Elizabeth I: volume 126, November 1586

Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, 1586-1588. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

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'Elizabeth I: volume 126, November 1586', in Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, 1586-1588, (London, 1877) pp. 193-209. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/ireland/1576-88/pp193-209 [accessed 23 April 2024]

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November 1586

Nov. 4.

74. Petition of Thomas Richardson to Burghley for payment of his master Sir Henry Collyer. p. 1.

Nov. 4.

75. Petition of Henry Cole to Burghley for payment of 160l. due to his master, Henry Duke. p. 1.

Nov. 4.

76. Petition of Richard Adams to Burghley for payment of Walter Sedgrave. p. 1.

Nov. 5.

77. Petition of Henry Welles to Burghley for payment of 352l. 13s. 7d.

Nov. 7. Kinsale.

78. Geff. Fenton to Burghley. Since I wrote last to your Lordship from Cork, I was driven to return eftsoons to this town, to settle a band of footmen in garrison, for answering of service, both here and further westward along the sea coasts; and receiving here this letter inclosed from an alderman of Waterford, I am bold to send it to your Lordship, humbly referring the contents thereof to be weighed by your Lordship according [to] their probabilities. This province is quiet in all parts, and no likelihood of alteration, unless it come from the foreign; and yet at my coming I found the people's minds tossed to and fro, with rumours and expectation of strangers, which nevertheless seem now well stayed and settled; only I find them to grudge somewhat at one point of the commission of surveys, namely that all lands formerly concealed and withholden from Her Majesty of long time over and above the attainted lands, newly escheated, are now presently inquired upon and apportioned to seignories as they fall out to lie fit therefore. The people are most willing to have the attainted lands divided and measured, and therein many of them have been found sound and profitable instruments for Her Majesty, but it goeth hard with them, and not without murmur, to see the commission stretched to inquire of old concealments, such as have lien in their possession many years. And in truth it were not amiss that the execution of that point of the commission were forborn till these foreign doubts were passed over, seeing it could no way prejudice Her Majesty, for that it might be again recontinued in a season more apt, and not so disagreeing to the minds of the people, of which I am bold to advertise your Lordship as a matter which I have observed in this portion of my travel in the province. Incloses.

78. I. Nicholas Quemerforde, alderman of Waterford, to Secretary Fenton. Your letter I have received by Mr. Vice-President's man, who came here for the 100l. [In margin, in Fenton's hand: I borrowed this 100l. of the city to be imprested to the soldiers for victualling money by direction from the Lord Deputy.] The money will be in a readiness the next day at farthest, and where your worship willed me to send you such news as comes here, I thought it my duty to certify your worship that here is arrived one James Horre of this town with a bark of salt out of Croswick, who departed there-hence six days ago, and tells for news that he heard at Croswick that there were thirty sail of Spaniards departed from Biscay to come for Ireland, and that they were withdrawn back again to Spain, and that the King made them to be stayed, and their men discharged for this time, also he says that he met a Scottish ship that came from Cadix, who told him that the Spaniards had had a great overthrow in Flanders, and that the Prince of Parma was slain.

Also here arrived a bark of Quinkett [Conquete], which ca[me] from Croswick the same day, and is bo[und] to Drogheda laden with salt, and agrees with the said James Horre in all points, but says farther that the number of ships was above 300, and says that the Duke of Alva's son was general of that army.

Also here is arrived one James Maddan of this town, merchant, out of Padstow, and says that Her Majesty's ships met with the King of Spain's fleet coming from the Indies, where the ViceAdmiral of the Spaniards was taken and brought to England with six tons of silver, and other two ships that came from Brazil, and the rest did escape. This is all the news that is come here as yet. Nov. 2. Waterford. pp. 1½.

Nov. 7.

79. Petition of Stephen Borrane to Burghley for payment of money due to divers captains and others in Ireland. p. 1.

[Nov. 8.]

80. Articles collected out of the commission to Sir John Perrot, Lord Deputy of Ireland, and others for levying of debts, &c.

Nov. 10.

81. Petition of Stephen Barran to Burghley for payment of 745l. due to captains, servitors, and merchants in Ireland. p. 1

Nov. 15.

82. Wallop to Burghley. I have received your letter of the 22nd of October last, by Fauntleroy my man; who also brought over the 12,000l. which your Lordship mentioneth. I could wish the same had been greater, if it had so pleased Her Majesty, as well for the occasions which may in these perilous times grow from day to day, as in respect of the wants of the garrison, which have much due unto them, and are not able to go thither to sue for it. But as it is, it shall be issued, according to your Lordship's direction. I make no doubt, but that your Lordship is right glad, of the good success which Sir Richard Byngham had in Connaught against the Scots, both for his own sake, and for the service, which in truth, being considered with all circumstances, was such as seldom this country affordeth, having been very well devised, and better executed. The particulars whereof, albeit, I suppose your Lordship have before this understood, yet I have thought good to send you herewith a copy of his own discourse * sent to me thereof, together with a note of the extraordinary charges defrayed by him for the payment of the bands erected for the appeasing of that trouble; whereby it may the better appear unto your Lordship, what induceth me to esteem that service so great as I do. For besides that I cannot hear of such a slaughter made of the enemy with the escape of so few of them, and so small hurt and loss of ours, these many years in this land; I am sure there was never any such service achieved by any with so little expense to Her Majesty. So rare a thing do I find it in my experience or knowledge to have one man to be careful both of the service and of Her Highness's commodity. Thus much I say in simplicity of conscience, as a testimony due unto the gentleman's virtue and desert, which I think myself the rather tied to give him, because I know there want not some either for malice or envy, or to please the humours of others who do detract and extenuate as much as may be, or wholly divert his praise, to attribute it to the repair of the Lord Deputy thitherward, who in very truth was no farther hence in his journey the day of the overthrow than Mullingar, which is from the place, where it was given, about fourscore and ten miles. As one therefore, wishing to every man his due commendation or blame, I am bold thus plainly to certify your Lordship my opinion in this matter upon the occasion of the mention made of that service in your said letter. And even so can I not omit to satisfy your Lordship touching that other point of his, and Sir Nicholas White's service in that province, in the compositions made in lieu of cess. Of which I find your Lordship hath not had, either such particular, or such true advertisement as had been convenient. For whereas your Lordship supposeth, that only the Lord or Chieftain of the country is compounded withal, and he left at liberty to exact what he list by colour of the composition, upon his country, tenants, or followers, I take your Lordship therein to have been misinformed. For it is certainly set down, how much every quarter of land shall pay to Her Majesty, and how much to the Lord, and what freedom is granted to every chief man, so that every one knoweth his burthen, and cannot nor will not be charged with any more; I have now the second time written to Sir Richard to send your Lordship a particular book of those compositions. And as I am sure it should have been done long since if these troubles had not fallen upon him, so I make no doubt, but he will do it now with all expedition, and send it to your Lordship for your better satisfaction in that behalf. For as yet it is not so certified hither as it may be set down in charge; neither can it be charged until Her Majesty's consent be signified thereunto, for so the indentures do purport. When your Lordship shall see it and consider it thoroughly, I think you will esteem it (as I do) a very good service, begun and framed so well, that with a little filing and diligence in finishing thereof, it may be recommended for a very good piece of work. Neither have these troubles grown by the grudging or unwillingness of the country to yield the composition, but upon such other causes as your Lordship may discern in perusing of the aforesaid discourse.

Whereas your Lordship writeth that my Lord Deputy findeth himself grieved with a direction sent hither by Mr. Secretary Fenton that in matters of government and state, he should use the advice of the councillors here and do nothing without the assent of the most of them, I marvel nothing at all thereat, when I consider his disposition and desire to be wholly absolute, which he continually expresseth. Albeit indeed the restraint he received was not otherwise than that he should be advised by the most of us in matters of charge, weight, and importance. But some minds think themselves yoked if they have their wills circumscribed within the limits of reason. For as for the imputing of his stay of going into Connaught to have been a hindrance to Her Majesty's service, the sequel of things, and the reasons which induced us to dissuade his Lordship from that journey, do sufficiently stop that surmise; I could, with all my heart, wish him free from that humour of doing all of himself. For it is dangerous for him, and the course that is set him, is most for his ease and safety, if he consider it well. And his repining and grieving thereat with blaming of us, doth urge us in discharge of our duties and in our own defence, to say that which otherwise we should not need to allege, howbeit (for my part) so long as Her Majesty shall please to use my littleworthy service here, I have proposed to myself a direct and plain way, by true and honest actions and counsels to discharge my fidelity and duty to Her Highness, to the best of my skill, respecting little any particular pleasing or mislike in balance therewith, which principally I say unto your Lordship, because myself was one of them that advised his Lordship's stay from that journey. For having consideration of the dangerousness of the time, both in respect of doubts of foreign invasion, and of the discovery of the great and important practises there, which might have stretched hither, of the increase of charge to Her Majesty, of the heavy burthen to the country that his Lordship's carriages in harvest time especially would be. Of the forces of the enemy which Sir Richard Byngham had advertised us of, and that no example of any Deputy before could be produced that for any motion of Scots, had in person gone into that province, and yet they were sundry times overthrown there, as of late memory both by Sir Edward Fyton and by Sir Nicholas Malbie. My Lord Chancellor, Mr. Gardener, the Chief Justice of the King's Bench, Sir Robert Dillon, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Mr. Marshal, myself, Sir Edward Waterhous, Mr. Brabazon, and Mr. Secretary Fenton, were of opinion that his Lordship should not need to trouble himself and the country for that service. The rather for that Sir Richard Byngham both in his letters public and private (as one knowing best the state of the province which he governeth) did gravely seek to advise his Lordship's stay and the sending only of some forces. Upon debating whereof, it was first concluded, that besides the bands newly erected for that service, Mr. Vice-president's company being at Limerick and Sir William Stanley's being also in Munster, and meet therefore to be drawn into Connaught, should be directed thither to strengthen Sir Richard's forces. Nevertheless after upon new advertisements of the increase of the number of Scots, and another assembly of Council we determined that for a supply, half of Sir George Bowrchier's band, half of Sir Henry Bagenall's and half Wareham Sentleger's should be sent thither, by which companies, we nothing doubted but that service might have been very well performed, directions being sent in time for their repair thither, according to our resolution. But my Lord Deputy having still an unquenchable desire to go into the province all our determinations fell to be short. For the 9th of September, which day I was to take my journey towards Munster; for the accomplishing of the commissions directed to me and others concerning the bounding and meting the attainted lands in Munster; his Lordship assembled the Council eftsoons, and there, proposing again the necessity of his repair into Connaught to repress the Scots, both the Chief Justices being gone in their circuits and Mr. Marshal home into the North, it was agreed unto by my Lord Chancellor, Sir Lucas Dillon, Sir Nicholas White, and Sir Edward Waterhous, that it was expedient for his Lordship to go towards the Borders of the province as far as Athlone or Roscommon, to give the enemy occasion of fear at least, and to have with him the residue of Sir George Bowrchier's band and Mr. Sentleger's, yet myself, Mr. Brabazon, and Mr. Secretary, continuing in our former opinions for the reasons above mentioned, and of that mind still are both the Chief Justices and the Marshal. And having by most voices so prevailed, his Lordship did accordingly set forward his journey, to his own trouble and peril (as it fell out) by sickness, the great toil and charge of his company attending him, the burthen not only of the Borders of the Pale, in that he levied the forces of the county of Westmeath, but most especially of the province after the exploit done, which might have been very well forborne and spared, if it had pleased his Lordship rather to respect the good and faithful advice of such as were no way interested in the matter, other than for the service of Her Majesty than those other passions which he cannot, nor careth not to bridle before us; who in duty and conscience, have to make no comparison between the pleasing of him and the service of Her Highness, in which as well we, as he, are employed, though he worthily, and of Her Majesty's special trust, be chiefly placed to direct the whole.

I hope your Lordship will accept and take in good part my plain manner of delivering unto you my conceit, which your Lordship's desire to be certified, who they were that advised his Lordship's stay, doth move me to declare unto you. Assuring your Lordship, for my part (and I think I may well so say for the rest) that no other regard, than the service of Her Majesty, and the good of the country induced us to give that advice. For as I do very well perceive your Lordship's conceit of the disposition of those of this country birth, and their cunning in taking advantage, by the disagreement of us amongst ourselves, so I protest before Almighty God, that neither in this nor any other thing, that hath been consulted on since my coming hither, I for my part have had any other mark or level to shoot at, than the service of Her Highness, and the good and quiet of the country, which in effect are comprised under the other. If any other have had any second intentions, to God and their consciences I leave them. And therefore having thus far discharged myself, and answered your Lordship's letter, I humbly take leave. Indorsed by Burghley: Sir Henry Wallop. The Jornay of Sir Richard Byngham. pp. 4. Incloses,

82. I. Extraordinary charges. [Duplicate in Oct. 18.] [*His own discourse wanting, but see another copy in Oct. 6.]

Nov. 16.

83. A true discourse of the causes of the late rebellion of the Burkes. Where we have been informed of late that sundry seditious persons, envying the good success and prosperity of others, have maliciously given out and slanderously reported that the unjust, hard, and extreme dealings of Sir Richard Byngham, knight, Chief Commissioner of this Province, towards us and others dwelling within his charge and government, and the slaughter of Thomas Roe and execution of Moyler Burke and Tibbot Keoghe by martial law, hath been the chief and principal cause which moved us to raise war and enter into the last rebellion against Her Highness and the state, wherein like as it is the duty of all Christians to declare the truth (in all doubtful matters) specially those to whom the same is chiefly known, we who have been the principal authors and beginners of the said rebellions, have thought requisite and convenient for the better satisfaction of such as are desirous to know the certainty hereof to lay down the original ground and beginning of the causes which stirred us to enter into that folly, and whereof the said revolt first proceeded, protesting afore God we say nothing therein more than the truth, according to our knowledge and consciences which all honest men ought chiefly to regard, as more particularly shall hereafter ensue at large.

After that the said Sir Richard Byngham had a certain space had the charge and government of this Province, he began to reform many abuses which (through tolerance and custom) hath been used a long time amongst the inhabitants of the same, as though they were good and lawful, but yet more repugnant to the law and usage of all nations, and to restrain the Lords and great men from their accustomed cuttings and extortions upon their tenants, whereby the tenant began to grow rich and challenge to himself a more particular property in his own goods, and enjoy the fruit of his labour more freely than at any other time he could ever do or attain unto.

And albeit this course could not be misliked of any, but marvellous well allowed, chiefly of the common people, who bare the burthen a long time, yet the Lords and gentlemen grudged, and wonderfully repined at it everywhere, nevertheless the matter was so commendable and so well accepted that none durst stir against it openly, except now and then some would cast out a word and say that this new governor would shortly make their churl their master, and that the gentlemen were like to become beggars for want of their cuttings and spendings and such other exactions as they compelled their tenants to yield unto them at their own devotion.

Sir Morrough [Ne Doe] O'Flaherty, knight, about the same time, partly for that and because he feared the Governor would place an officer for Her Majesty within Iarconnaught, lately called his country, which he would never suffer before that time, lest he should be likewise bridled from his old customs of taking and exacting of the inhabitants of that country at his pleasure, grew to be greatly discontented therewith, and liked no part of the Governor's proceedings, whereupon by his own commandment and procurement, as we heard by the common report of all the country, one Cloasearlykane, a follower of his, and certain others of his servants and followers, assembled themselves together and became rebels and wood-kerne in that country, robbing and spoiling Her Majesty's good subjects as well thereabout as in the baronies of Clare and Kilmean.

This Cloasearlekhene having begun this mischief, thought he would attempt greater matters, and for the better expedition thereof came to the county of Mayo, and consulted with Thomas Roe Burke and Walter Burke M'Edmund of Castlebarry in Thomas Roe's Island, out of which consultation the said Walter Burke, without any cause given him by any man belonging to the state (more than of his malicious and bad inclination), accompanied with a certain number of evil-disposed persons, repaired to a town where certain merchants of Galway dwelt, and spoiled the same, and murthered one Jasper Martin, a merchant, upon which occasion the said Walter immediately became a rebel, and Thomas Roe having a guilty conscience would trust no man, but kept his island and the woods and became a common receptacle to all the loose and bad men in the country.

A good while after this the sessions began and was held at Donnemonye, where amongst other things the composition for Her Majesty was agreed upon, and the name of M'William, with other like titles of M's. and O's. was abolished. After the death of Sir Richard Burke, knight, then M'William, and the whole lordship, seignory and duties belonging to the same appointed and entailed to his heirs males, except the Lord Deputy would think fit to bestow it upon any other of those who pretended interest in the same. This alteration caused much murmuring and muttering among the people and great disliking in those who were competitors to the M'Williamship. During this sessions, Thomas Roe dwelling in his island within four miles of Dunemonye, being sent for, refused to come to the Governor to do his duty, as I, the blind Abbot, being one of the commissioners do know and can declare, but contemptuously absented himself (as it was said) to do some hurt where he could find opportunity.

In the mean space M'William departed out of this life and Edmund Burke of Castlebarry, being tainist, sued for the place, and made full account to be M'William, according to the custom of the country.

Thomas Roe, being his son-in-law, not a little grieved that the said Edmund, by whose means he looked for great preferment, should be put from the Lordship of the country, combined with the said Edmund's sons and practised all he could to raise a new stir, in hope (the rather) to advance him to it, whereof the Governor, being not ignorant, gave order to John Cary, the under-sheriff, to apprehend him, and as the under-sheriff went about it, the said Thomas Roe would not yield himself, and thereupon was slain. Riccard Oge Burke, commonly called "the Pale of Ireland," brother to the said Thomas, having had warning of some of his friends to be upon his keeping, and not to trust nor come to any officer, seeing his brother Thomas Roe was slain, until he were better provided for, immediately after the said Thomas's death, practised with Edmund Burke's sons, and with Richard M'Richard Burke and Moyler Oge Burke, Edmund Kykraghe, Walter M'Davie Bane, and others of the Burkes, and the Clandonnels, to enter into a rebellion and raise war against Her Majesty, and not yield to any peace until we might have the names of M'William and M'Connell restored, and the M'Williamship bestowed upon Edmund Burke and so to run by the course of eldership according to the old custom; and the same time persuaded us to go into Castle ne Callye, [Hag's Castle] and keep ourselves there, until he might draw in the Scots, and procure more friends to strengthen us, and make us able to keep the field and encounter with the Governor's forces.

About this time the Marshal and Theobald Dillon sent warning unto us, the said Richard and Moyler Oge and to Edmund Burke's sons, and others, to be upon our keeping and not to come to any officer, which caused us to be greatly afraid and vehemently suspected that there was some great mischief intended or devised against us, and thereupon we all (saving the blind Abbot, and his sons, Edmund M'Richard In Yeren, and his brethren, and Awstean M'Connell [Ustian M'Donnell], who had not as then joined with us) agreed to rebel and hold out until the said Edmund Burke were made M'William, and the same established to the eldest in succession according to the custom, and so continued, until in April following we received protection from the Governor for three months, and put in our pledges for our dutiful behaviour in the meantime.

This was the first part of our proceedings in this action. And when we did understand that the Lord Deputy and Council did resolve that there should be no M'William at all, and that the seignory and inheritance belonging to it was divided, and the best part given to William Burke, son to the late M'William, the most unworthy and unfittest of us all, we eftsoons revolted only for the same cause and quarrel without regard to our said pledges, and procured the blind Abbot (and his sons) which ought to be tainist, Richard Yn Yren's sons, Ustun M'Donnell, with the O'Malleys, ClanGibbons, ClanPhilippins, and many others to join with us, and determined to hold out during our lives, except we might have our desire in this behalf, according to the custom of the country, and the same being denied, we refused peace, notwithstanding it hath been offered unto us by the Governor divers times, until at length his worship with Her Majesty's forces, compelled us to come in and submit ourselves against our wills and humbly crave mercy upon our knees, which was granted unto us accordingly.

At this very instant the Marshal came into the country before we had entered into this action [of rebellion] the second time and parleyed with us, that we Richard Burke, Moyler Oge, and most of the gentlemen of our name must have gone with him into Flanders, which seemed so strange unto us that we knew not in the world what to do, but did choose rather to go forward in our folly and die in our native country, than go over the sea into a strange land where we have never been, and where we looked for no other thing but present death, protesting afore God that the taking away of the said M'Williamship and the division of the lands and inheritance thereof was the only ground and principal beginning and chief cause of this rebellion and none other, what matter soever hath been reported or pretended to the contrary: and as touching Thomas Roe Burke or his brother Riccard Oge, we do protest, declare, and testify that their deaths was no part of our quarrel, and that we did stir never a whit the more for it, for that we did know, and do now also confess that they were very bad members in this commonwealth, and great practisers of this rebellion and of all other mischiefs, and maintainers of thieves and evildisposed persons, and have most justly deserved death as well by Her Majesty's laws as by the common custom of the country before the same was established amongst us for their wicked life and disloyalty, and as concerning Moyler M'Walter Fada, and his brother Tibbot Reogh, I, Moyler Oge Burke their brother, do declare and testify that they wrote divers letters to their wives and to the said Richard Oge, the Pale of Ireland, to procure a stir and a rebellion in the country, in hope that they should have liberty the sooner, and we the blind Abbot and Richard Burke have heard that they sent the same letters, whereby according to the law they have worthily and justly deserved that they had; taking God to witness that we never grounded any part of our quarrel in revenge of the same, for that we knew it ought to be so, if the law had been extended against them.

And whereas three of our pledges were executed at Ballinrobe, viz., the blind Abbot's son, Moyler Oge Burke's son, and John Burke M' Moyler's son. We likewise declare and confess that we have deserved they should be put to death for our offences, being put in by us as pledges for our loyalty, and that the Governor did no injustice in hanging of them, but showed great favour and mercy to divers other pledges (who for the undutifulness and disloyalty of their parents and those for whom they were put in) he might likewise have put to death without any injustice, and in that point we are very well satisfied.

Confessing further that all the preys and booties he took within this country before we submitted ourselves to Her Highness, were lawfully taken, and the goods of us, our confederates, followers and relievers, and such as have maintained us in our rebellion against Her Highness.

And touching the Governor himself, we protest and constantly affirm that he never did us nor any other, to our knowledge, any wrong or injustice, in his own person, or showed us any extremity other than that we generally misliked the taking away of our old customs, which we were wont to take of our tenants and neighbours, but that we have always found him ready to do us right and justice aswell against the officers of the country as against all others, against whom we had any cause to complain, which be the only and very causes indeed which moved us to enter into this rebellion and none other, and if any man hath put any part of the blame thereof in (sic) him, he hath done him very great wrong and slandered him most unjustly, and as for us we can in conscience but clear him thereof, and are ready to justify the same and all other things herein contained whensoever we shall be called for that purpose. And further we do testify that the said Sir Richard Byngham hath not charged us or any part of the county of Mayo during the time of his government within this province with any cess for horsemen, footmen, horses, and boys, nor taken any other thing of us or any the inhabitants of the said county without payment or allowance to the same to our contentation.

Moreover I, Edmund Burke M'Richard Yn Yren, do declare, testify, and depose upon the Holy Evangelist that Garratt M'Teig Dillon came to me after Midsummer last and told me that Theobald Dillon willed him to give me warning from him and in his name that I should not trust any officer, nor come to any of them until the said Tibbot were come to the province, and that very shortly he would come to the country with great authority and credit. And said further that Henry Chamberlain was coming into the country with eighteen soldiers to apprehend me and seize upon my goods, and therefore willed me to shift for myself, whereupon I went immediately to the rebels and entered into action against Her Majesty within four days after. In witness whereof we have hereunto put our hands in the presence of Edward Whyte, clerk of the Council of this province, the 16th of November 1586. William × Burke, the blind Abbot's mark, Moyler × Oge Burke's mark, Edmund Burke × M'Richard Yn Yeren's mark, Moyler × Burke M'Thomas Roe's mark, Shane Burke's × mark, Ustion × M'Donnell's mark, Riccard Oge × M'Gibbon's mark, Richard × Yn Yeren's mark, Riccard × a choga M'Gibbon's mark, Tibbot × M'Gibbon's mark, Moyler Oge × M'Tibbot's mark, Moelemora × M'Ranell M'Donnell's mark, Shane M'Gibbon's × mark, Edmund × M' Moyler M'Gibbon's mark, William M' × Moyler M'Gibbon's mark, Edmund Burke × M'Thomas Duff's mark, Richard Oge × M' Ranell M'Donnell's mark, Walter Oge × M'Walter M'Fyreghe's mark.

Memorandum that the blind Abbot, Moyler Oge Burke, Edmund Burke M'Riccard Yn Yeren, and the rest of the gentlemen who have put their hands to this declaration, have not only subscribed their names to the same in my presence, but also have taken their oath that all things therein mentioned and put down in general are true, and touching such other matters which are particularly laid down as done or spoken by any certain or particular persons, the said parties have likewise taken their oath upon the same and affirm it to be true. In witness whereof I have hereunto subscribed my name, the 16 of November 1586; Ed. White. Indorsed: A discourse touching the causes and original ground of the last rebellion in the county of Mayo. pp. 7.

Nov. 17.

84. To all Christian people to whom these presents shall come, we, whose names are hereunto subscribed, send greeting in our Lord God Everlasting. Where divers persons are of sundry opinions touching the ground and principal cause of the last stirs and rebellion which happened within this county of Mayo, or whereof the same proceeded, some affirming one thing and some another according to their several affections, and forasmuch as all honest men are bound in conscience to declare the truth in all doubtful matters and causes of controversy, we do protest and declare in our consciences, that the abolishing and taking away of the name of M'William from the competitors thereof, and the extinguishing of the other lordships and seignories, from the gentlemen and chiefs of septs and surnames of the country by the late composition, and the restraining of them from their cuttings and spendings and exactions hath been the only beginning of the said rebellion, and the chief ground and principal cause which moved those gentlemen who were authors of it to enter into the same, or attempt anything against the state to disturb the public peace, contrary to their duties, hoping the rather to be restored to their old customs, and have a M'Williamship established among them, and not any other matter, what thing soever hath been pretended to cloke the same, or reported to the contrary, notwithstanding. And that none of the ministers or officers of the state, gave them any occasion, or were procurers of the said stir, but did use all good persuasions and means to qualify and prevent it, which we affirm of our own certain knowledges besides that we did learn the same as well of the rebels themselves by their own confessions, as by the declaration and general report of the whole country. And thereupon we have taken our corporal oath upon the Holy Evangelists in the presence of Edward Whyte, clerk of the Council of this Province. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names, the 17th of November 1586.

Edmund E. B. Burke's mark, of Cong, Shane × M'Hubert, parson of Dunony's mark, Laghlar, × O'Maillie, chief of his name's mark; William × Burke of Shrwher's mark, Edmund × Burke of Cowlnegashell's mark, Moyler × Burke M'Thomas Roe's mark, Robertus O'Maylle, Edmund M' × Gildwff M'Jonyn's mark, Ryccard M' × Morris, chief of his name's mark; Ferigh × M'Connell's mark, Alexander og M'Donnell, Walter M' × Jonyn of the Towrin's mark, David M'Morris, Phelam M'Marcus M'Conell × mark, Dermot × O'Malley's mark, Hubert Burke × M'Jonyn's mark, Shane M' × Morris's mark, M' × Moelmory M'Conell of toaght's mark, Farigh × M'Torlagh's mark, Reaid Battwrin, Davy M' × Hubbert M'Jonyn's mark, Moyler × M'Morris' mark, Walter og × M'Watter M'Riccard's mark, Gilldwff × M'Gibbon's mark, Shane M' × Jonyn of Kilchwoyre's mark, Hary Fis Morys, Moelmory M' × Ranell's mark, Moyler Og M' × Gibon's mark, Jonyn M'Ullik's × mark, Moyler Burke's × of Manychroyr's mark, Johannis Marcus, William × Oge's mark, Thomas M' × Tybbott Reoghe's mark, Robertus O'Caleesus, Walter × M'Roe's mark, Laghlen × O'Malley's mark, Enys M' × Donnell of Aghelhard's mark, Marcus × M'Hugh Boy's mark, William Crone × M'Phillipin's mark, Marcus Edmundi finci finxi, Edmund × M' Tybott's mark, Edmund × Og M'Richard a chegga's mark; Richard Ne Koillie × mark. Indorsed: Attestation touching the causes that procured the Burkes to enter into rebellion. Double page.

Nov. 18. St. Sepulchres.

85. The Chancellor Archbishop of Dublin to Burghley. To further the suits of the bearer Edward Drynkell for an increase of entertainment. p. 1.

Nov. 19. Dublin.

86. C. Baron Delvin to Burghley. My very good Lord, since my last letters written to your Lordship, I understand by the Earl of Kildare, he was questioned withal by the Lords of Her Majesty's Council and specially your Lordship touching my stay here; I have disclosed the cause before unto your good Lordship, as many suits in law for mine inheritance seized on, during mine absence, wherein I find the law slow, having the Dillons judges, friends such as your Lordship knoweth. Of the two the Baron the man that most uttered his malice since my coming hither, a great part waste of that I possess, and what is inhabited, the tenants not able to pay their due. These are and have been the causes of my stay, which if it seem long, I will upon the least advertisement return, how great soever to my hinderance.

The late overthrow of the Scots in Connaught was greatly furthered by one of my servants called Tumultaghe O'Hara. This man having entered their camp secretly gave intelligence to Sir Richard Byngham of their determinations from time to time till the day of their overthrow, and then led him unawares [to them] over their camp. By mean whereof they were all, to the number of 2000, sine sanguine et sudore defeated.

Thus much I thought fit to advertise your Lordship referring the good it may do me to your good Lordship's handling, beseeching it may please you to direct me touching my return, or in the mean [time] whatsoever shall seem good to your Lordship. Indorsed: Baron of Delvin [t]o my Lord, cau[ses] of his stay in Ireland. p. 1.

Nov. 20. Tristernagh.

87. Captain W. Piers (old Captain Piers) to Walsyngham. In most humble manner my duty remembered to your Honour. I have sent herein inclosed in a letter from O'[Neill] to Her Majesty. The man reposeth trust in me, and find . . . he hath not hitherto slipt from his allegiance and loyalty, thought it not amiss to see it safely conveyed to your Honour. I need not acquaint your Honour's grave wisdom with that worthy exploit, and noble piece of service, lately done by Sir Richard Byngham upon the Scots in Connaught. I know others have given sufficient advertisements as well of the manner of the service, as made thorough report of the order of the action, only this I may without offence to any unless trouble of tediousness to your Honour, both truly affirm, and give notice of, that the like hath not been done in this kingdom within memory of one man's age, surely God blesseth the gentleman, and sauceth the event of his enterprises with good success, whose only endeavours tend to the advancement of Her Majesty's service, and whole care and daily study is the administration of justice and maintenance of the commonwealth; I wish we had many of his inclination and disposition, or at least fewer in authority, who careless to do like good, yet seems to impugn what they may, so worthy a man's proceedings. And even so craving pardon for this my presumption, being very pensive and most sorrowful my hard hap holds me in this world an impotent wretch, not able to serve in place of my accustomed profession, I rest. P.S.—If your Honor returns answer to O'Neill, I humbly crave (so as it may seem good to your Honor's grave wisdom) to have the same sent me. As I did write in my former letters by Captain Fowle, so am I bold to iterate the same again, the man who maketh God author of his actions, and levels at advancement of his glorious Gospel, must needs prosper and have good success in what he takes in hand. The Lord Grey's course of government is sufficient testimony for the same. Indorsed: "Ould Captayne Piers: with Oneals letters to Hir Matie." p. 1.

Nov. 23. Dublin Castle.

88. Lord Deputy Perrot to Thomas Norreys, Esq., Vice-president of the province of Munster, Jesse Smythes, Chief Justice of the said province, Thomas Wiseman, and James Golde, gent., Commissioners. Whereas we are given to understand by our very good Lord the Viscount Barry, that albeit his Lordship hath showed you a pardon granted unto him, and others contained in the same, in the time of the Lord Grey whereby his and their lands are reserved yet his Lordship informeth that you have found some part of their said lands by office, and hath made humble suit unto us, that the same might be stayed until further consideration be had thereof. These are therefore to will and require you not to return the office taken upon any of the lands belonging to the said Lord Viscount, or to any others contained in the said pardon, without first acquainting us therewith, or until you shall receive further direction from us in that behalf. Indorsed: Touching the offices about the Viscount Barry's lands. p. 1/2.

Nov. 28. Cork.

89. Mr. John Myaghe to Burghley. Right honourable and my very good Lord. Being informed that some men of this country being there have made false accusations and evil reports of me unto your Honour, to remove your good opinion of me which you have continued since the time I was student at Lincoln's Inn, about twenty-eight years ago, my accusers nor the matter I know not, but thus much favour I crave at your Honour's hands, not to believe any false reports of me that have so carefully and truly served Her Majesty and spent all my young days in Her service, till such time as I shall know what matter I am charged withal and mine answer be heard thereunto, assuring your Honour if I have credit or alliance in this my native country the same have been ever stretched to the furtherance of Her Majesty's service, and the profit of my poor commonwealth (which shall be verified by such as bare authority in Ireland since the first time I was placed an officer in Munster), and so will continue for the few years I have to live. I esteem more of your honourable favour and good will than I do of any other reward or gift. It is hard for a man to govern in the place of justice these twenty years, but he must purchase enmity and malice, and especially in Ireland who can escape without some accusations? There is an honest citizen there at Court named James Miaghe, who was sheriff of Desmond and did good and acceptable service which we who have served here do know, I beseech your Honour, if his suit be reasonable, help him, for by his long abode he hath undone himself, his wife, children and family. Indorsed: Recommendeth his kinsman James Meagh. p. 3/4.

Nov. 29. Dublin.

90. Sir N. White, Master of the Rolls, to Burghley. If the greatness of foreign and home causes there could afford so much leisure as to harken to the present state here, I doubt not but Her Majesty should find this her kingdom at more advantage now to work her will withal, than any of her progenitors have had it these three hundred years past. And in my poor opinion such an opportunity would not be let slip, when it offereth itself without resistance or charge to Her Highness. My duty to Her Majesty and my love to my native country, move me to write thus much to your wisdom, being also stirred the more thereto, through the continual calling on me of the Lords and people of Connaught to have the counterpanes of the late indentures of composition, past as well betwixt Her Majesty and them, as also betwixt the Lords and their tenants to be signed and delivered unto them by the Lord Deputy, which his Lordship forbeareth to do, without the privity of Her Highness. My good Lord, there was never thing I took in hand that more cumbered my wits or strained my body than the proportioning of this work, which remaineth with me finished and ingrossed without any penny charge to Her Majesty. The revenue is both great to her and easy to her people by the generality thereof, gotten with universal good will, and so like always to continue if covenants be kept with them. It amounteth in manors, rents, royalties, and services above 4,000l. a year, as by an abstract of the work may appear. If it stand not with Her Majesty's pleasure to allow of my coming over to show it, then I humbly crave in recompense of my pains that promise be kept with the people in discharge of my word and conscience gaged to them in that behalf. The disagreement of our two chiefest officers here will work, I fear, some ill effect to the common tranquillity, for even yesterday at the committing of Dudley Bagenall, second son to the Marshal, for breaking the Lord Deputy's letters of commandment for his appearance to answer a poor man's complaint, and beating of the party that delivered them, the Lord Deputy and Chancellor squared in opinion touching his commitment. Many like bickerings happen often, wherewith I will not trouble your Honour by writing.

There is a notable example made this term, in the last day of the Castle Chamber of one Henry Eylande, sheriff of the county of Roscommon in Connaught, for hanging and ransoming many of Her Majesty's subjects contrary to law, and extortious taking of their goods and chattels from them, for which he is adjudged to pay 500l. fine, to endure one year's imprisonment, to receive public punishment in that county, to make satisfaction to the parties grieved, and to answer the murders in the Queen's Chief Bench. These be the men that makes (sic) Her Majesty's laws hateful to Her people, and have been too long borne withal. Now my dear Lord I am to signify to your Honor, God's good pleasure in visiting me with the loss of my son Thomas White, who ended his life the 26th of this month by taking of a strong purgative unknown to me, except the special gift of God, this is no place to learn patience, where impatience and irreverent contentions are daily exercised in our association, from which I desire to be delivered. If Sir John Perrot stand so much in your Lordship's good favour as he believeth, then my good Lord it were a good work in mine opinion to help to recontinue the Earl of Ormond and him in their accustomed old friendship, the breach whereof is thought to be the chiefest encouragement of this our unquietness. I know the Earl to be both wise and honourable, and yet some here may run on beyond measure upon hope of his partaking there. pp. 2.

Nov. 30. Dublin.

91. Patrick Barnwall, Lord of Trimleston, to Burghley. My humble duty remembered unto your Honour. Having received your Honor's letter, for which I render humble thanks, being glad to have occasion to advertise your Honour of the universal quiet state of this Her Highness' realm of Ireland, which so well governed at this instant, as I hope in God will grow shortly to great wealth, with the increase of Her Majesty's revenues, where heretofore the subjects were not able to be masters of their goods and chattels, by mean of stealths and spoils by the Irishry, now God be thanked their cattle lieth in the fields safe without fear, and all the Irishry as amenable and obedient to the Lord Deputy's direction as any Englishman in the Pale. As the feeling thereof is a comfort to Her Majesty's poor subjects here, so I hope it will be a joy to your Honour to hear the same, and will be also aiding to the continuance thereof. p. 1/2.

Nov.

92. Supply of munition for Ireland under the hand of Sir F. Walsyngham. p. 1.

Nov.

93. Reasons set down by Captain [N.] Dawtrey showing why the ward of the Queen's storehouse at Carrickfergus, commonly named the Palace, should be continued after the building or finishing of the walls of the said town.

First, concerning the ward of the storehouse commonly named the Palace about 16 years past the charge of the said house was committed unto one Cornwall, but soldiers he had none other than 16 artificers as bakers, brewers, and three labourers. At that time the house was attempted by Sir Brian M'Felim O'Neill, who was like to have entered it by means of the cowardice of the said artificers afore rehearsed, but the Mayor of the town seeing the ward run away from their charge stepped into the house with all the force he could make, leaving the town in danger for the safeguard of the Queen's house and store, which he rescued, and put the enemy from the house, by which means they entered the town and burnt a great part thereof with the church. Whereupon the Lord Deputy then being, put in a ward of 20 soldiers which hath been continued ever since unto this day. This precedent doth make the townsmen to remember the guarding of their own houses in any such time of exigency that may fall out hereafter.

Note that the enemy doth envy that house and mill, more than anything in the north of Ireland by reason that it is a place of strong stowage for corn and victual to relieve Her Majesty's forces in the heart of Ulster, whereby it enableth a garrison to be planted there or anywhere within 20 or 30 miles more northward or into the country, from whence they are relieved with bread and beer, without the which garrisons cannot be maintained in those parts, and being so near a frontier unto the landing of the Scots as it is generally all the bad people of Ulster and the Scottish Isles do seek the overthrow of that house more than the town and castle or any other in Ulster.

It hath been often seen that many secret practices and ambushes have been laid to win that house sithence the foresaid rebellion of Sir Brian M'Felim O'Neill mentioned in the first article, both in the time of Thomas Sackford the late seneschal, as also in the time of the now seneschal. In the night when they have sent their spies in Captain Dawtrey's time they have been often shot at by the watch of the Palace, in the day they (the enemy I mean) have laid divers ambushes for to have the killing of him the said captain, who was shot at by seven shot at once that were laid for him, being upon the walls of the said Palace, but God was his defence, whilst in his time the house was attempted by violent force by the Scots. At the last attempt the said Captain Dawtrey was discharged by letters out of England 10 days before the attempt: And having but a very few men left, whom he reserved for his own guard and to convey his stuff into Dublin, meaning upon the discharge of his ward to have given over the office of seneschalship, remaining certain days after for the conveyance of his stuff as aforesaid, the Scots attempted the Palace again with resolute purpose to have won it, but the said captain not departed before the Scots' coming, defended the house, and at that conflict slew four of the best Scots, besides many that were hurt, by which means the Scots were discomfited and put back without achieving their purpose, whereupon the said captain stayed and advertised the Lords Justices of the things that had happened, whereupon the said Lords continued the said ward unto the said Captain Dawtrey unto this day.

Item, the said Palace or abbey standeth upon one corner of the town wall and without the town; it must be strongly warded, otherwise it will be broken; for if the town be never walled the enemy will never attempt it upon the inward part of the town by reason of the strong stone houses or castles (as they call them) that stand within the town, but on the outside from the town which is the place that they always did attempt it, which will be no more defensible, or strong, when the town is built than it is now the town is unbuilt, for the building of the town addeth nothing unto the strength of the Palace.

And lastly, the country-people of those parts under the government of the seneschal, are so aptly furnished of men and means to take arms at all times, when their wicked disposition so serveth, as justly it may be said that no officer in Ireland is more often and more dangerously called to the field than he is, who having none other private charge of men in Her Majesty's pay as yet, than the said ward, cannot in good consideration be countenanced with any less. For the said seneschal now two years since, being one amongst others that entered the glynns upon the Scots, was there sore hurt and bled so much that he was unable of himself to go from the place, and in case he had not by his own warders (whereof he taketh commonly some 15 or 16 with him to the field) been succoured and carried away, he saw not but that there he had been left to the enemy, for the other troops as careless of him and looking after their own chiefs, or else to say the best they not seeing or knowing his hurt, proceeded so speedily onwards that he might well have been left behind had it not been for his own warders aforesaid, of whom also there happened but eight to be at his rescue, whereof five were likewise hurt in this relieving of the said seneschal.

Indorsed: "By Capten Dawltrey." [This seems to identify the names Dawtrey and Dealtry.]