Cecil's hol. Portions underlined, to be ciphered. Endd. Pp. 2.
Dec. 14.	1250. The Queen to Throckmorton.
	1. Perceives by his letters of the 6th inst. to her and Smith that he doubts that those men, where he is, are concluding some end to her disadvantage. She desires that he would more particularly certify how he obtained those arguments, and what passes betwixt him and them. On the 4th inst. she sent letters to Smith by Killigrew's servant, which he received about the 7th inst. Sends herewith a copy of that part of them which concerns her purpose, intending to rest thereupon, and also a copy of the articles, signed and sealed by Condé, concerning her possession of Newhaven. He may allege that she means not to utter the same to any person to do him or his any damage; but he [the Prince] takes hold of the words of her protestation, which are general, and contain sufficient matter for her to demand Calais. He may (as of himself) deal with the Prince and the Admiral that they so use her, (who has for their sakes ventured the breaking of the treaty and entered into unkindness both with the King of Spain and the French King), as the world do not condemn them of ungratefulness, and occasion her hereafter to forbear intermeddling with any of their causes. If they think there shall be any blot on them, that by their means she shall recover Calais, they may use the matter as it may be delivered to her by justice, because the treaty was broken in the time of King Henry and King Francis, and let the world understand that the enterprises of the house of Guise was the cause thereof.
	2. If these men shall not conclude with their adversaries, then he shall comfort them to persist. And when she has intelligence from them she will let them know how she can aid them.
	3. He will understand the truth about the late accident at Newhaven by a copy of a letter from the Earl of Warwick. Desires him to inform the Prince of her gratuity to his friends, who would have perished if she had not preserved them from the enemy, and aided them with victuals from England. Draft in Cecil's hol. Portions underlined, to be ciphered. Endd. Pp. 4.
Dec. 14.	1251. Fair copy of the above.—Strond, 14 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Add. Endd. by Throckmorton's son. Pp. 3.
Dec. 14.	1252. Cecil to Throckmorton.
	Refers to letters sent on the 4th. Urges him to employ all his endeavours in these matters; whatsoever clouds have hung over his head, the weather is now clear. Has sent divers things to Smith to be sent to him, and amongst others two or three articles whereunto he has Condé's seal, and the hands of the Admiral, etc.; which he promised La Haye not to notify, but yet it is meet for Throckmorton to understand, and so to use that no offence grow without cause. All things in this realm are quiet. The losses of the King of Spain abate his friends' courage. Has written into Almaine as he advised. Newhaven is well seen unto. It is without danger of the mine, and yet Goodale is there with miners. Tancarville is in their possession. Sir Hugh Poulet is gone over with the treasure for the Prince.—Westminster, 14 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Throckmorton's secretary. Pp. 2.
Dec. 14.	1253. Smith to the Privy Council.
	1. Has written to Cecil (by the ordinary and also by Antwerp) of war being proclaimed at Paris, on the 11th inst. against the Queen.
	2. Suspects that the French have intelligence in Newhaven, and think by treason to recover it; also that the Queen Mother and the Prince's party are privily agreed, so that the Prince shall enter Newhaven as a friend, and be stronger there; and by unkindness to the English recover his honour here. If they have not agreed privily with the Queen Mother, it is not likely they would be so mad as to make open war also with England. They cannot have any help from the King of Spain, who has said that he could not break the league with England.
	3. The French still hope of there being treason and rebellion in England, either of the Pooles or some other.—St. Denis, 14 Dec. 1562. Signed. Nearly entirely in cipher. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.
Dec. 14.	1254. Decipher of the above. P. 1.
Dec. 14.	1255. Throckmorton to Smith.
	1. Has received his of the 11th inst. The Queen Mother and such as have told him of the breach of the accord betwixt these parties, have alleged the causes thereof to be such as Smith mentioned in his letter; there were sundry other articles about which they could not agree before. On the 12th inst. a messenger came from the Cardinal of Bourbon and the Prince of Rochesurion, who brought some qualifications of the Almains being avowed the King's force, and every man to enjoy his estate, with conditions hard enough. But Condé answered them so as there will be no accord. Condé affirms that the Duke of Guise used these words to the Queen Mother when the accord was in more forwardness, that in no wise, whatsoever she promised him [the Prince] should this treaty be observed with him or any of his party; but he was contented that she should promise enough to separate the Prince's force. The Prince and the Admiral affirm this for truth.
	2. Prays he will employ his credit and authority with the Queen Mother, the Constable, and the Cardinal of Ferrara for his speedy revocation hence, and safe return home; and if he obtains it, to take order so that the writer may safely come to him; and being there shall procure his safety from thence. If Smith will bestow a few words upon Secretary l'Aubespine on the writer's behalf, it would do good.
	3. Urges Smith to obtain his [Throckmorton's] speedy revocation. The Prince will not send his cipher to him by unknown messengers in these dangerous times, but hopes that he [Smith] will inform him by the writer. Asks him to fall into an acquaintance with the bearer, so as to use him upon occasion hereafter. It is said here, that the Parisian force follows to fight with the Prince's party; but as yet they have had no hot alarms. Asks him to forward his letter to the Queen.—St. Arnoul, 14 Dec. 1562.
	4. P. S.—At the despatch of this, the Duke of Guise and the Constable, with their camp, were but five leagues from Chartres. Signed. Orig. Portion in cipher, deciphered. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 4.
Dec. 14.	1256. Vaughan to Cecil.
	1. The matter in Cecil's letter of the 4th inst. touched him so near that he could not but make such an answer as the short time would allow. Is ignorant of any other matter between the Lord Lieutenant and himself, save as regards a passport made for a sick soldier. Asks Cecil and Lord Robert to obtain his discharge.—Newhaven, 14 Dec. 1562.
	2. P. S.—Began this letter on the 11th inst., and had no leisure to finish it till now. Stays the advertisements of the musters for two or three days, so that it shall be sufficiently done by declaration, and that Cecil may thereby understand the charge. Prays that he will show Lord Robert this letter, and that he may hear from him. Signed. Orig., with seal. The P.S. in Vaughan's hand. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 4.
Dec. 14.	1257. H. Killigrew to Cecil.
	Has been a prisoner, and hurt in the leg at the first assault of Rouen, whereof he advertised Sir T. Smith, and what favour M. D'Anville had shown him for Lord Robert's sake. Since that time has had no means to write, but only the message which his man carried. Trusts the bearer has commission to declare to Lord Robert's satisfaction that the writer was contented to believe that he, who had saved his life and after kept him so secretly, would not himself have given the charge to the writer's man unless he had some cause. Could only write by guess, lest he might be deceived, but thinks it grew chiefly to have the Queen Mother's honour, who had answered before that the writer was dead,' for Mr. Leighton, being whole, enjoyed liberty; whereas he [the writer], being in extreme pain, was kept from the same, and all good company, and, moreover, forbidden to write to his friends, or send any message touching his private affairs; and yet all this, which then appeared rigorous, proved beneficial; and he is put in hope of liberty upon this man's return. He is much bound to Lord Robert, and Lord Robert to M. D'Anville for it.—Merlou Castle, Picardy, 14 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig., with seal. Add. Endd. Pp. 4.
Dec. 14.	1258. Knolles and Mundt to the Queen.
	1. In their letters of the 18th ult. they informed her of the delivery of her letters to the Emperor, and the King of the Romans, and the state of her business here towards the Princes. Perceiving that the assembly began to break up, they thought meet not to omit the accustomed manner of leave-taking, and to say how glad the Queen would be to know that this consultation of the Electors had taken the effect she desired. Their answers tended to an earnest friendship towards her, and a desire for its increase, wherein the Emperor remembered her offer of help for his son; and although he had not used it, he esteemed it none the less. Maximilian omitted nothing whereby he might show himself thankful towards her, and added he was ashamed for declaration of his good will to use only this testimony of words, but having no other shift he would not refuse to use such as he had, both by word and letters, which are sent in this packet. Of the election they wrote in their letters of the 24th ult. to Cecil. Besides a continuation of certain ancient and ordinary observances for satisfaction of the people, (as in scattering of money, roasting of an ox in the market place, larded and farced with divers kinds of beasts and fowls, making their conduits flow with red and white wine, in exhibiting great quantities of oats, all to be taken by the people in the market place as best they could by scrambling); besides these observances there was nothing costly. The Emperor, the King, and the Electors in this pomp did wear their Imperial state; the Emperor and King with crowns and copes of exquisite gold under a rich canopy; the Electors, some before, some behind, in robes of scarlet and caps of crimson velvet, Saxony bearing the sword, Brandenburg the sceptre, and the Palsgrave the Imperial ball; being altogether eight in number. The multitude followed them, without order or any distinction. In the ceremony of the consecration and anointing some would not, many could not, be without the accustomed solemnity of the Mass; where after the Gospel was ended Saxony and Brandenburg, with others, withdrew into the vestry, committing the execution of their office unto deputies. The King's presence at this time could not be spared; but it was noticed that whilst the priest in showing their idol lifted up his hands, he held down his head looking towards the ground. The Protestant Princes did not remain in the place. In taking the oath, wherever mention is made of the Holy Catholic Church of Rome, it was omitted. In certain capitulations whereunto the Emperors and Kings of Rome used to bind themselves, there is often mention of the Pope and the apostolic see of Rome, which, when there was a controversy amongst the Electors (because some of them would not assent that anything should remain that appertained to the acknowledging to the Pope's pre-eminency), the Emperor requested they would let such things pass now during the short time that would remain of his government, assuring them that when it came to his son's hands they should find him more ready to all things appertaining to their religion than they were themselves. When they contended about being present at the Mass, he willed them to be content, saying that ere long the last Mass would be sung in Germany. Maximilian bears himself so that the Protestants stand in good hope, the Papists do not despair, and he is liked by both.
	2. Their business concerning their commission to the Princes came in this end: the Dukes of Bipont and Wurtemberg at departing referred them for their general answer to the Palsgrave, the Elector of Saxe having before declared himself, as by their letters of the 18th ult. may appear. Having nothing else to do but to wait upon the Palsgrave (who deferred to conclude with them, even at the last hour, because of the Duke and Duchess of Bavaria's coming to his house, and afterwards the King and Queen of the Romans), they came to him on the 7th inst., at which time the said Duke and Duchess were still with him. The next morning between five and six o'clock he appointed them to come to him, where he excused himself for the long delay, and desired a little more patience for them; for he was then going to meet the Emperor, who came to hunt at a house of his called Neuschlosse, three Dutch miles from Heidelberg. He would return next day; and although he should have the King and Queen of the Romans, the Duke of Lorraine, and the Duchess, his mother, with other noblemen, yet their despatch should be ready. The next day he came accompanied by the said personages; and on the day following he sent an answer in writing, closed and signed with his seal in form of a letter. Dr. Oemius in delivering this despatch said there was none to whom his master had greater affection than the Queen, but he could not enter into any written league. In causes of religion, if the Queen will join the league, they will accept her as their chief. He had prepared letters to send to other Princes for this effect, as to the Duke of Bipont, Duke John Frederick of Saxony, the Duke of Wurtemberg, the Landsgrave, and the Marquis of Baden. This alliance is but a common consent of certain persons by word, or letter, to defend one another in causes of religion. The Landsgrave will not refuse (if others do) to enter into a firm league with her. The Duke of Wurtemburg delivered a great packet to convey to her; and the recusation, so long promised, is enclosed. He told them that not long before, the Protestant Princes being in consultation about such matters as had been propounded to them in her name, there was one of no small authority (whom he would not name) that said that she had no care of any religion; that in all England there were but eight preachers, who having no stipend by public order were content to preach the Gospel, living upon their own provision; and that there were but four towns in England where the true religion was preached, and the rest retained their papistry, or were without any religion. This lie, although not believed by many, yet because of the authority of the person, there was none of them but feared part thereof must be true.
	3. They first answered the Duke, and afterwards all such as they had access unto, that it needed no confutation, it being so gross and false. Concerning the present state of England, it may appear by the diligence she has taken to sift out filthy corruption unto a purity in doctrine. If it is said that in England there are but eight preachers and four towns wherein the Gospel is preached, they declare how by her diligence at this day there was no bishopric void, and no bishop that was not a preacher; and there was no place in England where the Gospel was not preached and received, and all papistry abolished. The Queen may glory that no country in Europe has so universally and sincerely received the Gospel as has England. For further testimony of this universal agreement in doctrine, they promised to let him see the Apology set forth in the name of the whole Church of England, whereof they had a copy, which was then in the Palsgrave's hands, who but for satisfying the said Duke was loath to part withal until he had read the whole of it, but at last delivered it with a letter to her, which is enclosed. The Duke was glad to hear this answer, as one that feared it could not have proceeded upon mere malice; he therefore requested them to write to her in his name, informing her how requisite it was for her honour (that as they sent their general recusation, wherein also was contained a general confession of their faith), to send to them this book of Apology of the English Church. It might serve for a defence against all backbiters, who otherwise in these countries as have no knowledge of the state of England, may spread their malice without being checked.
	4. They send also in this packet a letter from Mme. De Roy, the Princess of Condé's mother, who has the Prince's children in her custody, and lieth at Strasburg, to procure help for the Prince. M. De Passey, Ambassador for the Prince at Frankfort, is earnest with them to solicit his cause with the Queen. They answered him they could go no further than to forward his letters. Passey received generally from the Princes no other answer but that although they would be glad to redress the troubles in France, yet it appertained not to them to meddle in matters belonging to a King. The Emperor's answer was to the same effect; but in the reasoning of the matters before the Princes he called them rebels, and when the Palsgrave answered for them that it was not between the Prince and his subjects, but between the subjects, he replied again it was an open rebellion against their Prince.
	5. They send a copy of the Turk's Ambassador's oration translated into Latin by a secretary of the Emperor. His demands were contained in a letter, which he showed to the Emperor, and is not generally known yet. They say he desires the truce between the Emperor and him to be prolonged eight years. He presented to the Emperor four camels, a Turkish horse with the furniture belonging thereto, also certain cups and jewels. To the King of the Romans he presented two camels, a Turk, and certain jewels. He is to receive his answer at Augsburg.
	6. As soon as they received their despatch from the Palsgrave at Heidelberg (the town being full with the train of the King and other nobles), they repaired to a little village three miles from thence for quietness, so that they could write to the Queen, intending immediately to go towards Strasburg, there to attend her further commandments.— Rhinehausen, 14 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. Pp. 11.
Dec. 14.	1259. Knolles and Mundt to the Privy Council.
	1. Have received their letters of the 14th ult., and have imparted so much of their instructions and to as many of the Princes as they thought meet, but they could not proceed therein as far as they would have wished. For details they refer to the Queen's letters.
	2. The success of the last confederation of Smalcalde is yet dreadful in the eyes of Germany. The cities, overburdened by charges by their associates, do not like the name of a league. The Princes (partly feeling the smart thereof, and reposing in part upon the peace of religion agreed upon at Passau) are now entered into some serenity. They are persuaded (as they say) that this general agreement by word and promise to defend one another in causes of religion, without limitations in writing, is more available than leagues described into a certain order of articles. In commendation of this manner of alliance, which they call a correspondency, they allege the succours which they maintain in France to the assistance of the Prince of Condé; saying, if they are so ready to confer their help to such as have no manner of league or alliance with them, only because of their religion, it is not likely they will at any time suffer their allies in the like quarrel to be oppressed.—Rhinehausen, 14 Dec. Signed. Orig., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. Pp. 3.
Dec. 14.	1260. Knolles to Cecil.
	1. Refers to their letter to the Queen. If she pleases she may enter into this compact of common defence in causes of religion with the other Princes, viz., the Palsgrave, John Frederick of Saxe, the Dukes of Wurtemberg and Bipont, the Landgrave, and the Marquis of Baden. More is not to be expected, unless they are driven to some further consideration of their security. The Landgrave's offer may therefore be considered, which may stand the Queen in no less stead than if they were all joined together. Concerning the Duke of Wurtemberg's counsel for sending the Book of Apology of the Church of England, in the Queen's name, to certain Princes here, he thinks it would have a good effect if, in a preface added to it, occasion were taken to confute this invention against the realm, and the present state of religion in England were largely described. The slander being pronounced in such an assembly by a man of authority is not to be contemned. If the names of all the Bishops, chief ministers, and preachers were subscribed thereunto, it would be a testimony against those who affirmed that there were only eight preachers in England, who for lack of stipend were fain to live on their own provision.
	2. Cecil asks him which is the fittest place for his son to spend the best part of next year. He thinks Geneva is the best at this time, and next to that, Zurich; Strasburg is not evil. In each of these places the Italian and French languages can be easily learnt. If Cecil intends to send him into Italy, he must take a good preparative by the way, especially for this winter time, in some of these places. If the writer followed his affections, he would not lack his company. As soon as they received their despatch at Heidelberg they went to Rhinehausen, so that they could write to the Queen with more quietness. They send this letter again by Mr. Manley.—Rhinehausen, 14 Dec. Signed.
	3. P. S.—They have been troubled about a letter in cipher, subscribed by the Queen, which was conveyed to them in the last packet, having no counterpart; they have tried in vain to decipher it, and therefore return it by the bearer. Orig. Hol., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. Pp. 4.
Dec. 15. Forbes, ii. 230.	1261. Throckmorton to the Queen.
	1. By his letters of the 5th, 6th, and 7th inst. to herself, and of the 8th, 9th, and 10th inst. to Smith, she can perceive how the treaty before Paris ended without peace being concluded. By his letter of the 13th inst. to her (sent by Newhaven, by a servant of the Count of Montgomery) she will perceive the causes of the breach of this accord, and the intention of Condé in marching into Normandy, where he hopes he will be joined by her forces, and that there will be some money sent to pay his soldiers, as well as some cannons from Newhaven. He will then retake the places held by the enemy on both sides the Seine.
	2. The breach of this last accord rested upon two points, viz., the Queen Mother, with her Council, would not admit the Prince's army as the King's, so as to avoid the charge of the payment of the Almains; and it was meant that he should send his strangers away, and the force assembled by his adversaries should remain about the King; the other, that no man having borne arms in favour of the Prince should enjoy his estate. As to religion, it was accorded to be used through the realm where the people desired it, except Paris, the banlieu thereof, and the frontier towns, where it was permitted to be used only in the suburbs. She will perceive other matters by a discourse sent to her from Condé by Montgomery's servant. It was accorded that the English force on this side the sea should be removed from Newhaven, and the place restored to the King as before. Albeit he had no commission from her to impugn these matters, he ventured to use speech to the same effect as her letters of the 4th inst. (which he received the 14th inst.) commanded him to do. He did not find such answers from the Prince as he expected for her commodity. The answer of the Prince and Admiral, to cover the expulsion of her forces, was grounded chiefly upon some words in her protestation; they thought it necessary that she should not be left unprovided of surety for the rendition of Calais according to the treaty. He desired them to propose in their accord some surety for her in that behalf. They answered they could propose nothing, but only the advancement of the cause of religion, which was the cause of their taking up arms. He told them that in many of their own particular cases there were articles which had nothing religious in them. In these disputes they spent two or three hours. All this took place when they thought the accord concluded, but not quite perfected.
	3. Shortly after this their expectations were frustrated, as he has stated. They now excuse their dealings with her, and have with oaths assured him that they will never accord with their adversaries until she be made privy thereto, and her consent had therein. The Prince sends her a letter confirming what he has said. The cause of his so writing to her is taken upon her letters which he delivered to the Prince (dated 16th ult. and the 3rd inst.), and upon declaration of her instructions to him by her letters of the 4th inst. The Prince, the Admiral, and D'Andelot have requested him to desire her to aid them with some of her forces from Newhaven, and with some pioneers and battery pieces, so as to join their forces at their coming into Normandy.
	4. Although Condé and his party have not deserved to have her aid, yet for recovering Calais and maintaining a faction at her devotion in this realm, it is necessary to succour them with force and money to bring her own purposes about; provided always that Newhaven is well guarded. Considering the acts she has done, there is not an Englishman that will not willingly contribute to the recovery of Calais, and keep such war from England as now ruins France.
	5. The Duke of Guise has marched from Paris with 12,000 footmen and 4,000 horsemen to wait upon the Prince. The Prince trusts she is satisfied for all things past, and thereof for an argument to his satisfaction wishes her to send him a scarf of her colours, which he takes to be black and white, to wear in this, God's quarrel and hers, and requests her to impute him as her soldier. If Montgomery be there (as it is said here he is), she cannot better employ her favours than to him.—St. Arnoul, 15 Dec. 1562.
	6. P. S.—This day the Prince marched towards Chartres, being but eight leagues from thence. The Duke of Guise at the despatch hereof was five leagues from the Prince's camp, and intended to march, as the Prince does, on the side between him and the Seine. Signed. Orig. Portions in cipher, deciphered. Add. Endd. Pp. 6.
Dec. 15.	1262. Another copy of the above.—Signed. Orig. Portions in cipher, deciphered. Add. Endd. Pp. 4.
Dec. 15.	1263. Sir Maurice Denis to the Privy Council.
	1. From want of money has increased his payments, and has closed his reckonings. Begs that current money may be procured for these parts.
	2. The victuals delivered to the garrison from the 20 Oct. to the end of November, amounted to 2,118l. 0s. 7d. whereof he was able to pay to Abington's deputy only 880l.—Newhaven, 15 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Add. Endd. Pp. 3.