Elizabeth: December 1562, 15-20 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 5, 1562. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1867.

'Elizabeth: December 1562, 15-20', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 5, 1562, (London, 1867) pp. 559-581. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol5/pp559-581 [accessed 24 April 2024]

December 1562, 15-20



Dec. 15.	1264. Sir Hugh Poulet to Cecil.
	1. Arrived here yesterday with the treasure, and found Mr. Richard Worsley, who this morning is gone to Newhaven.
	2. Intends taking his passage thitherward with M. Montgomery. As to the division of the treasure he bestows it this day with Sir William Keyleway; perceives by conference with Abington, that there is scarcely a month's victuals in store.—Portsmouth, 15 Dec. 1562.
	3. P. S.—Mr. Portinary, surveyor of the works, has declared that his plats for Jersey and Guernsey are ready; the writer trusts they will weigh his articles for Jersey and take order with his son Amias Poulet for his charge in the same. Signed. Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.
Dec. 15.	1265. Nicholas Tremayne to Cecil.
	Has had forty of his soldiers with their horses here these six days, and has now his whole fifty furnished ready to be transported, and finds no provision made for that purpose. Desires a speedy order for them and the other. Is willing to go over with Sir Hugh Poulet, and will leave his brother Andrew Tremayne here until his men and horses are transported.—Portsmouth, 15 Dec. Signed. Orig. Hol., with seal. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 2.
Dec. 16.	1266. Randolph to Cecil.
	1. The Queen of Scots has lately had more grievous complaints of Lord Dacres from the Master of Maxwell. Sends letters from her, about the matter, and also one that the Master wrote to him. Is required to write to the Lords of the Council that some speedy order may be taken. Butshede owes 20l. that he borrowed at the time of his being with James Macconel and is unwilling to depart from this country until it be discharged, and therefore remains with the writer until he hears from Sir Ralph Bagnall. He came without money or other apparel than the custom of those men is to wear where he was. Furnished him with what he needed. Finds him honest, wise, and discreet. He knows the country well, and that is the cause why James was so loath to part with him. He is a tall, stout man. Macconel sent a message that he was the Queen of England's affectioned servitor, his duty only reserved to his sovereign. He has been solicited of late by Shane O'Neale to be his friend, and request made to him that he may have his wife again, who is James's bastard daughter; but he will agree to nothing until he has talked with the Earl of Argyll and Randolph. He is sorry for a murder committed upon two kinsmen of his in Ireland by Master Bruerton in his house, of which matter he wrote to the Earl of Argyll. They report that most part of Ireland is like to revolt, all that were hostages in the castle of Dublin (to the number of 74) are escaped, and that O'Neale is more mischievous than ever. At New year's tide James will be here with the Earl of Argyll; knows not how to deal with him other than with good words.
	2. Forbes lately arrived at Banbroke [Bamborough] and certain Scotchmen with him, one a merchant of this town, and a young boy of sixteen that came from the university. They have been all stayed by Clavering, and word came to the Queen thereof, who has willed the writer to promise on her behalf that if they be justly charged with any offence they shall re-enter to discharge themselves. Has also the Duke's letter to that effect, which he sends. Is also desired by the Earl of Murray and Lethington that Forbes's last fail in taking the packet may pass in the law of oblivion, seeing the crime is remitted on his part who had good occasion to be offended. It is said that Forbes has brought with him of the Duke's money, which is owing him of Châtelherault, 10,000 or 12,000 crowns. They took testimonial at their arrival at Banbroke [Bamborough] how long they had been on the sea, and, as the Queen is informed, would have gone on board again, but could not be suffered by reason of the great bruits upon the borders of war that should be between the two realms.
	3. Knox has asked him to convey a letter to Cecil. Knows his good affection to England, and his great travail to unite the hearts of the Princes and people of these two realms. He mistrusts more his own Sovereign than he does the Queen of England. He has no hope (to use his own terms) that she will ever come to God, or do good in the commonwealth. "He is so full of mistrust in all her doings, words, and sayings, as though he were either of God's privy council that knew how He had determined of her from the beginning, or that he knew the secrets of her heart so well that neither she did or could have for ever one good thought of God or of his true religion." Of these matters they commune oft, and the writer yields as much as in conscience he may. Knox fears lest new strangers be brought into the realm. Cannot hear whom she shall marry. Those who talk to him of Spain can never make it sink into his head. For Sweden she says she will not. For others further off they are like to take great pains for little profit. Does not see what number shall come who will be able to make part against so many confirmed Protestants as there are now in the realm. If the Guisians be victorious the matter is more to be doubted; but he trusts that shall pass their power. As Knox has opened to Cecil his fears, the writer tells him that he thinks that the Queen may be brought to a knowledge of the truth, or at least have not force to suppress the Evangil here, or break the concord with England. On Sunday last Knox enveighed sore against the Queen's dancing, and little exercise of herself in virtue or godliness. The report hereof being brought to her ears yesterday, she sent for him. She talked long time with him; little liking there was between them, yet did they so depart as no offence or slander rose thereupon. She willed him to speak his conscience. There are certain wicked friars started out of this country for fear of punishment, who are received (as is reported) for ministers in England. Knox has written somewhat thereof to Sir Henry Sidney.
	4. This day he saw a letter written to the Earl of Murray from the Laird of Cessford, that the thieves begin now to ride forty and fifty in a company with jacks and spears, and drive away at a time 100 head of cattle. Is warned to be at the Court this afternoon for this matter.—Edinburgh, 16 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 7.
Dec. 16.	1267. Condé to the Queen.
	Received her letters of the 16th ult., and the [blank] inst., as he was on the point of sending this bearer to inform her of his negociations for peace, to which his enemies have given a false colouring. She will see at once by what he sends how ready he was to agree to any reasonable conditions of peace, without insisting too much on the rank which he holds in the realm. Intends for the future to employ all his power against the enemies of true religion, and not to be stopped by any negociations. His previous silence arises from the difficulty of sending letters. Would never have come to any final conclusion in this matter without first having advertised her, and this letter can serve as a pledge that he will not do so. Will act by the advice of the Admiral and Throckmorton.— Camp at St. Arnoul, 16 Dec. 1562. Signed: Loys De Bourbon. Orig., with armorial seal. In cipher, deciphered. Add. Endd. by Cecil: By Montgomery's secretary. Fr. Pp. 3.
Dec. 16.	1268. Warwick to the Privy Council.
	1. Received their letters of the 29th ult. by Owen Clayton, the bearer hereof. As more men are to be sent hither, and he has placed in Tancarville, Mosoner, a French captain, with 100 French soldiers who were here, and has promised them entertainment, and has placed with them for a time Captains Sawle and Ward, with their bands; he begs that the said Captain and his 100 men may be allowed as parcel of the said numbers, so that the Prince may have a larger number of his friends in those parts to serve him.
	2. Perceives by Mr. Brumfeld's account that the Castle of Tancarville is not of so great a force as it was reported, yet it may be kept by 200 men, except cannon come against it. And as it is a fit place to annoy the enemy, both by sea and land, purposes to keep it, as they can at all times remove their men away safely by water.
	3. Desires that Captain Leighton and his officers may enjoy their entertainment until their delivery.—Newhaven, 16 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. Pp. 3.
Dec. 16. Forbes, ii. 234.	1269. Warwick to Lord Robert Dudley and Cecil.
	1. Upon Mr. Viron coming to Newhaven from Dieppe, he gave leave to Mr. Bradbridge to return to the Bishop of Chichester, he being charged to read a lecture there. Mr. Viron has been troubled for three weeks with this new disease, and has not yet recovered, and his wife and family are visited with sickness. He therefore desires Dudley to move the Queen for Mr. Goodman's return, that he may be employed at Dieppe or here, (which he rather desires), of whom he has heard such commendation, both of the Lord James of Scotland and others, that it is a great pity that the country should want so worthy an instrument. If Mr. Goodman cannot be had, then for the present he must have Mr. Wiburne, lest Mr. Whitingham in the meantime should be sick, and he left destitute.
	2. Bricquemault repairs thither to be a suitor to the Queen, in the Prince of Condé's behalf; asks them to see him well entertained. Commends this bearer for his good conduct in the last skirmish.
	3. Edward Dudley was the first that entered Tancarville, and he is very well liked there. He is informed by Mr. Bromfield that the castle is not of such force as was reported.
	4. Perceives by a letter from Cecil to Vaughan that he has been unjustly charged; he has given no occasion either to speak or think otherwise than well of him. In the execution of his office, his care is such that the writer thinks the Prince has not been more justly served in that room; he cannot please all men.—Newhaven, 16 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. Pp. 4.
Dec. 16.	1270. Sir Hugh Poulet to Cecil.
	1. Is about to take his passage to Newhaven with Montgomery. Having intelligence from Jersey since the passing of his letters yesterday to Cecil, has willed his son, Amyas Poulet, to participate the same unto Cecil for the security of the castles and isles, which are both weak in men, fortifications, and forts, and not tenable in the state they are in.
	2. Has conferred with Richard Popyngay, surveyor of the works here, who will wait on Cecil on Monday next, to declare the opinions of the writer and Worsley upon the castles of Guernsey and Jersey.
	3. According to the writer's last instructions he takes over with him 5,000l. of the Queen's treasure, and leaves 15,000l. here, in the custody of Sir William Keylway.
	4. Has had somewhat to do to satisfy Montgomery that he was expressly commanded to see him wafted over with the Queen's vessels for the better surety of his passage, which the writer declared to the Admiral, who was also in fault for the unreadiness of his vessels.—Portsmouth, 16 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig., with portions of several seals. Add. Endd. by Cecil's secretary. Pp. 3.
Dec. 16.	1271. Nicholas Malby to Cecil.
	Asks him still to procure his pardon.—Newhaven, 16 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Hol. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.
Dec. 16.	1272. Provisions for Newhaven.
	1. Mr. Owen Claydon's certificate from the 29th Sept. to the 16th Dec. 1562; specifying the quantity of provisions of all sorts shipped to Newhaven, with the expense; together with what remained in store. Also, calculations of the quantities required for different numbers of men for certain times.
	2. The total number of French soldiers is given as not above 2,000; women and children, 4,000. They have not spent of the Queen's store above 7l., which they have repaid. Endd. Pp. 12.
Dec. 16.	1273. [Albert Hardenberg to Cecil.]
	Last summer at Rastad, Henry Cuk, goldsmith, of London, and deacon of the German Church there, told him of the singular goodwill of the Queen towards helping the oppressed Church in France. When he informed Count Christopher of Oldenburg of this, he was seized with a great desire to do the same, and desired Hardenberg to enquire whether the Queen would take him into her service. He therefore desired the goldsmith to speak with John Utenhove, elder of the German Church, about this matter. Utenhove wrote to him that he had conferred with the Bishop of London, who had done the same with Cecil; whose opinion it was that the Count should state the conditions on which he would serve. The Count, therefore, sent the writer over with John Drosto, who were instructed to say that he was ready to spend even his life in fighting for the persecuted Christians against the tyranny of Antichrist, and that there would be little difficulty about conditions. He would enlist only picked men, who would, however, require liberal pay. He did not doubt that the Queen would give him the same allowance that she usually gave to the leaders of her armies. If necessary he would send others to arrange this matter, or would give full letters of credence to his present agents. As it was dangerous to carry such letters so far by land, he asked the Dowager Countess of East Frisia to give them lettersunder her own hand, which she did. The Count also said that he could muster 6,000 or 7,000 horse and foot, if he had money. He could be ready within a month after he received a reply; as he had retained at his own expense several captains up to the 1st January, in compliance with the letters of John Utenhove, who told him that everything was all but settled. As soon as his own resources become exhausted the adversary will use every art to draw his soldiers away. As the Count expected to be required to serve in France he desires to know how he is to proceed thither. Excuses his delay in answering, on account of the Convention at Frankfort. Hardenberg hopes that his master may receive a favourable answer; if not, that the whole of this transaction be buried in silence. —London, 16 Dec. 1562. Orig. Hol. Lat. Endd. Pp. 4.
Dec. 17. Forbes, ii. 236.	1274. Smith to Cecil.
	1. Has written two letters to Cecil of the 13th inst., one he sent by King the other by the Burgundian courier to the governor of the English house at Antwerp.
	2. This day he declared to the Queen here that on the 11th inst. a proclamation was made at Paris. She said, "Upon the proclamation that all men of the ban and arreraban should repair to the camp against the rebels, the Almains and Englishmen that aided them, such a rumour was spread in Paris." When he said that there was in it, "Que la Royne d'Angleterre a faulsé sa foy;" she said it was not so, and if there were, it was without her knowledge; her son made no war upon them, but the Queen held his towns and kept her force there against the treaty.
	3. Upon this there were hot words of their old matters, the breaking of the treaty, and the doubt that the Queen was in as long as the Guises commanded the army. "To all that at Rome, she denied it." In King Francis's time it was the Queen of Scots' doing, not the King's now. That which was lately done by her Ambassador with the Pooles she knew not of, it must be proved. To the doubt of the Guises, they are but the King's subjects and it is a private quarrel against a private man. In reply, he said, if the treaty was once broken, when was it made again? That of the Pooles can soon be proved, the persons are alive. For the Guises, so long as they have the handling of the war the Queen cannot be in security. After such storms, they came again as they always do, to a calm.
	4. Then the Queen's pretence for religion and her promise in the protestation was alleged, and he was asked what he demanded. If he had not had the Queen's letters sent by Killegrew's man, the 4th inst., he must have been mute. He said it was necessary that Calais should be surrendered. At last she said it was a matter new to her, and to be moved to the Council, and asked, "Have ye commission to ask it?" He said he had, then he was brought into the Council.
	5. There the disputes began afresh. The Council denied there was any proclamation. Montmorency said if there were such he must bear the blame. He was willed to declare his request, which he did at large, with his reasons. They made the matter as strange as though they had never heard it, yet he was answered they would consider a while with themselves. He was sent out.
	6. After a time M. Vielleville came and showed him that the Council required to have his request in writing, and so he was dismissed. He said he had other things for the Queen, whereupon he came in again. It was concerning the passport, and the gentleman she promised should conduct Throckmorton hither and into England safely; and further he requested a passport to signify thither what they said to him, all of which were granted him.
	7. He is in fear at not hearing of Barlow, his man, whom he sent away on the 30th ult. The letters Cecil sent by William, to be further delivered, have arrived safely there. Thinks there is no good to be done that way for Calais, as it is declared by Throckmorton in his letters; he is put in fear here by those whom he trusted to do good.—St. Denis, 15 December 1562.
	8. P. S.—On Thursday last he was with the Queen, to complain of the handling of his men in Paris. She said she would take order with Montmorency in that matter. Next day his men were at Paris; one brought word that there was peace with England, the other that there was war. On Saturday he went to the Cardinal, and sent Mr. Middlemore to Paris to inquire about the proclamation, and if it was printed to buy the book, if not to find out the true effect. He was there all day. He inquired diligently, and by what he could learn it was not printed, but talking with divers they told him the tenour of it; they all agreed upon these words, which he begged him to write, and he sends to Cecil.
	9. Some excuse it one way, some another; some that it was against the Almains and Englishmen in the Prince's camp and at Newhaven, and not against the Queen; some think it is because of divers gentlemen being Huguenots, to get them out of Paris and in the camp. If it had been against the Prince they would not have gone, but they would against the English.
	10. He has done all he can to get a copy, but cannot. The Queen and Council deny it, how can it be proved?
	11. This day the Spanish Ambassador's secretary and two other gentlemen affirmed to Mr. Middlemore, at the Court, that they heard the proclamation when it was proclaimed, and that it was of the same tenour, and in print; and when it came to the Queen's ears commandment was given under pain of death, to suppress it, and that none should see it.
	12. The gentleman who is appointed to go with Throckmorton supped with the writer this night; Middlemore goes with him.—St. Denis, 17 December 1562.
	13. Asks Cecil to tell the Queen from him (concerning his demand for Calais) that the Cardinal has been very earnest on his side with the Queen for that matter before, and that they had been in Council about it all that day, before he came, and he finds things calmer than before. Has got licence for Throckmorton by the Cardinal's means. Yesterday the Queen asked Middlemore whether he had brought his demand in writing, whereof he is glad, for in like sort he will demand to have their answer.—Signed. Orig. Add. Endd. A few sentences in cipher, deciphered. Pp. 7.
[Dec. 17.]	1275. Cecil to the French Ambassador.
	The Queen has been informed by many English, French, and Germans that about the 11th inst., war was publicly declared against her in the King's name at Paris, with words which were not honourable to her. That this was so is confirmed by what has happened in many parts of France. Sir Thomas Smith's courier was stopped at Boulogne, and told by the Governor there that war had been declared against England, and was compelled to remain there as a prisoner. At Bordeaux all the English ships were stopped on the same pretext and were not allowed to go, notwithstanding the letters of M. De Noailles. Desires to know what are the real intentions of the French with respect to war or peace. In the meanwhile he and the hostages are not to leave the city without the express consent of the Queen. He will send a nobleman to stay in his house. Draft, in Cecil's hol. Lat. Pp. 2.
Dec. 18.	1276. Smith to the Queen.
	1. According to her letter of the 4th, he has again insinuated himself to the Cardinal of Ferrara, saying that his [the writer's] forbearance was for the suspicion which the English Council had of their familiarity. The Queen, he said, had taken his [the writer's] part, and had a good opinion of him [the Cardinal]. He said that although some of their Lordships desired war (and there never could be a better time to make it than now), yet Her Majesty loved peace, and the writer was a willing minister thereto. He also said that, except he had a commission by her letters, (the seal whereof he showed him, with her hand at the top of the letter), he durst not have communicated with him [the Cardinal]. The Cardinal said he was glad she had a good opinion of him, and asked what was Smith's commission in that letter, which he told him; and how at Rouen the Cardinal and he, being almost at a good point, what in the meanwhile had fallen in England, first with the French Ambassador, and then with his libels and his unseemly and lusty words, and how he had provoked the Lords of the Council, and then of the Pooles' conspiracy. Thus everything falling out so unhappily he cannot blame their Lordships if they mistrusted his good reports, and think that one thing was talked to him and another done in England. Yet in this he said the Queen sustained him and still had confidence in the Cardinal.
	2. But there was a greater matter. The younger Lords and their lusty Warwick, had even now in hope devoured all Normandy. One looked to be captain of this town, and others of another; he to be an Earl, another a Baron. And they for their own gain desired the war, as some of the Princes do here. Upon this point they had a little dispute. The writer said if the Queen had not been very stedfast in her deliberations to make peace, all had been by this time in war.
	3. When at last he came to the demanding of Calais, they proceeded to disputing about the treaty, and the breaking thereof, wherein Smith was well helped by her letter. The end was that the Cardinal said he was well content, but thought it marvellous hard now in the King's nonage. The English, he said, desired Calais but for an honour and to have a foot and descent in France. Then the writer declared how necessary it was for her merchants and her traffic into Flanders and Antwerp; and that the English merchants, so long as it was French, would descend rather at Gravelines or Dunkirk. He liked that reason, and said that he never took it so before. So long, said the writer, as the French had Calais, there would never be a sure peace, but be as it were betwixt peace and war. Besides, Calais is of the ground of Flanders, and not of Picardy or France. "It came from the crown of France," said the Cardinal. "Not these 200 years and more," said the writer. The Cardinal said he saw that Calais was a stone of offence and a stumbling-block betwixt them. The writer said he must demand certain money for the charges of the wars, and the defacing of Calais and such things, but for that sum he could be somewhat ruled by him. The Cardinal replied that he would it were but a money matter, and so parted. The Cardinal promised that he would move the Queen Mother in it, and help him for the sake of peace; but still he thought the matter was marvellous hard. This was on Saturday. Since then the writer has visited him by his man, who was told by the Cardinal that he had been with the Queen about the matter, but that it could hardly be.
	4. Was with the Queen on Tuesday, and informed Cecil what was done there. Has since then sent his man to the Cardinal again, who thinks that it will not be, for the causes he showed the writer, for he sees they are not minded to it.
	5. Does not see why they require his statement in writing, except it be against the Prince.
	6. As he has made his demand in writing, they can take small advantage either for or against the Prince, if he means truly.
	7. The two camps are so near that a battle is looked for within three or four days. The Prince is about Montford, not far from Evreux, and the other is following not far off. Middlemore is gone with a passport and a gentleman of the Queen's chamber to conduct Throckmorton hither, and hence into England. He will be better able to tell the truth of those things. Has sent her a copy of his demand.—St. Denis, 18 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Add. Endd. Pp. 7.
Dec. 18.	1277. Smith to Cecil.
	1. Sends some letters of Captain Cockborne, who desired to convey them to Cecil, who when he has read them is to seal them with a seal herewith sent, and see them conveyed further. Cecil will understand by them what Cockborne has heard here, which is not always true.
	2. Here is also an Englishman called Richard Laws, who served here as a miner for seven years, and hearing by the bruit that they were towards war with England, has asked when he may do service. William Hellons, who brings this despatch, will present him. The Guisian's camp is now ten leagues from hence, and they fetch victuals from Paris, the country is so destroyed.—St. Denis, 18 Dec.
	3. P.S.—Barlow arrived with Cecil's last despatch. They talk here of the taking of Tancarville Castle; that all the weapons and armour are taken from the Huguenots in Rouen; and that soldiers are sent to Normandy and other places daily. Signed. Orig., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. by Cecil: Cockborn's letters. Pp. 2.
Dec. 19.	1278. Smith to Cecil.
	1. Nothing has been done but that parlementing which has undone the Prince.
	2. He did not perceive that they would come so near each other. Every man now looks that they should come to it. Throckmorton wrote to Middlemore and to him (sends the copy of his letter) that he is in greater danger than if he were in the Duke of Guise's camp. Looks for him within three days. Cecil can guess what his pitiful desire to come away means. The writer does not like it.
	3. Asks for a copy of the last treaty, which he never saw. If it comes to a newer treaty, asks that Master Shers, his old acquaintance, be sent to negociate with him at the Court, as Middlemore is too well known to the Queen Mother and the Council, and in too much disgrace with them.—St. Denis, 19 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 2.
Dec. 19. Forbes, ii. 240.	1279. Smith's Demands.
	The demands of the Prince of Conde touching religion, and his other reasonable requests being granted, it will be best that each Prince have his own; and therefore, according to the treaty of Cambray, the town and environs of Calais should be given up to the Queen of England. Calais is more chargeable than profitable to the French, and is very necessary for the English commerce. He also demands 200,000 crowns of the sun for fortifying Havre, and for damage done to Calais. If these demands are granted, he promises that the Queen will give up Havre de Grace, and enter into a firm treaty of peace with the French King.—Bois de Vincennes, 19 Dec. 1562. Endd. Fr. Pp. 3.
Dec. 19.	1280. Another copy of the above. Endd. by Cecil: Demand for Calais, delivered 19 Dec. 1562. Fr. Pp. 2.
Dec. 19.	1281. Sir Adrian Poynyngs to Cecil.
	Encloses a certificate of the armour received from the countries by the captains appointed for this service, saving those which are to have it from the Queen's store, but have not yet received any. One hundred men under Captain Ward are appointed to serve the Queen at Tancarville.—Newhaven, 19 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Add. Endd by Cecil. Pp. 2.
Dec. 19.	1282. The Battle of Dreux.
	The Prince having done all he could to restore peace, and seeing the enemy encamped within two leagues from him, resolved to attacked them, although they were much stronger in infantry. They had thirty cannon, and were posted so that they could retire to Dreux and Tryon, and were defended by a stream at their rear and a wood on their flank. Accordingly he left his camp about eight o'clock, and at the first charge captured six pieces of artillery, routed their infantry and cavalry, and took prisoner the Constable, after killing a great number of the Swiss. The second charge was no less furious, and it is certain that if the French and German infantry had not behaved cowardly, and if the reiters had not been obliged to have their orders interpreted to them, the victory would have been with the Prince. Conde bore himself right valiantly in the melee, had his horse shot in the fore quarter, and not being furnished with another, was made prisoner unhurt, save by a slight sword cut in the face. This nearly turned the victory into a deplorable defeat; for the army, already somewhat disordered, could not keep the artillery they had taken; but the Admiral, having rallied some of the French and German cavalry, charged three great battalions which the Constable had kept in reserve, and after a long combat routed them. Amongst the slain is the Mareschal St. André; and M. De Montbrun, a son of the Constable, is also said to be killed. The Duke of Aumale had his arm broken, and the Duke of Nevers his leg, both by pistol shots. The Grand Prior, the Count De Charny, and M. De Rennes are either dead or severely wounded. MM. De Beauvais and Rochfort, with about one hundred other gentlemen, are taken; so that if their army had been completely routed they could not have sustained a much greater loss. On the other side they have lost Conde, taken prisoner, and also a few captains of infantry and gentlemen, and much fewer common soldiers. None of their chiefs are even wounded, save the Sieur De Mouy, who is either slain or taken. The Prince's party drew off in good order at the sound of the trumpet, leaving (for want of horses) four field pieces behind them. On the 20th they marched towards Orleans, as they found the passage to Normandy too difficult. Gives a list of the killed, wounded, and prisoners of both sides. Printed pamphlet of 8 pp. in small 4to. Fr.
Dec. 19.	1283. Copy of the above, omitting the list of the dead, wounded, and prisoners.—Signed by the Admiral:Châtillon. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 6.
Dec. 19.	1284. Another copy of the above, with a few variations. Endd. by Cecil: The Battle of Mezeyrs. Fr. Pp. 4.
Dec. 19.	1285. Translation of the above into English. Corrected draft. Endd. by Cecil: The Battle in France at Mezerys. Pp. 4.
Dec. 19.	1286. The Battle of Dreux.
	"Raulett's news out of France," giving a summary of the battle. D'Andelot and the Admiral cannot have taken many of their pistoliers with them to Orleans, as 1,500 or 1,600 of their horses were in the Duke's camp after the battle. Their infantry is completely routed, and Rochefoucault and Grammont are slain. The English Ambassador is very badly wounded and taken prisoner. It is reported from Normandy that the Rhinegrave has defeated 5,000 English. Endd. by Randolph. (fn. 1) Fr. Pp. 2.
Dec. 19.	1287. The Battle of Dreux.
	A list of the killed and wounded, and of the prisoners taken in the battle of Dreux. Apparently written by the Huguenots, giving the losses on both sides. The total number of slain is about 8,000. All the Prince's party are with the Admiral, except 1,200 lanzquenets who surrendered. Endd. by Cecil. Fr. Pp. 2.
Dec. 19.	1288. The Battle of Dreux.
	Another list, apparently written by the party of the Royalists. It gives the Huguenot prisoners at about 800. Thirty-six of the standards were taken, and also two English ensigns. A few marginal notes by Smith. Fr. Pp. 2.
[Dec. 19.]	1289. — to —.
	After having received the letter in which his correspondent ordered him to proceed to Caen to meet him there, the writer, having heard that Madame De la Meulleraye, his mother, was dying, went to see her, but she had departed before he arrived. Has been informed of the rout of Conde, and his capture, and also of that of the Constable. The Admiral rallied his cavalry and made another charge, but was repulsed, and withdrew to where his baggage was posted. Fr. Pp. 2.
Dec. 19.	1290. Albert Hardenberg to Cecil.
	Is compelled to be urgent, as his master has enjoined him to return as soon as possible, whatever happen. He is keeping a large number of men at his own expense, having been induced to do so by the letters of Utenhove. Is unwilling to offend his master, who is his only protector in Germany. When the writer was driven from Saxony on account of his doctrines concerning the Lord's Supper, the Count was the only person who supported him, against the wish of many of the Princes and States. John Sturmius can give Cecil much information of what he learnt at Frankfort, as he had a long conversation with the Envoy of the Prince of Conde.— Signed. Orig. Add. Endd.: 19 Dec. 1562. Lat. Pp. 2.
Dec. 19.	1291. Intelligences from Italy. (fn. 2)
	Rome, 19 Dec. 1562. The Pope, though ill, has attended a consistory this day and disposed of eleven sees and two abbeys. Giovanni Manricq has arrived from the King of the Romans, whose devotion to the Holy See he announces, to the great joy of many, especially the Bishops of Trent and Aosta. The Pope is in great grief in consequence of the death of his nephew and of the two sons of the Duke of Florence, whose wife, the Duchess, is hopelessly ill. The news from France is worse than before; Avignon is in danger, and the Huguenots increase in numbers. Certain Spanish soldiers, who had come to serve the King, have joined the opposite party, their pay being in arrear. The Pope immediately depatched 6,000 crowns for the purpose. A treaty is in progress at Paris between the King and Condé. The Cardinal of Lorraine is acting with great prudence at Trent, but his presence there will probably prolong and embarrass the session. Great mischief has been done in Spain by lightning, and many galleys have been lost. Copy. Ital. Pp. 2.
Dec. 20.	1292. Smith to the Privy Council.
	1. The battle was stricken yesterday. The Constable and M. D'Anvile are taken; the Duke De Nevers is slain; and the Duke of Guise has fled; he had his horse killed under him. Smith's man, Wilson, learned this of one of the King's servants who rode to call the gens-d'-armes from the village to guard the King at Bois de Vincennes. The battle lasted four hours, many were slain, especially of the Spaniards; and the Guisian horsemen would not fight.—St. Denis, 20 Dec. 1562.
	2. P. S.—The battle commenced on Saturday the 19th inst., and the slaughter continued till the following day. Some say that it has not yet ceased. Signed. Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil: Pro principe. Pp. 3.
Dec. 20.	1293. Smith to Cecil.
	1. Sends his letters by the secretary of the Queen of Scots
	2. Touching the breach of the treaty under Francis II. which he laid to the Queen here, she said, it was not they who made the war, nor France, but the Queen of Scots. To which Smith replied that the English had nothing to say to her, as they made no treaty with her, but with the King of France. She is the Queen's friend and lover, the Scotch and English are as brethren, and no hurt can be imagined against her but it grieves the Queen.
	3. Yesterday he delivered his request and made excuse for not delivering it sooner, by saying that it was more needful to be careful what one wrote than what one spoke. She said that she did not think he would do it without a commission; and so D'Aubespine was called in, and such of the Council as were there. D'Aubespine having read it, she said that she would confer with her Council and give an answer.
	4. The same night D'Aubespine and his brother, the Bishop of Limoges, came to Paris and talked with Messieurs there, and told them that now the Prince and the other are so near to each other they must needs give battle; and if all come not well to pass they must thank themselves for not agreeing to the Prince's request. And yet for all that they are gone to the Prince's camp to stay the battle.
	5. While he was at the Court the Turk's Ambassador came there, and saluted the Queen, when the writer had left her. The day of audience is appointed him on Monday next, and the writer will have his answer in two or three days.—St. Denis, 20 Dec. 1552.
	6. P. S.—They say the Prince is at Nogent le Roy and the other camp at Undan, and that some other Spaniards have had an overthrow and seven or eight score of them slain by the Prince's men. Hears of the Cardinal certain things done at the Council of Trent. Signed. Orig. Add. Endd. by the Queen of Scots' secretary, Raulett. Pp. 3.
Dec. 20. Forbes, ii. 242.	1294. Warwick and Others to the Council.
	1. They have been informed of the state of the fortifications of Newhaven by Sir Richard Lee, Mr. Winter, and Mr. Portinary. The only thing to be done whereon the security of the place depends, is the speedy fortifying of the plat already begun, which cannot be done without 2,000 pioneers; whereof there are not above 230 employed thereon. The soldiers have worn themselves and their clothes out, and are weary of that labour. They request that 2,000 pioneers may be sent. They find some parts of the old town, especially about the windmills, to be the place of most annoyance to the town by the enemy. There they can fortify themselves, without danger of shot from the town, having earth enough to make any exploit to our annoyance; and with trenches from thence may approach the town with their artillery; besides, from that ground the entrance of the Haven may be impeached by them.
	2. This town being 11,000 feet in compass of the curtains and bulwarks, requires no less than 6,000 soldiers to guard it, of which there are about 4,700. The safeguard of the place must depend upon manly defence, being an unfinished work, with sundry places of peril to the same in divers respects besides. The old town is a raw piece of itself, whatsoever it may seem to be upon viewing the plats thereof.
	3. The Rhinegrave continues his quarter with 800 horsemen, and 6,000 footmen about him; whom they cannot remove without an increase of power, leaving the town conveniently furnished for the time. They are unable to use any commodity of the country about the town, without an increase of horsemen, which (with Mr. Tremayne's band) amount to 100 English and Scottish, who might serve to good purpose if they were made up in lances to 300, with provision of hay and oats. Tremayne hopes to have fifty lances for furnishing his band; whose horses and pistoliers still remain at Portsmouth, for want of transportation. There cannot be any great number of soldiers spared for any exploit abroad without danger to the place.
	4. The number of soldiers, etc., and the expense of victuals, shall appear by certificates sent herewith. The remain of victuals being compared with the number of the garrison, will not be sufficient store for a month of any one kind, much less of divers sorts, whereas a continual store for three months is meet for this place.
	5. For removing the French there has already gone to sea with Francis Clerk above 700 soldiers and mariners, besides 100 soldiers sent to Tancarville with Captain Mosoner, so there only remain about 300 or 400 soldiers, which they will consider of the best way they can, and of the inhabitants of the town also, by such discretion as they can use, until they hear again from them upon the news addressed from Condé and Throckmorton, whose letters they send herewith; also the removal of the ships, which are in such disorder, that they will require a great time to be put in readiness to pass from hence.—Newhaven, 20 Dec. 1562. Signed.: A. Warwick, Hugh Poulet, Adryan Ponyngs, Cuth. Vaughan, Willm. Bromefeld, John Fysscher. Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 4.
Dec. 20.	1295. Warwick to the Privy Council.
	1. Before Bricquemault departed hence he declared to him that he practised the winning of Dieppe; that they have not only taken the town and castle, but also killed the captain of the castle, who was a great enemy to the religion and the professors thereof.
	2. Thinks that now the Count and M. Beauvoir are minded to send certain of the French from hence for the better keeping of Dieppe, for which be is glad.—Newhaven, 20 Dec. 1562. Signed.
	3. P. S.—The money which was in the Treasurer's hands is spent for the despatch of those soldiers to Dieppe. Begs them to send a sufficient mass. Orig., with armorial seal. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.
Dec. 20.	1296. Sir Maurice Denys to the Privy Council.
	Is not yet recovered from his sickness. Sends a brief account of his defrayments from the 10th Sept., with a monthly statement of the whole charge here. Cannot go through with all his payments for Nov. for want of money, which he begs may be sent; and with the mass some current money for these parts.—Newhaven, 20 Dec 1562. Signed. Orig., with seal. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 2.
Dec. 20.	1297. Sir Adrian Ponyngs to Cecil.
	In former letters informed him that according to the Queen's letters of the 14th Oct. he had paid to M. Beauvoir 1,000l. which the writer received from the Treasurer's clerk. Has written before about the continuance to him of 13s. 4d. which was allowed for his diet until Warwick came here.— Newhaven, 20 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig., with seal. Add. Endd. Pp. 2.
Dec. 20.	1298. Sir Hugh Poulet to Cecil.
	Arrived here on Thursday with 5,000l. of the Queen's treasure. Refers him to Warwick's advertisements and the report of the bearer, Mr. Richard Worseley. Begs that some means may be taken for the safety of the new castle and Isle of Jersey.—Newhaven, 20 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 2.
Dec. 20.	1299. Vaughan to Lord Robert Dudley and Cecil.
	Understands by the Lord Lieutenant that they have directed him to reform the order of service ministered in the church by Mr. Whittingham and others. Warwick asked the writer how it could be done without giving offence to those here, whose maintenance in religion is one of the chief causes of their being here. So, being doubtful whether to displease the Queen by continuing it, or to offend their friends by altering of the same, (because it would be more hurtful to alter the order of their Church, which they found established here, and so godly that no man of God can find fault with it, whereby they might make them doubt whether those at home had not by some indirect means revolted from their religion and make them rather weary of the English here); informed Warwick that he thought it would be better to let the order remain as it is, until the Queen's pleasure is further known. Did not advise this with the intention of anything being maintained contrary to her pleasure; nor yet that he condemns or utterly mislikes the order established in their own churches, but only in these respects. Yet for his own part, having settled his faith on Jesus Christ and his Gospel, he makes a great difference and choice between them. Nevertheless, he inclines himself to be within the compass of reformation in this point. And yet he is right sorrowful and in despair of full reformation of our Church by this Parliament, which having all other things in this mortal life he would most gladly see. "And if it be so that the Queen's Majesty, and your Lordship, and you Mr. Secretary (being those of whom the world doth most aspect [sic] to be zealous and only careful for redress of all those "drages" of ceremonies and superstitions yet remaining in our Church), do not mind to go through with the same accordingly at this Parliament; by whom then, and when, shall we hope to be delivered?" Some may find it dangerous in this perilous time to fear an alteration in so weighty a matter being lately established and confirmed, and thereby a scope given to the Papists, (the ancient enemies of Christ's Gospel), to condemn them for mutation. If this allegation be true, who doubts that the Papists do not speak, write, and practise all that can be imagined to maintain their kingdom? They prepare weapons and whet the sword to fight for the same. It should be considered what danger may flow if this favourable time be omitted; for suffer the Papists to continue in this heart and courage, ready on horseback, with spur on the heel, and the lance in the rest, it will be full time to have one hand on the bridle, by strait and punishable laws. This much he trusts to their favours without offence; presumes not to give counsel, but only desires to put them in remembrance of these matters.—Newhaven, 20 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig., with seal. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 3.
Dec. 20.	1300. Vaughan to Cecil.
	Received his letter of the 10th inst., and also his crooked letter therein mentioned, which he accepts as a friendly monition. In his previous letters he answered the matters mentioned in both these. To remove all suspicion from the minds of Cecil and Lord Robert, he protests that he loves the Lord Lieutenant, and he believes that Warwick loves him.—Newhaven, 20 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 3.
Dec. 20.	1301. Vaughan to Cecil.
	1. Cecil will receive from Mr. Marshall the certificate for such armour as the captains received from the countries. Of this armour the writer delivered to Mr. Ponyngs ninety-four corslets, fourteen jacks and sleeves stripped with mail, and all his arquebuses saving twelve, for which he [Vaughan] gave him 9l. which he had received of the Halls, for furnishing of them at the rate of 10s. an arquebus and flask, and the morions at 5s. each, of which armour Ponyngs had 200.
	2. Is sure that he had of his own 100 corslets and 100 arquebuses furnished with morions, of which fifty are at Feversham to furnish the Kentish men. Has 100 corslets and forty graven morions which came from Berwick, lying in an armour house at the sign of the Cock in Grace Street, London; and at his house in London were three score corslets, 100 arquebuses, forty graven morions, and 200 flasks and touchboxes; of which furniture he bought forty corslets of an armourer in Ludgate, and twenty corslets and six or seven score arquebuses of John Chapman of Milk Street, all of which with other furniture has been since sent hither. His armour consists of 240 corslets, 200 arquebuses, 144 plain morions, and four score graven morions.—Newhaven, 20 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Add. Endd. Pp. 4.
Dec. 20.	1302. William Bromfield to Cecil.
	1. Has received the whole proportion for the furniture of this town, and also a proportion of armour and artillery for the 1,000 soldiers who were sent from Essex and Devon. Nearly all the captains refused to receive the Almain corslets, although they are better and cheaper than the others. The two and a half fodders of lead from Dover, placed in a French boat, were carried by the same into Trèport, and there sold to the enemy. The fortifications go slowly forward for want of pioneers. Some mattresses are needed for their bedding, the want of which causes much sickness amongst the soldiers, whereof many die.
	2. Was at Tancarville on the 15th inst., which is subject unto three hills. The Prince of Condé is at Dreux, and is marching hither.—Newhaven, 20 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig., with seal. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 3.
Dec. 20.	1303. Nicholas Malby to Cecil.
	The Lord Lieutenant has this day been informed as to the proceedings of Condé, the Constable, and others. A gentleman who came from the Rhinegrave advertised this.— Newhaven, 20 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig., with seal. Add. Pp. 2.
Dec. 20.	1304. W. Whitingham to Cecil.
	1. Is sorry that he should be troubled with the frivolous complaints of certain who are offended with the manner of the ceremonies used here, as disagreeing with the order commanded and observed in England. So that he is driven to give a reason for things which he thought had been out of controversy, and which Cecil and others would have approved.
	2. For his own part is somewhat persuaded by St. Augustine herein, who counsels in such things to accommodate themselves to the nature of the place where they are conversant. Next, he was moved by the opinions of this people, who, "as they had conceived evil of the infinity of our rites and cold proceedings in religion, so if they should have seen us (but in form only, though not in substance), to use the same or like order in ceremonies which the Papists had a little afore observed (against whom they now venture goods and body), they would to their great grief have suspected our doings as not sincere, and have feared in time the loss of that liberty which after a sort they had purchased with the bloodshedding of many thousands. Moreover, as I ever approved this order best (because it is most agreeable with God's word, most approaching to the form the godly fathers used, best allowed of the learned and godly in these days, and according to the example of the best reformed churches), so I perceived that it wrought here a marvellous conjunction of minds between the French and us, and brought singular comfort to all our people."
	3. Besides this, M. Viron assured him that the Bishop of London charged them that they should use no other order for ceremonies than that which they should find here, which, in the writer's judgment (considering the place and time), is nothing prejudicial to their orders at home; for reformation whereof all the godly have their eyes and hearts directed to Cecil, next under God and the Queen. "For, alas, they are far from perfection, though for gain and vantage they have many patrons, who, as I think, might with better conscience sustain the reproach of singularity than dissemble in matters of so great importance."
	4. Being fully pursuaded of Cecil's good opinion towards him, he writes plainly, trusting that Cecil will not be offended; for God is his judge that if he knew how, he would spare no pain or travail to ease him of his heavy burdens and manifold crosses, which all acknowledge here lie upon him. But his earnest and continual prayer is that God would long strengthen and comfort him, to the glory of His name, for whom no discord is to be feared, and without whom no concord is to be sought; that as Cecil has begun to uphold and advance the kingdom of Jesus Christ, so he may by His mercies continue, perfect, and establish the same, to His praise, the Queen's honour, and all their comforts.—Newhaven, 20 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Hol., with seal. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Pp. 3.
Dec. 20.	1305. Memorial for Worsley.
	1. 2,000 pioneers to be sent to Newhaven; also 2,000 mattresses. The impost on beer to be discharged, which is a mark upon a tun. Hand and horse mills, with stones for the same, to be sent; also five tons of English and Spanish iron for the embrasing the stone work which stays all the water about the town; and fifteen or sixteen fodder of lead for the same purpose, and for shot. For the allowance of two pounds of powder to each raw arquebusier. For 200 lances, besides those horseman which are already. For provision of hay and oats; and for the better furnishing of victuals. That Mr. Abington may have a large prest of money at Portsmouth for the provisions there. That they may have good provision of "sallet" oils, honey, vinegar, stock fish, and "wine seck." To have a staple of Newcastle coals here. That a mass of money in gold and Spanish rialls be sent for the monthly payments.—Signed by Warwick and others.
	2. P. S.—To inform Mr. Secretary that the Lord Lieutenant has committed Morrice and young Vaughan according to his letter, and to ascertain what he will have further done with them. Orig., with marginal notes by Cecil, and dated and endd. by him. Pp. 3.
Dec. 20.	1306. Windebank to Cecil.
	If Cecil minds to keep Mr. Thomas longer abroad it would be more for his commodity that some one (as Mr. Nowell) should be with him, as he would have more regard to his doings than with the writer; with whom he is so well acquainted.—Strasburg, 20 Dec. 1562. Hol. Draft. Endd. Pp. 2.
[Dec. 20.]	1307. Challoner to the Lords of the Council.
	1. They may more at large perceive his proceedings by his letter to the Queen sent herewith.
	2. The Duke of Alva told him that she had picked a meet time for her purpose, whilst the French were distracted among themselves in the minority of their King, but if they were at a point with quarrels intestine, the English might perchance, feel the power of France; adding that that of the English was not unknown to the King, his ministers, himself and others by their experience of their domestic affairs, whilst the King conversed with the English. He confessed that they were hardy people, not wanting in courage; but in discipline, furniture, and other requisite parts they were far to seek. In reply the writer stated that if he were to see how those things have been altered since the King's departure he would perchance be of another opinion. And as for the power of France, he did not see why they should make any more account of their forces, which are now divided and ruled by a child, than they did in the reign of King Henry II. All other states have stretched the string of their finances as high as can be for breaking, so to England only rests the means to improve things as much as the Queen thinks expedient. And finding that the King Catholic continues in that amity which has so long existed between their houses, there is no cause for them to have much fear of the French.
	3. He gave the Duke to understand what good hope he put in the Queen's force. Reminds them of his twenty years' service, and asks to be recalled—Madrid, Dec. 1562. Hol. Draft. Endd. by Challoner: Sent by H. King. Pp. 12.
Dec. 20.	1308. Challoner to Lord Robert Dudley.
	Sends his commendations in lieu of the great bond he has with his Lordship and his house. He longs for his revocation as did the souls in Limbo for their redemption, which he desires him to further. Doctor Wilson is able to weild the same place as the writer.—Madrid, 20 Dec. 1562. Hol. Draft. Endd. by Challoner: Sent by H. King. Pp. 4.
Dec. 20.	1309. Challoner to Cecil.
	1. These men have suspended giving their final answer as long as if they had flatly and plainly made it. They are content that the English should have Calais, and thus let so much of their good will serve to stead. If the Duke of Alva's overture be liked, then the English must frame their allegations hereafter, leaving others untouched, which these men cannot brook. Has declared to the Duke what Cecil signified to him touching, the Bishop of Aquila's secretary, about whose departure from England he does not appear to be satisfied. Was fain to cut off the Duke's web, seeing his replies gave but matter for new aggravations.
	2. His last quarterage was not paid for six months, by which he is driven to borrow of the bankers, and has to lose thirty ducats or more in 100. Was appalled by the rumour of the Queen's decease being so constantly affirmed, weighing upon what a ticklish thread they hang, having only her life between them and subversion. Sends her an epistle of his own in verse, as a New Year's gift. Also encloses the elegy touching the tumults in France, which he sent Cecil by Cobham, and has since augmented it to above 100 verses. —Madrid, 20 Dec. 1562. Draft in Challoner's hol., and endd. by him. Pp. 5.
Dec. 20.	1310. Challoner to Henry Cobham.
	1. As it appears by his letter of the 5th ult. that the statements in his of the 28th of October proceeded from such frankness as friends ought to use towards each other, not only by this assures him of his continued friendship but also encloses the letter in which he gives just reasons for having advised him to hasten home by sea. The late narrow escape of Cobham's sister, and the Queen's past danger, may induce him to give credit to an old beaten friend, who counselled him to ply the market while it lasted.
	2. Desires to be remembered to the Marquis and his lady, to Lord and Lady Cobham, and the rest of his brothers, also to Mr. Killigrew, who the writer is sorry to hear has broken his arm.—Madrid, 20 Dec. 1562. Draft, in Challoner's hol., and endd. by him: By King. Pp. 4.
Dec. 20.	1311. Challoner to Stonley.
	Although Robert Farneham used diligence in sending Stonley's letter and box with his power and release, they did not come to hand (through the negligence of the bringer, Beacon) until the 2nd inst. Thinks himself strangely handled of late by not being paid here by exchange until three or four months after Stonley has paid the money to the writer's servant.—Madrid, 20 Dec. 1562. Draft, in Challoner's hol., and endd. by him: By King. Pp. 4.
Dec. 20.	1312. Challoner to Lord Paget.
	Craves pardon for not writing sooner, and trusts it will not be attributed to negligence. Is anxious to be removed from painful Spain, so bitter to him in body, mind, and purse. —Madrid, 20 Dec. 1562. Signed. Draft, in Challoner's hol., and endd. by him: Sent by H. King. Pp. 3.
Dec. 20.	1313. The Landgrave to the Queen.
	1. Doubtless her envoys have told her of his opinion expressed to them concerning her proposal of a league between all the Protestant powers, still he thinks fit to write to her more fully. Agrees with her that the designs of the Papists should not be disregarded; for the Pope and the Papists aim at establishing their usurped tyranny, and defending their idolatrous superstitions; and consequently desire the extirpation of the true religion. This continuation of the Council at Trent was not hastily decided on, nor the slaughter of innocent persons commenced on account of France alone; but the Pope and his vassals have further designs. Therefore it is necessary that all the reformed Princes should enter into an understanding, not merely for preserving pure their religion, but also for propagating it; and if the adversary make any attempts to extirpate it by violence, they should use every legitimate endeavour for its defence.
	2. He will not be backward in this matter, provided that some (if not all) of the nobility and estates be also willing. This is a difficult matter, not only on account of the distance between them, but also on account of the differences of opinion and interests. Besides, a public league of this sort would give suspicion to those of the Papists who are embraced in the peace of religion, and might offer further occasion for irritation and discord. Wherefore he considers that a public league is not adviseable at present; but that between her and the other Protestant sovereigns and states a mutual understanding should be retained, in order that the glory of God be promoted; and that if any of the religion should be unjustly attacked, assistance should be afforded. Is ready to enter into this mutual understanding and correspondence with her; and if she is attacked, will be ready with the other Protestant Princes to assist her, and will expect the same from her.
	3. Offers to enter into a special agreement with her, by which he will be ready to assist her with officers and troops; and she on her part is to deposit a sufficient sum of money in Germany, which he shall be allowed to use for his defence in case of necessity. As he would incur great odium with the adversaries on account of this contract, it would be hazardous for him to wait for assistance, as he would be the first attacked.—Marburg, 20 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Add. Endd. by Cecil. Lat. Pp. 6.
[Dec. 20.]	1314. Another version of the same letter; similar in import, but differing in diction.—Marburg, 22 Dec. 1562. Copy in Mundt's hol. Lat. Endd. Pp. 4.
Dec. 20.	1315. Arnold Walwyck to Cecil.
	Has before mentioned the advantages which England would derive from a league with East Friesland. They are the following: There are in Friesland four good ports, whither ships of 200 or 300 tons could betake themselves. The Lord of East Friesland could send from thence 4,000 or 5,000 foot and 1,000 horse into England within two or three days. All sorts of arms and munitions of war could be conveniently sent from thence. John, Count of East Friesland, would be willing to serve the Queen personally for annual pay. In case of a naval war with France or Burgundy, these ports would be convenient for the English ships. Has been waiting here for three months at great expense for a reply.— London, 20 Dec. 1562. Signed. Orig. Endd. by Cecil. Lat. Pp. 3.