Elizabeth: March 1565

153. Randolph to Cecil. [March 1–3.]

After writing my last letter, there came hither young Murray of Tilliebarne that passed by you out of France. His chief errand was from Earl Bothwell, to purchase some grace and favour either for his return, or by this Queen's means to enjoy "ther" some such condition of life as he may live with the countenance of a man of his calling and birth. How this is accepted or will be answered, I know not. Of herself, she is not evil affected to him, but there are many causes why he is not so looked on as some other are—and more favour cannot be showed to him, accused of conspiring against her to take her by force and to kill those in chief credit about her, and when committed to prison (as it may be thought finding himself guilty) broke it and left his country—than to him (fn. 1) that detected the same and is yet detained. As I care not what becomes of him, I regard less what I write.

Letters also I hear are come from the Cardinal, whereby the Queen learns with what honour her dearest uncle "the noble prelate" was received in Paris, and what great kindness is like to grow between the houses of Montmorency and Guise. The first report of it which she heard by the advertisement I had from your honour, "brede the greate sorrowe" and I heard say she wept a while. "Thys she passed over with a shrewde worde or two agaynste hym that that daye so encounterd hym, and cawsed her dere uncle and coussen to tayke a howse for their refuge. Thys reverend Cardinall seekethe still by all meanes and practises, to have foote in courte, or at the leaste throughe credyt in courte, to save his throte from cuttinge." One great point he thinks won, in having the Prince of Condé his friend, whom he intends to match with the "Dame of Guyse," the next and greatest if he find the means, to marry this Queen again in France, to the King himself (for that cause some say D'Oysel has to do at Rome)—or on the young Duke of Orleans, though but a boy—how little profit pleasure or honour soever it should be to his "neece" to take him, whom above money, yea! his own soul he seems to love! Of this matter there has been for a good time some whispering, now come abroad against this Queen's will, so far that it is muttered amongst us, that she altogether mislikes her sweet and kind uncle's manner of dealing, to bestow her he cares not how or where, so he may make the match. To meet this, she imagines what may be fittest. To follow altogether her own fantasy, is not best to be allowed. To be ordered by her own subjects however faithful they be, is to yield too much, and more than can stand with a princely heart. She is most willing to follow the advice of one in grandeur like herself, in wisdom through experience beyond her, equal in honour, in heart and good will far passing any that has hitherto given counsel. To addict herself to my Sovereign's devotion she thinks most surety, to be advised by her most honourable, "and in doynge therof she hathe whearwith to satysfie all other that thus ernestlye presse her to do that whear unto her hearte ys fortheste of."When it shall be known to all with what judgement she has weighed the suits made to her, how wisely she has thought of her estate and country, in rather reposing herself on a Queen as her mother or sister seeking only her weal, than following the advice of those that seek only to make merchandize and their own profit of her—who cannot but commend her wisdom and discretion?

How to assure that all this by me here written, is her mind and shall take effect, is harder than I can give warrant for, yet I am certainly informed by those worthy of credit that it is so: and as I may be deceived, it is that which has made me so often crave that some wiser than myself may be here to try the verity thereof, and deal further therein than my wits will serve me; for I had rather be out of the world than that the Queen's Majesty should be deceived. I refer all these matters to your consideration as you think good. On Tuesday (fn. 2) Murray caused me to dine with him alone, saving his wife and the laird of Patarrowe the controller. Much of what I have written "passed our mouthes," and divers doubts cast as to the Queen's Majesty's part towards this Queen. They thought no greater honour could be than her majesty to have a queen at her will, and a whole country and people to rule and guide as she listed. I said these things might be bought too dear as is required: they said it is not the kingdom of England that is looked for, as it could not be had of right without the loss of a dearer friend than a kingdom is worth; but only the honour and name of "heire apparante, dawghter adoptive, or syster to a Quene of Englande," moves her most, and will content her subjects best, rather than she should do all for nought and neglect the counsel of her friends. I said again that they required "hym" to be matched with their Queen, "that stoode in hope of a greater at home, one unwillinge ever to marrie but whear he judged of all createurs moste worthynes, a man that shalbe broughte from all quietnes of lyf, from honour inoughe, from lyvinge sufficiente, to dwell in a straynge countrie, with an unknowne people, to lyve in daynger and subjection (as whoe so ever that is not a Kinge and mariethe a Quene, muste and shall submyt hym self to a thousande adventeurs and parels"), which no friend that loved him could advise him to do! 'To saye playnlye to you' said Murray, 'for the partie whome you meane, I trowe we shall fynde more contentemente in hym then anye thynge els that ys lyke to fawle unto us; to whom yf we coulde wyshe greater honour, we thynke hym worthye of yt—yet I do beleve that with owte hym, we shall the worce lyke the reste, for of hym we have some knowledge, and have some assurance of his vertu to all our contentementes; for thother yt is uncertayne, and yf yt fell tomorrowe, I trowe that yt wolde breed us more troble then commoditye, and no lesse sorrowe to our mestres then to anye of yourselves.' I said little to this, but leave it to your honour.

Pitarrow then said, 'I wolde we coulde laye asyde these respectes of honour, pleasure, and commoditie, and go rundelye to worke of ether parte, to see what is Gods honour and the weale of bothe the countries; and yf thys be yt to have our soveregne marrie with a good Chrystian, and for bothe the realmes to lyve in frendeshipe, I wolde that theie lacked some what of their willes; for whear all is in opinions and termes of greatnes and suche lyke, and in thys poynte I wolde that theie lacked some what of their willes; for whear all is in will, reason ys not the guide. And for my lord Robert (he bearethe yet here no nother name, for Leicester is not so reddie in our mouthes as that which we were wonte to call hym by) suppose that he yealde so miche unto reason, as he to be the meane to unite these two contries togyther, what hathe he loste of honour, what of proffit, what of pleasure thoughe not so greate as he dothe desyer, yet inoughe for anye man that fearethe God, or cane be contente to lyve under a lawe? The dayngers you speake of, waye them withe judgemente, and you shall fynde them lesse for hym to marrie abroode then with anye that he cane matche with at home. Yf he marrie with your Quene, the nateur of your countrie men will hardlye beare yt; yf he tayke ther anye other, yet will yt not be inoughe to awoide suspicion. I speake yt playnlye, and for his vertu I love hym, and yf you gyve us a papyste, I had rather that you tooke all the reste from us. You saye that we are poore: I confesse that our substance is not equall to youris, yet kynges have contented themselves with that which here theie have founde, and maynie mo thinges maye come to his handes, which yet the Quene takethe scruple to possesse, which upon hym were better bestowed then nowe the are. I wolde not that you sholde measure our tymes nowe as theie have byne, nether for daynger to those that raigne over us, nor yet for our povertie which you laye before us. Let us not therfore be estemed so lyttle worthe, or our good willes so lyttle regarded, nowe that you maye dyspose of us as you will, but as you professe frendeshipe, so lette yt be seen, let yt appere in deade, prolonge no tyme, tayke yt when yt servethe—you are a scholler, you knowe what venire in tempore is. Remember as you have hearde spoken here by my lord, howe ernestlye she is soughte otherwyse, you knowe her yeares, you see the lustynes of her boddie, you knowe what these thynges requere—yt is all our partes to farther yt—losse of her tyme is our dystruction, and yt is our parte to be moste carefull for that which we knowe to be fetteste and moste assured for her estate. Thys whiche hathe byne moved from your mestres, of all wyse men is beste allowed, and we that are her subjectes contente ourselves with yt, yea! thynke ourselves happie yf yt come to passe. Leave not therfore to do us good, we remember how myche we are beholdinge unto you, and nowe mayke us bounde unto you for ever. Lees us not, for we will hardelye be founde. As some of us have had, (nexte unto our owne soveregne), a trewe hearte unto you for ever, or at the leaste since we begane to knowe Good arighte—I speake yt for my lord as for my self—so shall we never be other, excepte that yt come of your selves. Thys I wolde that the Quenes majestie your mestres knewe, and yf I were present with her, I wolde tayke the boldenes to speake yt, and myche more then I have saide.' I did not contradict him much, rather willing to hear him than to speak.

I could neither put them in hope, nor discourage them. 'Of all thys' said Murray, 'I have the worste parte, yt is knowne through England, France and Scotland, what matters have passed betwene your mestres and myne, and yf theie be not keapte so secrete as you wolde, blame yourselves as well as us. I am knowne to be a travailer to your effecte, which I repente not, for before God, I do thynke yt the beste. Yf yt come well to passe, tayke the honour whoe will, yt is inoughe for me to have dyscharged my deutie to God and my countrie, and to have whearwith to testifie that I am woide of ingratitude towardes your soveregne, seinge other wyse I am not hable to serve her for the benefyte receaved—yf yt go otherwyse then well, the burdayne is whollye myne, for that I am the counceller, the devyser, the perswader—and howe well some all reddie lyke of me, you knowe, and beinge ever had in suspicion for Englande, ether I shall be forced to shewe my self their playne ennemie, or everie worde that I do speake of them (be yt never so trewe or juste) shalbe had in suspicion. Yf she marye anye other, what mynde will he beare me, that knowethe howe myche I do myslyke therwith? Yf he be a papyste, ether we muste obbeye or fawle into newe combers, and I ever to be thoughte the ringeleader. But to speake these thynges what dothe yt awayle? I wolde that theie were hearde in some other eares that myghte do good in them, or I wolde that I had that frendeshipe amongeste you, that anye man wolde tender my case as I do theirs. To wryte these thynges I maye not, nor to speake them to you but that I truste you, I wolde not—to sende them by anye man to be declared by mouthe, I will not. But whye sholde I of thys matter speake anye more? yt is not the fyrste tyme that you have hearde me saye as myche; I se nothynge the better, but dryfte of tyme, delayes from daye to daye, and to do all for nothynge, and to gette nothynge for all'! This talk and the like, I had long with these two lords, the first time I ever talked together of this matter, which now I know they did of purpose, that I might be warned of what might insue, if by our default matters take not good effect. I said what I could to confirm their good minds to my sovereign, and avoid causeless suspicion, for things would end better than they looked for. When we parted, Murray said secretly to me—'Whatsomever ye do with us, contende and stryve as myche as you cane to bringe us from our papystrie, for otherwyse yt wilbe worce with us then ever yt was.' I hope now better of her than ever. I see she takes some despite against the Queen Dowager, and her opinion of her uncle the Cardinal your honour may perceive; and what I like best, his spy Luserye her physician, goes shortly away, who is greatly credited with her, and no man so much amongst us for French matters—I would he be well used passing through England. He departs within 14 days, and other Frenchman of credit, wisdom, or honesty she has not about her. An Italian "Piemontois" (fn. 3) a singer that came with M. Moret is her secretary for French affairs. He "croope in" on suspicion gathered against Raulet, whose case and what befell him, your honour has heard.

I hear means are made to this Queen for the Duke Monpencier, who it is said shall be made Duke of "Burbon."

The Dutchman I wrote of has a message also to the Queen's Majesty. His errand here was to warn this Queen against her subjects' traffic with Sweden, and that he will suffer no ship to pass the "Sounde." Edinburgh, 1st March 1564. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

While I was writing, there fell on us so sudden and great a storm of snow, that I could get no man to ride to Berwick, and they have "lyne by me" these 3 days. On Thursday (fn. 4) at a great dinner with Murray, there was Lennox and my lord his son, most of the noblemen in town and the ladies of the court: I was also there. The Queen sent word she wished herself in the company, and was sorry she was not bidden. It was merrily answered, the house was her own, she might come undesired; others said they were merriest when the table was fullest, but princes ever used to dine alone. She then sent word that she summoned us all against Sunday, (fn. 5) to be at her banquet at the marriage of "her Englisheman."After dinner we all came to her grace's presence; amongst them Murray and I had longest talk. Nothing that ever before had been spoken of, but was renewed, and her words were full of good will and readiness to do whatsoever with her honour, might stand most to our sovereign's contentment. She talked long of our sovereign's estate, government, of her mercy and pity towards offenders, and specially had not followed her predecessors' steps in shedding blood. We fell on religion: "I boore her grace in hande that she begane to savare (fn. 6) of the Hugenottes. That she denied. We tawlked of her masse: she defended yt the beste that she coulde. We have concluded that the chance of her religion shalbe so sone as she cane be perswaded to better, which she thynkethe she cane not be by anye that yet she hathe hearde speake. I desyered her to tayke consell of the quenes majestie my mestres. 'Abyde' saythe she, 'untyll I come ther.' I asked her when that sholde be? and she saide 'When your mestres wolde.'" We then fell on her marriage. She said to that she was minded. "I prayde God that her choyce myghte be good. 'He muste be suche one as he wyll gyve me.' I saide that God had made a fayer offer in hym for whome I had byne so oftayne tymes in hande with her grace. 'Of thys matter,' saythe she, 'I have sayde inoughe, excepte that I sawe greater lykelyhood, nor I maye not applie and sette my mynde but whear I intende to be a wyf in deade. And in good faythe no creatour lyvinge shall mayke me breake more of my will then the Quene my good syster, yf she wyll use me as a syster—yf not, I' muste do as I maye, and yet not fayle unto her in anye thynge that ys my parte.'" I wished to enter no further herein, till I learn my sovereign's pleasure, but as far as I can perceive, she bears more good will to my sovereign than to any other—and this by her words to myself, and some things "largelyer" spoken by others.

Murray requests that for his brother-in-law the Master of Marischal who is continually under bands for ransom and presently in England to his great hindrance, it would please you and my lord of Leicester to move the Queen for letters to my lord of Northumberland to set him to reasonable ransom, to be void of the yearly cumber of making his entry to his great expense of living there.

The Italian Angelo has given up salt making, and left the country. Lennox and his son are well and daily at Court, but now less talk of anything intended by the Queen to him than at his first "newe commynge." The Duke is not yet resolved, but uses himself "warylye." I discomfort him in nothing nor assure him of what I cannot perform. Divers noblemen are come to this great marriage, to be solemnized tomorrow. "Olde Captaine Bortewicke is gone to God." Of the Earl of Montethe I wrote a good while since. He is much lamented for one of the most zealous protestants in this country.

Since writing hereof, there came out of England a servant of the Master of Marischal who declares to my lord of Murray that his master is "straytlye handeled, with iiij men at hys charges to attende upon hym," and no liberty or pleasure—that no bands will be taken from him as heretofore—and he is out of my lord of Northumberland's hands, committed to "one M^r Slyngesbye at Knavesborrowe." Murray thinks this usage worse than in times past, and more charges than he can bear, and trusts you will find means to remedy it, and have him put to reasonable ransom. Praying your answer at convenience. He conceives more unkindness against Sir Henry Percy, as he thinks him the occasion. Edinburgh. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

11 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

154. Lennox to Cecil. [March 10.]

I desire by your friendliness to procure of the Queen's majesty a new licence for me to abide here for three months more—as I cannot proceed so soon as I thought in the assurance of my lands to my son—the laws here requiring 3 or 4 months at the least. This licence I only ask on necessity, for if I despatch not the matter while my son is here, his coming were in vain, and I must be present at the doing thereof. My greatest care is not to offend her majesty, but I trust by my lord of Leicester's good help (to whom I have also written) and yours, she will be satisfied herein.

"Also I shall desyer you to obteyne Harry (fn. 7) a lycens for thre or fower geldynges to geve." The Court at Holyrood House. Signed: "Your very assured freind, Mathow Levenax."

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

155. Murray and Maitland to Leicester and Cecil. [March 12.]

As our especial friend the Master Marischal, of late called to enter himself prisoner conform to his band, by my lord of Northumberland, and put by him in the hands of his brother Sir Henry Percy, has been we are informed handled by him in such rigorous manner, as is not fit for this time of peace and amity, or for a noble man in affinity and friendship with some of us: we doubt not you will move the Queen's Majesty to command my lord and his brother to use such humanity as the case craves, and that a reasonable ransom be appointed—failing which that the Master may have leave to "wiset and ordour his awin affayres" and then enter again to Sir Henry. Edinburgh. Signed: James Stewart, W. Maitland.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's Clerk).

156. Murray and Maitland to Leicester and Cecil. [March 13.]

We have heard of the late edict by the Queen's authority, commanding all ministers to wear a certain habit different from their present apparel, "as tippattis, corned cappis," and others—which we doubt not will trouble the consciences of some, and before they wear it, will leave their ministry. "For they being now the trew precheouris of Godis word, gif thai suld tak on the apparell usit in tyme of papistrie, quhat sall the multitude and mony ma think of it, bot as in outward habit thay wair the papistis apparell, sa in thair hartes thay approve thair doctrine?" What scandal may ensue among yourselves and your neighbours, we leave to your judgment. Therefore we write to you as labourers for the truth of God "thairaway," so to travail with the Queen's Majesty, that this edict be suspended, or at least delayed for a time, that men be not "thrall and bund aganis thair conscience to ony certane apparell," and the rumour shall pass away, whereof to our grief we have heard too much here. Edinburgh. Signed: James Stewart, W. Maitland.

(fn. 8) "Althogh I do not prayse the precisenes off soche as do mak every thing a mater off conscience (off which nombre ther ar to many in both realmes) yet wold I not wisshe that men were to far preassed in maters which do anyways prick them in conscience."

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

157. Randolph to Cecil. [March 15.]

This Queen is daily in hand with me to know how soon I judge the Queen's Majesty will resolve to conclude in those things so long in communication, and is in some mistrust of these long delays. I know not if Murray in the letter I enclose to you, has mentioned it. Of Bothwell's arrival I doubt not your honour is advertised by my lord of Bedford. The Queen altogether mislikes his home coming without her licence, and has already sent a "sergante of armes" to summon him to underlie the law—which if he refuse to do, he shall be pronounced rebel. As it is thought he will perchance seek refuge in England, I am required to write to you to move her majesty that he may have no "receate" there, and her officers be warned; as I have already written to Lord Bedford and Sir John Foster. As Bothwell is also charged by "Murraye that came laste owte of France," of speaking dishonourable words against this Queen, and threatening my lord of Murray and Lethington, that he would be the death of both when he returned to Scotland: and Murray calls to witness of these words one Dandie Pringle dwelling beside Newcastle: my lord of Murray has himself written to Pringle, and desired me also to write to him, to come here with all speed to know what he can say. He was then servant to Bothwell and has promised, if called, to verify the same.

I have written before of Lord Seton hurting Francis Douglas who is yet in peril of his life, and of Seton's pursuit therefor by Morton and Lethington. He has now got leave to go to France to avoid the cumber he is fallen into. I shall be required to write in his favour, how little soever he has deserved it.

My lord of Argyll has been continually sick since he came to this town—he plainly says to me he mislikes Darnley's coming home—for he says the affections of women are uncertain. He will abide by that to which he has already given his consent, and if he finds anything intended otherwise, he and his will provide as best they can for themselves.

For myself, I see no great goodwill borne to him. (fn. 9) Of her grace's good usage and often talk with him, her countenance and good visage, I think it proceeds rather of her own courteous nature, than that anything is meant which some here fear may insue. Time at least will show. Edinburgh. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

(fn. 10) Before despatching these I received the Queen's Majesty's and your letters, to which I say nothing till I have declared her Majesty's will to this Queen. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

2 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

158. Randolph to Cecil. [March 17.]

On Friday I declared to this Queen the contents of her majesty's commandment to me, with which she was more commoved than for that present she spoke. I neither added or left unspoken anything in the letter, but uttered all as best to show my sovereign's good will. When it came to the point I desired to know what answer I might either send or carry myself to the Queen's Majesty? she desired me to have time to advise thereon till the morrow. To-day attending on her grace, she asked me if Lethington had spoken to me since yesterday? for she had willed him to ask me to write for the Queen's passport for him to go to France, and for more speed would send a servant of her own to depart to-morrow. What her mind is I may conjecture rather than know for certain—but I find her discontented, and hear by some that she has "weapte her fyll" since I declared the Queen's resolution to her. Some great conference I know there is between the Cardinals of Lorraine and Grandevile; a request came lately hither that she would not be over hasty to conclude in any matter with England. To confer of these she will give credit to none but Lethington. With him I have not spoken to-day, but did yesterday. Of the answer he says he does not mislike, but to counsel his mistress to make longer stay or drive more time, he neither can nor will. Murray is of opinion that it will in time grow to further unkindness, and is the "sorrowefulleste" man that may be. I write in haste, perchance to find things altered to-morrow, but assure you at present this Queen and those who know the resolution, are grieved at their hearts. I have to write of the Duke, Argyll, and many other mischiefs like to grow here—some for religion—some for fear of overthrowing their houses—some for doubt of her marriage with some papist—and never found in my life so discontented a people as here. One thing touching myself, I desire to be resolved in by your next: whether I may without offence to the Queen's majesty, "for all the lothenes" that I find in some, as the Duke, Argyll, Murray and others, purchase myself leave to return? which will sooner be had of this Queen, than content of many others. I despatch this in haste. Beton shall be the next to come, if this resolution hold, which I will overthrow if in my power, or at least give them advice to take better "advisemente." Edinburgh, Saturday 17^th March, late in the night. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

2 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

159. Randolph to Cecil. [March 27. 1565.]

This morning I wrote what I thought should have served your honour for a whole day—but this evening calling to mind what purpose I had with Murray this day after dinner, I would not leave it unwritten. Yesterday a post from France brought with him the certainty of the Cardinal of Lorraine's chase in Paris, as your honour has heard, and confirms that before written, viz.: the Constable allows his son's doings, and "comber" is like to insue. These matters grieve not a little the Queen, for in this Cardinal is her whole trust. He desires instantly to have some resolution from her of the marriage propounded to her for the Duke of Orleans, which both by herself and those about her "is so dyspyted as nothynge cane be more." This the Cardinal does to assure his own estate that way, as he has confirmed the same with the Prince of Condé by his sister-in-law the Duchess of Guise. He is earnest to have this Queen send Lethington to France with her mind. What to do or whereon to resolve, she is marvellously in doubt. She desires to do what may be most to our sovereign's contentment, her own people's desire, and the worth of our friendship. To this she is brought I know, only by Murray, who fears that through the long delays in the resolution looked for, either his sovereign will change her mind, or be forced to yield, seeing no better, either to the desire of France, or some other "as evle or worce." If she match with France, we shall not long agree with England, besides the doubt of erecting papistry: "yf she tayke fantacie to thys new come geste, (fn. 11) then shall theie be sure of myscheif, sedition and debate at home." It lies in the Queen's Majesty's hands, he says, to remedy these, and have this Queen at her devotion, besides the hearts of all the godly that fear these miseries hanging over their heads.

One little history, and I will take leave. While she was in Fife, her household tarried at Holyroodhouse, where a priest was assigned to say them mass daily: to which there was such resort, that the godly were offended, and consulted how to remedy it. Some would have hanged the priest, others proclaim that none should repair there but the Queen's servants and household; the wiser sort found it best to advertise the Queen, and request that her own order be observed. With this message a messenger was despatched over the water—she heard his errand with patience, and promised speedy redress. And that there should be no doubt of performance, lest that on Sunday last the fury of the people might extend as they were minded against "Sir John," she hastened her journey home before that day, and yet at her mass time very many came to the gates, but could not be let in. What shall be done I know not, but what mischief this mass works you see, and what may insue if she match with a popish prince!

At her coming to the Laird of Lundie's house in Fife, who is a "grave anciente man, whyte heade, and whyt bearde," he knelt down to her, and said, 'Madame, thys is your howse, and the lande belongyng to the same, all my good and geere is yours. These vij boyes (which are as tawle men as any man hathe in Scotlande for so maynie sonnes, and the least xxv yeres of age) and myself wyll ware our boddies in your graces service withowte your majestes charge, and we wyll serve you trewlye: but Madame, one humble petition I wolde mayk unto your grace in recompence of thys—that your majestie wyll not have no masse in thys howse so longe as yt pleasethe your grace to tarrye in yt.' The Queen took his words well enough, but asked him 'whye?' He said he knew it to be worse than the "mickill Devle" with many other "spytefull" words. His request was granted, and he thought himself "twyse happie" to have the Queen in his house, and that it should not be polluted with idolatry. Here is another tale quite contrary:—the laird of Bamouto (fn. 12) "elder then the other grave anciente, an inveterat papyste for his lyf, he gave hys howse and lande unto the Quene upon the quyte contrarie condition, savinge his vij sonnes (so maynie he hathe also) 'which' saythe he, 'forsake me all in my religion, which makethe me sorrie at my harte.' Ther she had masse and bothe he and his wyf at yt. Thone is noted a godly, honeste, faythefull man—thother so evle spoken of, that yf all come to hys eares, I beleve he wyll dye for sorrowe!" I have led you to the end of my paper with such stories, and not told you the Queen is somewhat evil disposed, nor that Darnley is ridden this day to meet his father coming to this town. Edinburgh, after 10 at night. Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

3 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

160. Mary to Elizabeth. [March 30.]

Praying safe conduct for her cousin George, Lord Seytoun with 12 companions, to pass through her realm to France on his own affairs, and repass at pleasure—to endure for a year. Palace of Holyrood House, "penult" of March, 23^d of her reign. Signed: Your rict gud sister and cusignes, Marie R.

Broadsheet. Addressed. Indorsed. Small wafer signet (France impaling Scotland).

161. Randolph to Cecil. [March 30.]

I have received your letter of 20th instant, which came to my hands the night before Fowler arrived. In the Master of Marischal's matter, both Murray and Lethington think themselves beholden to my lord of Leicester and you, and are content that according to his substance he pay to the uttermost. The uniform order for preachers they well allow, and think no godly man will disallow it. "Marrie"! to constrain them to that brought in by the Pope, and used by none but papists as the badge and livery of him that has been the common subverter of all good order in Christ's church, this they and all the godly wish reformed, "and that no man be broughte to suche necessitie as is saide here that theie shalbe broughte unto." Once again they desire your honour and my lord to consider this, and as God has given you both singular wisdoms, and to your honour "more exacte knowledge of his worde then to maynie other," that you would so travail together that so great an offence to the godly may be removed, for how so ever "fawltles" you are, the blame shall chiefly rest on you two for your credit with her majesty. They would also be sorry that this Queen being "over farre addicted to that kinde of superstition, sholde by anye example from thens, be confirmed in that whearof she hathe allreddie to myche by reason of her education." I write at their desire, more than of myself, though in my heart I wish as they do.

But it more concerns and grieves me to inform you that there fly almost daily so many posts and pacquets "lyke fowles in the aier," bringing such news here out of your court, that they who willingly believe any evil of England lack no matter to "clatter" at their pleasure, or add what they can invent. The first tale is that the Queen's majesty openly reproved the preacher, and willed him to return to his text or hold his peace: the next that her majesty "for iij dayes togyther, wore a payre of beades with a crucifyx hanginge at them." The third, "that Bonar (fn. 13) in his defence at his arraynement, saide that ther was never a lawfull bysshope in Englande, which so astonyshed a greate number of the beste lerned, that yet theie knowe not what answer to gyve him"! and though it was determined he should suffer, he is remitted to the place whence he came and no more said to him. I have been so often told that England was in an uproar about caps, tippets, "etc." that I reprove those that speak of it. Such things brought to this Queen's ear, will confirm what is too deeply printed in her heart. From thence (fn. 14) this people has had example for rooting out idolatry and the beginning of the true worship of God. If any thing redounding to his dishonour be used there, it diminishes or darkens his glory in having his word truly preached here, encouraging the enemy to rejoice, and enlarge their tongues against Him, his ministers, princes and others. I may boldlier deny these bruits than know how to answer them. It is whispered by one this day arrived, that marriage is intended between France and England. How these men learn or invent these things, I would I knew, and could remedy them.

Beton arrived this day and strait departed to the Court at Stirling. Tomorrow Lethington and I follow to know what news he brought, though some of that here written, "he hathe shaken by the waye." There came two days since from Flanders, the new bishop of Dunblane, to whom the Queen gave it since the last died. He may be his son, for he bears his name— "lyke hym in conditions, savinge thys man hathe but ij childrene, whear thother had x or xij, bysydes that which he begotte upon his owne dawghter—but in papystrie all one, or worce yf yt maye be." He reports Flanders and England not like to accord; and has brought from Lovayne a holy man of the Jesuits' order, "the fyrste that ever in Scotlande durste shewe his face." This man remains in town, the prelate hastens towards the Queen. Bothwell has as grievously offended her for words spoken against our Sovereign, as those he spoke of herself, calling her "Cardinals hoore." She has sworn to me upon her honour, that he shall never receive favour at her hands. The gentleman F. Douglas is yet living, but no hope of his recovery. It may please you to let Lord Seton know, if not yet gone from Court. I can write so little in his favour that I care not what becomes of him. [Edinburgh?] Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

3 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

162. Randolph to Throckmorton. [March 31.]

[Begins thus] "noblemans mouthe," that lately the duke's grace and my lord of L[eicester] were playing at "tennes, the Quene beholdinge of them, and my lord Rob[ert] beinge verie hotte and swetinge, tooke the quenes napken owte of her hande and wyped hys face, which the Duke seinge, saide that he was to sawcie and swhore that he wolde laye his racket upon his face. Here upon rose a great troble and the Quene offended sore with the Duke." The tale is told by Atholl the same day that Fowler came here with his master's licence. We lack no news, for what is most secret among you, is sooner at this Queen's ears, that some would think it should be out of "the previe chambre doore whear you are!" These things so please me, that I would your doings were better, or your "titlynge tonges shorter." Bothwell said in F[rance], both the Queens could not make one honest woman; and for his own, if she had taken any but a cardinal, it had been better borne with. Of this you shall know what I have written to my lord of Leicester. Edinburgh, "reddie to ryde to Sterlinge." Signed: Tho. Randolphe.

P.S.—See that you take heed to my letters: "for yf you were as innocent as our lord Jesus Chryste, yf anye evle comme to me, I wyll mayke you partaker." Alexander Clerke my treasurer is sorry it was not your chance to come to this country: he intended to have met you at Berwick and lodged you at coming to Edinburgh. This "darlinge" (fn. 15) of yours is so "dandeled" among us, I fear we shall show our folly.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed. Wafer seal (quartered). The first part of the letter has been lost.