Elizabeth: July 1567

Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 2, 1563-69. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1900.

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'Elizabeth: July 1567', in Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 2, 1563-69, (London, 1900) pp. 342-371. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/scotland/vol2/pp342-371 [accessed 24 April 2024]

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In this section

542. Memoranda for Throkmorton. [July 1].

The Queen to be at liberty with these provisions:—

(1.) The truth of Bothwell's "fact" to be proved before her, and herself induced to believe it by all means.

(2.) Thereon a divorce to be made, and she to commission certain nobles to proceed against him and complices.

(3.) Parliament to assemble with speed and general peace proclaimed.

(4.) Dunbar and Dunbarton to be kept out of Bothwell's hands.

(5.) The principal offices lay and ecclesiastical, to be given by the Queen with advice of her council.

(6.) The succession to the Crown to be renovated and confirmed.

(7.) The Religion to be established, "exceptyng none but the Quenes person," and competent attendance not exceeding [ ].

(8.) That all Bothwell's lands be annexed to the Crown for the prince's education.

(9.) That 4 or 6 councillors at least, attend the Queen monthly.

The Queen of England may be moved to maintain this parliament. [Among memoranda at close is] "Athalia 4 Regum, interempta per Joas Regem."

pp. Draft by Cecil. Indorsed (by him): "At Sir N. Throkmortons goyng into Scotland Julij 1567."

Printed by Keith, Vol. II., 674, from copy in the B.Museum.

543. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 1.]

Being with my lord Keeper this day, I find his opinion concurs with yours for the "necessary havying off the prynce off Scott," grounded me thinks on great reason, and therefore though his health may not suffer him amongst you, let not his opinion be absent. While with him Randoll sent me a packet from the north, which I broke up, and read the letters you see unsealed. In all, I note that the pursuit of the murderers will not stand with the Queen's liberty—for she has "impugned" it so earnestly, she will not be enlarged methinks till the principals and accessories are convicted. I mislike the Hamiltons having Dunbarton at their devotion, and Argyll being among his "Redshanks." Let her majesty take heed that she cause not the divided factions to accord one way or other, and every way to her disadvantage. Either she has forgotten what she said to Melvyn, or he mistook her, "or the lordes be more confortyd then I se cause." I have been with my lord and lady of Lennox, and declared "brefely" her majesty's intent as to the Queen, the prince, the lords, and justice on the murderers. They are much troubled with want of money. "My lady wepte bytterly, my lord syghed depeley." Surely her majesty must needs consider them for her own service! You shall see by Grange's letter he is desired in Scotland. This afternoon my lord Treasurer gave me order for my money, and tomorrow I set forward, taking the French ambassador in my way, to see his countenance and hear what he says. I mean to tell him my special errand is for the Queen's liberty, and touch nothing else. At my house at London. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

2 pp. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

544. R. Melvill to Cecil. [July 1.]

I came here on 29th ulto., and imparted to the lords the Queen's good will to assist them to prosecute the king's murderers and preserve the prince in Mar's custody. The most of them are gone to their houses to repose, except Morton, Atholl, Hume, Lethington, Sir James Balfour captain of the castle (daily in council with them), Master James Makgill and the Justice Clerk. Their going is caused by some bragging of the Hamiltons with Huntly, to convene their forces, under colour to deliver the Queen, although credibly reported that they fear the king's murder will be laid to the bishop of St Andrews' charge. Before my coming the lords wrote divers instructions to me and a letter to her majesty of their good will to serve her before all others. They have been so discreet with France, it need not be offended, and your sovereign will be well pleased. They only need money, for they have already enlisted men, and take up more. The Hamiltons are maintained by the Queen's substance and countenanced by France. It is most needful some money be sent with Sir Nicolas Throgmorton, for their necessity will be within 8 or 10 days. The order to be taken for my going to the Queen is not agreed on, for most of the lords are away, and Lethington is greatly "empeschit" with affairs, and might not have leisure to concur at length. The rest I will refer to his letters. Edinburgh. Signed: Youre honors at pouar and service, R. Melvill.

2 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

545. Maitland to Cecil. [July 1.]

Having conferred with M Mailvill since his return, I perceive as well your constant friendship to me, as your allowance of this common quarrel, enterprised to recover the honour of our country almost lost for that shameful murder, yet unpunished—as also your sovereign's inclination to allow the justice of our cause and to advance the same: which I am sure her majesty shall never have occasion to repent, or that these noblemen shall be unmindful of whatsoever they shall receive at her hand. The ministers of some foreign princes, for whose favour we least looked, and who have no such interest in the case as the Queen your mistress, have in conference made very great and honest offers, which none could have refused, if some looking more narrowly, had not feared that under outward show, there were hid something prejudicial to the good intelligence between these two nations ever since "the mater off Leyth," not yet forgotten. I will not deny that some here, "and I amongst others," think we should keep France in hand, and do nothing to offend them or let them think we have cast them off—thus breeding unnecessary enmity. Yet I dare undertake (unless we find more coldness with you than I will suspect) you shall always find this nobility like best the amity of England, and for your sake neglect offers seeming advantageous to many. I shall never weary till you utterly reject us—not I trust to happen in my time. I have for myself no cause to mislike France, for they have honoured me more than some of my country of greater degree—some will say more than any yet! But I shall never put you and them in equal balance, and this whole fellowship is conformable to the same. If any come here from your sovereign he will understand more hereon of themselves and all their purposes, to her contentation.

Our cause I take by God's help is in good surety. We fear no party here unless set out by the Queen's substance or foreign help. To meet that danger, we have levied some companies of harquebusiers by common contribution. I pray you we may have some comfort of money at her majesty's hands; and whatsoever it please her, quickly sent, shall do more than a greater sum "long a commyng." I should be sorry we had aid from any other, which we must needs do if you refuse us. I pray answer hereof with speed. Edinburgh. At night. Signed: W. Maitland.

3 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

546. Murray to Cecil. [July 2.]

Accrediting the bearer his servitor, whom he sends to England for such causes as he will declare to Cecil at length. Believes he will put to his helping hand when occasion offers, as he has done before. Paris. Signed: James Stewart.

½ p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk): ". . . by Mr Elvingston."

547. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 2.]

As I wrote to you "yesterdaye," I passed by the French ambassador "this daye," whom I found "at cardes" with M. de Villeroye. He moved me that it might please her majesty that her minister concur with any sent by the French king to Scotland, to procure the Queen's liberty—the only mark I see they shoot at; and the more they desire that matter first without any other condition, the more methinks her majesty should "qualefie" her affection to bring it to effect, till justice be done on the offenders, and surety for the lords. They take it ill that De Villeroye was denied audience; and by some words the ambassador "let slyppe," either M. de Croke will be stayed in Scotland on my going, or is like to be returned thither when he reaches London. I showed them her majesty sent me to comfort the Queen in her "calamitye," and procure her liberty, as too great an indignity to be shown by subjects, and I looked, like Villeroye, to be denied access. They seemed to "make no dowbte" I should have leave to speak with her. If they refused me access, I said I would address myself to the Hamiltons and the party wishing her at liberty, as what my mistress chiefly sought, though she also desired justice on the murderers. I advertise thus much, that her majesty and you may "use the lyke speche unto them tomorowe at theire audyence," if it please her, for I thought not good to appear that her majesty had any other "desygnemente." A packet passed this afternoon which I saw not, and by your next please let me know what is "chaunsed" in Scotland since the 27th of last. Ware. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

pp. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

548. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 3.]

I met this packet here; you shall see by Mr Marshal's letter the occurrents amongst them, "some contrarietye" concerning Lord "Ceyton," but I pray God the last advertisement of him and other lords named, be true. I marvel that Boyd and Fleming "have chaingyd theyr tackle, but I perceave they canne do lyke conninge maryners, sayle with all poyntes of the wynde!" I am like to meet "La Crocq" by the way. It should serve to good purpose for your "desseigmentes," that Bedford, Scrope and Forster make general musters horse and foot, in their wardenries on a day's warning—naming no enterprise or taking any side. Hereby the Hamiltons would be afraid, and become calm—the lords would yield to better conditions—Bothwell's favourers will fall from him—and the Queen of Scots become "more conformable;" and it is no charge. Stylton. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

549. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 4.]

Sending him a packet delivered this day between Stamford and Grantham, from M. de la Forrest to M. du Crocq. As the latter missed him at Grantham, he desires it may be returned to M. de la Forrest, to whom he has written a few words of explanation. Grantham. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

½ p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

550. Throkmorton To Cecil. [July 6.]

I met this packet here, and "note that Bodwell is in better case than I am glad of"; now being assured that the Hamiltons, Huntly, Argyll, Fleming, Seton, Boyd, and the Castle of Dunbarton, "is at hys devocion." Herries will seem to be a compounder of matters betwixt them. I received your packet of 3d at Doncaster on the 5th. I sent the letters for Scotland to Mr Marshal, and have written to Lethington for a conference before I reach Edinburgh, and also to take order for my safe passage from Berwick. In your next let me hear how my lord Steward doth, for whose sickness "I am full sorye as I have good cause." Ferry Bridge. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

¾ p. Addressed. Indorsed.

551. Morton to Forster. [July 6.]

I lately wrote to your lordship with my servant David Turnebull, of our proceedings, willing you to write to "my lord Scrupe to stope the Maister of Maxwell unjoyned with our adversaris"; easily to be done, for he is not earnest "in our contrar," nor the country willing to serve against us. So if Lord Scrope writes at your desire, he will do us pleasure, and honour to himself. But we are provided for the worst, "and cairs not al those that wil be our unfreindes, God being our freind." I have some "merlyeons to send yow, but be ressoun of the waiknes of ther fedders, wes not able to be careit at this present." Let me know your mind at more length than you have done, and I shall do the like. Edinburgh. Signed: Mortoun.

Let me know if Lord Scrope writes and the Master's answer.

¾ p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

552. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 7.]

I met this packet here, and "perceyve matters frame better with the lordes than yt dyd appeare by the last." I gather that "Kyllwynnye" would win time, in hope of something out of France to his content: therefore let what her majesty purposes be done speedily, and keep not matters in suspense. Newcastle. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

It comes ill to pass for my purpose that Lethington is not at Edinburgh, and it will be longer ere I leave Berwick, as I think it not good to confer with the lords in his absence.

½ p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

553. T. Heneage to Cecil. [July 8.]

One came this afternoon from the Earl of Murray in France, with whom after the Queen had talked an hour, she commanded me to go and tell you he had the Earl's letters to the Queen of Scotland, who straitly charged him to deliver them only to her own hands, and by no means that the lords should see them; telling him that he did not a little mislike that they kept their mistress "in durans," and that he would be her true servant in all fortunes. And the Queen bade me say her pleasure was you write with all haste to the Queen her sister, which she would set her hand to, not meaning to write with her own hand, as she had not used her well "in these broken matters that be past." The effect was to tell the truth "now in her sisters misery," viz. that (1) the Earl never spoke dishonourable word of her for her husband's death, (2) nor sought to convey the prince hither, and (3) so far from confederacy against her, she had not so true a servant in Scotland. After this great haste, her majesty bade me look who you had waiting, and to call Hampton or Somers—and when I called Somers, she dealt with him a good while, and then told me I should not be required to go. So I write thus much hereof. From the Court, hastily. Signed: T. Heneage.

3 pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's other clerk).

554. R. Melvill to Cecil. [July 8.]

The bearer "Jhone a Forret" is directed by Murray's friends to him and to take your advice to him, who is earnestly wished to make speedy return, by all the lords here, who greatly lack his presence. Most part of the realm agree that he bear greatest charge under our sovereign and the prince. Though the Hamiltons make some brag, with the help of the Queen's substance and the French; if your mistress aid him, all factions will be suppressed. Credit the bearer, who knows all occurrents. I went to Lochleven and delivered your Sovereign's letter to the Queen; "and all that I spak at that present wes before the lord Lyndsaye, Rywen, and the lerd of Loughlewyne; quhilk her majestie did tak in werraye evill (fn. 1) part." I am presently sent for by the lords "to speak pryvelie with her hyenes," and according to your honour's advice, which Lethington likes well, and so many of the noblemen as are privy, you shall be advertised what shall "fall fourthe" thereon. Kernye in Fife. Signed: R. Melvill.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk): "Jhon of Forrest" noted by Cecil.

555. James Melville to Drury. [July 8.]

As my brother is not presently here, I advertise you that the Lords who were at Hamilton have gone, every man to his own house. Argyll immediately desired to meet Lethington at the Castle of Doune 4 miles beyond Stirling—where they have been "this" 4 days, and agreed well, coming to Stirling, where Argyll declared more of his mind to Mar, and they are well content with him. The confederacy of the lords in the West is as you call it, "a Welschemans hoise," with 3 heads, viz. punishment of the murder, security of the prince, and delivery of the Queen from custody. These have subscribed it—Huntly, Boyd, Argyll, Fleming, Herries, the Bishops of St Andrews, Rosse, Galloway, and a knight called Sir William Hamilton. None durst make a contrary one in words to the lords in this town; what is in their minds God knows! their power appears yet very small. On Thursday a meeting is appointed at Stirling betwixt some deputed from the lords that were at Hamilton and others from the lords here: for good order in things on hand. The Queen is in good health. [Here follows his brother's report of her]. Salute Sir Nicholas Throughmorton from me when he comes, and send this packet to Mr Secretary, for France—to haste my lord of Murray homewards. Edinburgh. Signed: James Melville.

2 pp. Holograph, also address: "To . . . Mr Wyllyam Drury deputy of Berwick." Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk): ". . . Mr Ja. Melvill to Mr Drury."

556. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 9.]

At length "with muche adoo" I am arrived here, and send you Lethington's letter in answer to mine. How things stand in Scotland, I refer you to M Marshal's letters of this date, which I met 4 miles out, but did not stay them, on account of Murray's packet requiring speed. Berwick. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

I find by Sir John Forster the state of the borders "very tickle." I have written to Lord Scrope how to deal with Lord Herries for our sovereign's purpose.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

Inclosed in the same.

(Maitland to Throkmorton.)

By your letter this bearer has delivered, I am glad you are so "fordward" on your journey, and no minister could have been employed "so affectionat" to us as you. As desired, I will meet you nigh Coldingham on Friday and lead you that night to Fast Castle "my lord Hwme his hous"; where though you can have no good cheer, you shall be welcome, and next day you may be easily conveyed hither. Edinburgh, 8th July. Signed: W. Maitland.

Pray direct this other packet to France with letters for Murray with the greatest diligence that may be.

¾ p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

557. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 11.]

Your letter of 6th I received here on 10th. I am sorry to see the Queens majesty's disposition alters not towards the lords, "for when all is donne, yt is they which must stande her in more steede than the Quene her cousen . . . which is voyde of god fame." This day I journey towards "Faux castle," attended by Mr Marshal and 200 horse to the Bound road, where Lord Hume's deputy wardens receive and convey me to meet him and Lethington by their own appointment. Pray thank Mr Marshal for his good and friendly usage. He deserves "confyrmacion" from the Council for his diligence in this office. I thank you for the good news of my lord Steward's amendment. The Borders grow far out of order—even now thefts and spoils committed by the Scots. The best way to remedy it is to procure the lords of Edinburgh (at whose devotion these "pryckers" be) to retain the headmen and their followers in good order. Berwick. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

558. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 12.]

As you might see by my letter of 11th, I lodged here that night with Lord Hume, Lethington, and James Melvin, "wher I was intretyed very well, accordinge to the state of the place, which is fitter to lodge prisoners then folkes at lybertye! As yt is very lyttle, so yt is very stronge." I find by Lethington that his associate lords and he have left nothing unthought of which may either be to their danger, or work them surety—not forgetting what good and harm France and you may do them. As far as I can see, "to be playne with yow," they find more peril to grow through the Queens majesty's dealing, than by the French, or any contrary faction amongst themselves; "for they assuer them selffes the Quene wyll leave them in the bryers, yf they runne hyr fortune." Though they acknowledge great benefit both to them and England by her majesty's doings at Leith (whereof she and both realms have received great fruit), yet on other accidents "chawncyd sithens," they have observed such things in her doings as have tended to the danger of such as she has dealt with, to the overthrow of your own "desseigmentes," and surety of no party. Thus I find that they either mind to make their bargain with France, or else deal with neither of you, but do the best for their own surety, "meaninge neyther to irritate Frawnce nor Englande," till they make a sure bargain with one of you: proceeding with both for a time pari passu, Lethington's "terme." They take it very "unkyndlye" that no better answer is made to their letter to her majesty, or nothing satisfactory from you. I answered as well as I can, alledging their own obscure proceedings with the Queen, and their own uncertainty: wherefore her majesty has sent me to inform her thoroughly, and on their declarations in reply to my propositions for her, they shall have resolute answer. At this Lethington "smylyd and shoke hys head, and sayd, 'Yt were better for us yow wolde lett us alone, then neither to do us nor your selffes good, as I feare in the ende yt wyll prove.' Sir, yf there be any trothe in Ledington, La Crocq ys gonne to procuer Ramboillet hys comminge hether or a man of lyke qualitie, and to delyver them of theyr Quene for ever, who shall leade hyr lyef in Frawnce in an abbey reclusyd, the prince at the Frenche devotion, the realme governyt by a cowncil of theyr election of the Scottishe nation, the fortes commyttyd to the custodye of suche as shalbe chosen emongst them selffes.'" As yet I find no great likelihood of my access to the Queen: it is objected they may not so displease the French king, unless they were sure of our sovereign's friendship. Having once by my access offended the French, they say you will make your profit to their undoing. As for the Queen's liberty—the first head I proposed—they said the Queen meant their undoing, and it was folly to talk of the other matters, "the lybertye goinge before: 'But,' said they, 'yf you wyll doo us no good, do us no harme, and we wyll provyde for ourselffes.' "In the ende they sayd we shulde reafuse our owne commoditie before they concludyd with any other, which I shulde her of at my comminge to Edenburghe." By my next I hope to send you the "bande" concluded by the Hamiltons, Argyll, Huntly and that faction, not so much to the prejudice of the lords of Edinburgh as that which was sent to France. Having no more leisure, but compelled "to leape on horsebacke" to go to Edinburgh. Fast Castle. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

3 pp. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

559. Elizabeth to Throkmorton. [July 14.]

Though the "causes" may often change there, yet she thinks it good, that besides dealing with the lords in charge of the young prince to commit him into her realm, he also assure the Queen, looking to the troubles there, her own danger, and the child's peril, that such is her best course, for he will be treated as if Elizabeth's own child, and become acquainted with her country. So dealing, it will stay her from inclining to the French practise which is notoriously to convey him to France.

1 p. Draft corrected by Cecil. Indorsed (by him).

560. Throkmorton to Elizabeth. [July 14.]

Accompanied by Lord Hume and Lethington with 400 horse, I came here on the 12th. Next day Sunday, being a solemn communion here, and a solemn fast published, I could have no conference with the lords here viz.—Atholl, Morton, Hume, Lethington, Sir James "Bawfor" captain of the castle, Mr James Magyll and the "Presydent of the Sessyon." Yet making means against "protracte of tyme," with Lethington, also Morton, "whom I met by chaunce": they answered, "that albeyt the daye weere destyned to sacred exercyces," they would consult, and in the afternoon they would come to me or I should hear from them. About 4 p.m. Lethington came, requesting me to have patience at the delay—grounded chiefly on the absence of Mar, Glencairn, Symple, Kreyghton and others of the Council. He also said there was great difficulty in my pressing for access to the Queen, as they had refused the French ambassador the like. I answered that Villeroye was sent before these accidents, and his special commission was to impeach the Queen's marriage with Bothwell and offer her another. As for De Crocq, he could have no order from France since these things happened—therefore these two might be suspected of treating matters without instructions, and thus rather do harm than good. Whereas your Majesty knowing all that had chanced, had sent me to treat for the weal of their realm and surety, and I might boldly say, had better deserved to the most of them assembled and their realm, than the French. He said he was much bound himself to her majesty. 'But to be playno with you sir,' sayd he, 'there is not manye of thys assemblye that have founde so great oblygacyon at the Quene your soveraignes handes as at the Frenche kynges.' For Morton and Glencairn were the only persons that benefitted by her Majesty's aid at Leith—the other noblemen were not in that action. 'And not to talke with you as an ambassador, but with Sir Nycholas Throkemorton; my lord Moreton and suche as were in payne for the deathe of Davye, founde but coolde favour at the Quenes Majesties handes when they weere banysshed forthe of theyre owne countreye.' But I wish all were as willing to accomplish your sovereign's desires as I am, but am only one of the meanest, while they are many and have great interest; but will do my utmost. Your self has many friends in this assembly, "with manye other good wordes." The state of things since my coming I have learned is as follows:—

The queen remains in good health in the castle of Lochleven, guarded by Lords Lindsay and Lochleven the owner. Ruthven is employed in another commission, as he began to show great favour to her and give her intelligence. She is waited on by 5 or 6 ladies, 4 or 5 gentlewomen, and 2 "chamberers," one a French woman. The earl of Boughan, Moray's brother, has liberty to come to her at his pleasure. The lords guarding her keep her very straitly, and their "rygowre" proceeds by order of "theys men," because she will by no means lend her authority to prosecute the murder, nor consent by any persuasion to abandon Bothwell for her husband, "but avowethe constantlye that she wyll lyve and die with hym; and sayethe yf yt weere put to her choyse to relynquishe her crowne and kyngdome, or the lord Bodwell, she would leave her kyngdome and dygnytye to lyve as a symple damosell with hym; and that she wyll never consent that he shall fare worse or have more harme than herselfe." The principal cause of her detention is, these lords seeing her "fervente" affection to him, fear if put at liberty, she would so maintain him, that they should be compelled to be in continual arms against him. They also mean a divorce between them, which cannot take place if she were at liberty and had power in her hands. But they do not intend to touch her in surety or honour; for they speak of her with respect and reverence, and affirm that the conditions aforesaid accomplished, they will restore her to her estate. To guard this town the lords have 450 harquebusiers, for whose pay they sued your majesty by Lethington for 10,000 or 12,000 "crownes of the sonne." They lately heard that the French king minded sending hither M. de la Chapelle dez Ursines, a knight of the French order, well affected to the house of Guise—and howsoever La Forrest, Villeroye and du Crocq have spoken in her favour against these lords to your majesty, La Crocq carries with him matter little to the Queen's advantage, and the king may therefore rather satisfy the lords than pleasure her: for their party is so well made that the French will rather profit by them than otherways.

Herewith I send your Majesty the "last bounde" signed by the Hamiltons, Argyll, Huntly and others at Dunbarton. Yet the Hamiltons have sent to me here, a gentleman, Robert Hamilton, with a letter from the bishop of St Andrews and the abbot of Arbroath: the copy whereof and my answer, I send, referring to the bearer some things they declared by him—as also of a letter and credit sent by Argyll to me. Herries sent, but did not write, and so I have answered him. Against the 20th instant, there is a general assembly of all the churches, shires and borough towns as are content to repair to these lords, where the whole state of the matter will be handled, and I fear much to the Queen's disadvantage and danger, unless Lethington and others best affected provide remedy. For the great number, "and in maner all, but chyeflye the common people whych have assysted in theys doinges, doe greatlye dysfavour the Quene, and mynde seryouslye eyther her depryvacyon or her destructyon." I have done the best I can (considering "the furye of the worlde heere") to prorogue this assembly, as the best remedy. I may not speak of dissolution of it—not to be "abyden"—and should thereby incur great hatred and peril. The chiefest lords here present dare not show the Queen so much lenity as they would, "for feare of the rage of the people. The women be moost furyous and impudent against the Quene, and yet the men be mad enoughe; so as a straunger overbusye maye soune be made a sacrafyce amongest them." A bruit of the Hamiltons taking the field on the 24th has come to nothing. Argyll is in the "Hyelande" about some trouble of his countrymen. These lords desire Lennox much, and her Majesty may promote her purpose by him. Argyll, the Hamiltons and he are incompatible. There are two strange humours among them. The Hamiltons make show of the Queen's liberty and prosecute it with great earnestness, for they would have these lords destroy her, rather than she should be recovered from them by violence. Another while, they seem to desire her liberty and Bothwell's destruction, to compass a match between her and the Lord of Arbroath. Argyll affects her liberty, to marry her to his brother. Yet neither of them (notwithstanding their "bande") discover their minds to each other, or mind one end!

Knox is not here, but in the west parts. He and the other "mynysters" will be at the great assembly, "whoose austerytie agaynste the Quene I feare as muche as anye mans." By some conference with some of this Council, methinks they have intelligence that the Queen desires to retire either to England or France—"moost wyllinglye into Englaunde, for suche traverees and myslykinges" as she knows have been and are meant to her in France: leaving the "regymente" here either to a number of persons "deleagued" by her, or to "one or moe." I would remind your Majesty if she comes to England without the French king's consent, she loses her dowry there: if she go to France, she may (as time will cancel her disgrace) make a new match, or otherwise work new unquietness to her own realm and yours. Therefore it may please you to let me know your pleasure herein, if it be propounded, as some of the best affected of this Council think there is no other way to save her. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

Inclosed in the above:—

(1.) (Bishop of St Andrews etc. to Throkmorton.)

Hearing of your coming from the Queen's Majesty for "releve" of our sovereign, we thought good to certify you of the good mind of the most of her nobility to employ themselves therein: and that our long delay is from no lack of good will, but that we are very "laith" to enter into blood amongst ourselves, if her liberty can be otherwise procured without hurt of the noblemen her "detenars." We pray the favour of your Sovereign's mind therein, and to credit the bearer. Hamilton, 12th July 1567. J. St Andr. Arbrothe.

1 p. Copy. Addressed (to Throkmorton). Indorsed (by his clerk).

(2.) (Throkmorton's reply.)

I received yesterday, by Mr Robert Hamilton, your letter of 12th and perceive your honourable resolutions for the enlargement of your sovereign, whereof I will advertise mine without fail: who concurs with you, as Mr Hamilton will perceive at his coming to her Majesty's Court, whither I have recommended him favourable passage. I have summarily declared to the bearer what I know of things here. Edinburgh, 14th July 1567.

p. Copy. Indorsed (by Throkmorton's clerk): " . . . . Copy of my lettre to the Archebusshop of St Andrews and the Lord of Arbrothe."

(3.) (Argyll to Throkmorton.)

Sending his special servant with his mind, and to know the state as he thinks most expedient to communicate with him. Offering any pleasure he can do him. Castle Campbell, 11th July 1567. Argille.

½ p. Copy in a new hand. Indorsed (by Throkmorton's clerk): " . . . The copy of therle of Argyelles lettre to me."

(4.) (Throkmorton's reply.)

Giving Argyll humble thanks for his "gentle vysytacion" both by his letter and his servant this bearer, to whom he has declared briefly the heads of his instructions given him by his sovereign, for treating with the noblemen here. Edinburgh, 14th July 1567. N. Throk.

½ p. Copy. Indorsed (by his clerk): ". . . The copye . . . to the Erle of Argyell."

561. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 14.]

I write with more brevity, having written "at large" to her Majesty, whereto I refer you. Consider things "as they be," and let me know "what certayne poynte hyr Majestie wyll grow to: for these men be to well accquayntyd with ower humors." I find by Lethington (who is wisest and best affected to her Majesty and her realm, "and ys the only meyne to worke any good thyng, so as yt be probable), that yt ys no tyme to speake off the delyvery off theyr prynce"; and yet he wishes her Majesty had not made such difficulty in employing among them 10,000 or 12,000 crowns "in respecte publykely" that she would pursue such a murder of her subject and kinsman, and to separate such an "advowterer" from the Queen her cousin, as Bothwell. He says "at long rekonyng" it would benefit her and the realms as much as any money bestowed since she came to the crown, and win her more sure friends to compass her desires than four times as much given by any other prince, or at any other time. I pray you note the points in the Queen's letter requiring her pleasure, and let me hear it without delay. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

1 p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

562. Throkmorton to Elizabeth. [July 16.]

I advertised your Majesty on the 14th, of the deferring of my audience. But finding the absent lords made no speedy repair, I pressed those here again for audience. Whereon upon the 15th, Atholl, Morton, Hume, Lethington, Balfour, captain of this castle and clerk of Register, Tillyberne and Cragmiller provost of this town, came to my lodging, and though they desired me to forbear opening my instructions, till all were assembled, they yielded to my importunity, and I delivered your Majesty's letter, and declared your instructions, reserving the article concerning the French. After hearing me very attentively without interruption, they answered by Lethington ("who sat hyest" but the two earls and Hume) that they humbly thanked your Majesty, but prayed you would allow the suspension of their answer till their associates were joined with them. I replied, desiring them to abstain from "ceremonyous delayes," and answer what I had declared on your Majesty's behalf, and no longer defer my repair to their Sovereign. Thereon Morton said they could not make answer on so many weighty matters without the advice and consent of their fellows; and all the rest with one voice confirmed what the Earl and Lethington had said. Which I was compelled to take for answer.

I complained of a great spoil on the Borders by 200 Scots etc., advertised that day by Sir John Forster; whereon Morton for the others expressed their sorrow—that it was due to Bothwell and his faction. who had no other means to help himself: but they would write to all the wardens and head men, and would entreat the laird of Grange, who had good credit with his son in law Farnehirst, to put things in good stay, and then advise with Lord Bedford at Berwick.

I now understand the Queen is in great fear of her life; and has said to some of the lords about her, "that she can be verye well contented eyther to lyve in a closse nunrye in Fraunce, or with thoulde Dowgier of Guyse her grauntemother." Bothwell has been of late with Huntly at "Strawboggye." attempting to levy a force. But Huntly though "suspected to theys men," will not adventure much for him, and I hear would be content he should "myscarye, to ryd the Quene and hys suster of so wycked a husbande." He hastily stole away at night from Huntly's house to Spynaye the bishop of Murray's, but will likely retire to the isles of Orkney "32" in number, whereof the Queen created him Duke. But the lords have ordered Sir James Balfour's brother, captain of "the strongest peece" there, to hinder his entry, and the bishop is also at their devotion. The Hamiltons and Argyll begin to traffic with them: and I hear say the former can be pleased with the Queen's detention "or a worse fare," and concur with the lords in all things, "so as the crowninge of the prynce, nor non other acte, may defeacte them of theyre possybylytie to thys crowne, which they feare by the settynge up of the howse of the Stuardes."

These lords have sent Robert Melvyn to Lochleven to talk with the Queen and the lords her guards; on his return I will not fail to advertise your majesty. Lord Robert of Holyrood house Murray's half brother, came here yesternight well accompanied, and repaired to the lords in council at Atholl's lodging. Till now he has had no intelligence with them, but concurred with the Hamiltons.

As yet these lords will not suffer Mr Nycolas Elveston sent by Murray to have access to the Queen, nor send the Earl's letter to her. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

pp. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

562. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 16.]

Methinks these lords be on the way to make an end of their matters with their sovereign amongst themselves, albeit they keep both the French and us in hand. They cannot tell how to be rid of her (which I mistrust they intend) without the consent of the French, taking them better inclined to serve their humour than we. So finding them thus willed, I must take heed we lose them not wholly, and drive them to be more French than they would he, through her majesty's "sharpe impungnyng theyr deseygnes," unless she will use arms against them. I see no happy end for us in these matters, and to be plain with you, I fear it for God's displeasure, and our "unaptnes" to enter and prosecute war. I refer you to her majesty's letter, for what has passed since the 14th. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

They will not suffer Elveston access to the Queen nor send her Murray's letter.

1 p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

563. Throkmorton to Elizabeth. Elizabeth. [July 18. 1567.]

Though I have spoken "particularly" since my last of 16th, with Morton, Lethington and Sir James Balfour, I cannot as yet see that access to the Queen will be granted me: "stayinge" them selves still by the absence of the lords their associates, "which (they saye) they lowke for within twoe dayes."

Robert Melvyn returned here from Lochleven on the 17th with a letter written of the Queen's own hand to these lords containing (I understand) as follows:—A request to them to consider her health, and if they will not release her, to remove her to Stirling for the comfort and company of her son. If not removed, she required some other gentlewoman about her—naming none; to have her "pothecarye" and some "modest mynister;" also an "imbroderer" to draw out such work as she would be occupied on, and a varlet of her chamber. For government, she makes two offers—the particulars referred to Melvyn's credit—one wholly to the Earl of Murray; the other, to these lords, and others whom they shall call viz., Chatelherault, Huntly, Argyll, Atholl, Lennox "with muche adoe," Morton, Murray, Mar and Glencairn.

She asks that I may have access to her: and further if they will not regard her as their Queen, to use her as the king their sovereign's daughter (whom many of them knew) and their prince's mother. She will by no means abandon Bothwell for her husband, which will do her most harm of all, and harden these lords' hearts to great severity against her.

She yields "in wordes" to the prosecution of the murder. I have found means to let her know your majesty has sent me for her relief: and also urged her to renounce Bothwell and suffer a divorce to pass. She sent me word she will nowise consent to it, but rather die, giving this reason, "that takynge her selfe to be seven weekes gon with chylde," by renouncing him, she should acknowledge herself to be with child of a bastard, and forfeit her honour. To save her own life and the child, I persuaded her to choose the least hard condition.

Knox arrived here the 17th, with whom, and Mr Cragge the other minister of the town, I have conferred, and "perswaded with them to preache and perswade lenytie. I fynde them bothe verye austere in thys conference . . . they are furnysshed with manye argumentes, some forthe of the Scrypture, some forthe of hystoryes: some grounded (as they saye) apon the lawes of thys realme: some apon practyzes used in thys realme, and some apon the condycyons and othe made by theyre prynce at her coronatyon." The Bishop of Galloway, Huntly's uncle, has sent to these lords for a meeting between his nephew and others of that side, with some from this side, at Lythcow or Stirling: assuring them the others are well disposed to concur with them, and will not dissent for trifles: further they will agree to the Queen's restraint till the murder be punished; thus implying her separation from Bothwell. Captain Clerke "which" long served in Denmark and Newhaven, did on 16th (with a "souldyer") kill one Wylson, a seaman, much esteemed by these lords, and has "retyred" himself. They quarrelled about the ship which took Blacketer, and was ordered to the north against Bothwell—which enterprise is thus "dasshed." The Bishop of Galloway is at Lythcow, desiring to speak with Lethington, and the abbot of Kilwinning has asked Sir James "Bawfor" to confer. As I wrote before to your majesty, the Hamiltons would now concur with these lords ("yea in anye extremytie agaynst the Quene") if assured, on the prince, if crowned king, dying without issue, Lennox's son "lyvynge" should not inherit as next heir.

Though these lords and councillors speak reverently, mildly and charitably of their Queen, so that I cannot gather from their speech any intention to cruelty or violence, yet she is in very great peril of her life, for the people at this convention mind vehemently her destruction. It is public speech of all estates (saving the councillors) that she has no more privilege to commit murder nor adultery "than anye other pryvat person." Bothwell and his adherents are put to the horn by the Lords of the Session, and order given to all officers to seize them. His porter and another servant have confessed such circumstances that show he was a principal executor of the murder in his own person, with two of the Ormestons of Tividale, and "one Hayborne" of Bolton, with others unknown to me. He is still in the north, but Seton and Fleming have abandoned him and come hitherward.

The lords have sent 150 harquebusiers to Stirling and in like manner to St Johnston, to keep these two passages from the north and west to this town. The captain of Dunbar fortifies it, and I marvel is not "impeached" therein. A letter from the Queen to him is "surprysed" containing matter little to her advantage. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

4 pp. No address or fly leaf. Perhaps inclosed in next letter.

564. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 18.]

Your letter of 10th July written at "Collyarrewe," I received the 18th. By my letter to her majesty, you shall see the state here since my last of 16th. I never saw greater confusion amongst men, for they often change their opinions. "Marye! always they be reasolute to use all severitye to the Quene," yet cannot agree about the form of it. "The preachers (with a greate nomber which depende upon them) be of on mynde," but the lords are divided. The wisest avoid speaking, for the fury of the people. I find she is in very great danger. They will not suffer Elveston to have access: I pray you direct me how to act. I see these men "be not afrayde of anye boastinge, and they be to farre over the shewes to leave them selffes unprovydyd for. The people be greatlye anymatyd agaynst the Quene. They lett not to shewe yt."Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil).

565. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 19.]

By my letter to her Majesty you may see the state of the world here. Advise "substancially" what is best: "so as (the Quene beyng deadd ether yn body or estate) thys prynce and contre runne not the Frenche devotion, to ower comber." If her majesty win not these lords in time, and recover her "crasyd credytt" with them, before they have settled their purposes without her: I see they will take a course little to our advantage, peradventure as little to their own! I send a tragical dialogue which I omitted in my last. "And verely thowghe yt seme to procede from a poettes shoppe (the hole nomber here I feare me) and the lordes also, do thynke as ys conteynyd theyryn and do meyne to performe the effecte." What you would have pass must be wrought by Murray and that in time. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

You shall do well with my lord of Leicester, to decipher how the French have proceeded with my lord of Murray, and advertise me.

1 p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

566. Throkmorton to Bedford. [July 20.]

My advice is you procure with all speed from above, remedy against these border disorders, for I see they mean to do you all the displeasure they can, so soon as they find our mistress "shall" not favour them in their present actions. The late offence on your border was not from these lords but by Fernehirst at the solicitation of Bothwell. Touching myself: I must confess to you I was never in so busy and dangerous a legation in my life, not knowing almost which way to turn. These lords have given me no audience yet. excusing it by the absence of Mar, Glencairn, Semple and others of their "bande." but I take it to be for delay and unwillingness I speak with their Queen: though I have pressed it earnestly, and won one of the wisest of them (fn. 2) to my desire, but he dare not let it be known to the rest. I am in the greatest doubt of any good to be done. I am written to by the other side, as the Hamiltons. Argyll, Master of Maxwell and others, and bear them all fair in hand, the better to discover their meanings and designs: none of which I like. The Queen is in great danger by the rage and fury of the people. The assembly continues the 20th instant, where little will be done to her advantage. These men have 450 harquebusiers in pay. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

567. Elizabeth to Throkmorton. [July 20.]

Having received his letter of 14th, perceives and approves his proceedings with the lords and Lethington. Thinks the most of them regard their own surety in these actions, howsoever pretence is made for prosecution of the murder and preservation of the prince: which two things she means as earnestly—and perchance more earnestly than the most of them! Would not refuse them assistance for these purposes, for any mislike she has of any person zealous in the matter; but can in no respect allow the Queen's captivity, and till some device can be found for restoring her to liberty and her state, she forbears to consent to their demands, however beneficial to herself. Approves also of his dealing with Argyll and the Hamiltons: but as for the Queen's desire to come to England, cannot resolve on any certain answer. He is to move the lords to forbear any hasty proceedings till Murray's return, and also to require redress for the late forays on the Borders.

3 pp. Official draft corrected by Cecil. Indorsed (by his clerk).

568. Throkmorton to Elizabeth. [July 21.]

Since my last of 19th I pressed these lords both to give me access to their sovereign without longer delay, and likewise to satisfy your Majesty in the enlargement of her. Earl Morton answered that shortly I should hear from them. "but the daye beinge destyned (as I dyd see) to the Communyon, contynuall preachynge and common prayer, they could not be absent nor attende matters of the worlde: for firste they must seeke the matters of God, and take counsell of Hym who could best dyrecte them"; but there should be no delay. So that night about 11 o'clock Lethington came to my lodging and delivered me on the lords' behalf, this writing which I send your Majesty, saying: "Because the matter was longe and contayned manye partes, theye thought good (for the helpe of my memorye) to put the same in wrytinge"—for which I thanked him. "Marye!" I could have been better content, if they had subscribed their names to it. He said that was needless—it was only "to ease me of payne, to cowche that in wrytinge": as your majesty could have believed what I wrote of myself without their writing. In answer to my pressing for access to the Queen, he said I must needs tarry for that and other things proposed by your majesty, till their associates joined. On this "parentarye" answer, wherewith I showed myself nothing content, he said to me—'Sir, I wyll talk more frankelye with you than with anye man of your natyon, weere yt not with my lord of Leycester and Mr Secretorye. You see our humors heere, and how wee be bent. Let the Quene your soveraygne and her counsell be well advysed, for surelye you rune a cowrse which wyll breede us greate peryll and trowble, and your selves moost of all. Doe you not see that yt dothe not lye in my power to doe that I faynest woulde doe? which is to save the Quene my maistris in estate, in person, and in honor? I know well enoughe yt is not hydden from you, thextremytie that the chyfest of our assemblye be in concerninge thendynge of thys matter. You harde yesterdaye and somewhat this daye, how bothe you and I weere publykelye taxed in the preachynges, though wee weere not named! Wee must be fayne to make a vertue of necessytie, and forbeare neyther to doe our selves good, the Quene nor our countreye. And the Quene your maistris had neede to take heede that she make not Scotlande by her dealynge better Frenche, than eyther they woulde be or should be. You see in whoose handes restethe the power; you know the Frenche men have a sayinge It pert le jeu qui laisse la partie. To my great gryeffe I speake yt, the Quene my soveraygne maye not be abyden amongest us, and thys ys not tyme to do hir good, yf she be ordeyned to have anye. Therefore take heede that the Quene your soveraigne doe not loose altogyther the good wyll of thys companye irrecuperablye. For thoughe there be some amongest us which woulde reteyne our Prynce, people, and amytye, to Englandes devocyon, yet I can assure you yf the Quenes majestie deale not otherwyse than she dothe, you wyll lowse all, and yt shall not lye in the power of your well wyllers to helpe yt, no more than yt dothe in our powers now to helpe the Quene our soveraigne.' Your majesty might perceive by my letter of the 19th, that the issue of this great matter was like to be determined by one "of the 4 degrees and endes" there mentioned—chiefly I conjectured "upon the twoe laste and extremest." But now I have assured intelligence (notwithstanding "thys smowthe speache" in this writing sent to your majesty) that the lords are resolved forthwith to put in execution the coronation of the young prince with the Queen's consent (if they can obtain it) promising her if so, that they mean neither to touch her in honour nor life, neither to proceed against her judicially "by waye of proces": otherwise they are determined to proceed against her publicly by such evidence as they can charge her with. They make account to end this matter before "the latter ende of thys monethe."

They mean in the prince's name "so crowned" to govern the realm by nine noblemen and others as I named before. Nor will they suffer the Queen to depart out of their own "garde," or to leave the realm, though the French king and your majesty wish it, and he detain her dowry. It is to be feared when they have gone so far, these lords will think themselves unsafe while she lives, and take her life.

When I had perused this writing delivered me by Lethington, I asked him how far these words "Necessytie of theyre cause," in the end of the same, "dyd extende, and howe far they might be led? He made me non other aunswer, but shakynge hys heade, sayd Vouz estes ung renard." Bothwell has equipped 4 or 5 small ships, and means to allure pirates of all countries to him. It were well your majesty's "Iselande" fleet take good heed not to fall "into hys lappe."

Knox daily prays for continuance of the amity, and admonishes his auditory "to exchewe theyre oulde allyaunce with Fraunce, as they woulde flye from the pottes of Egypte, which brought them nothynge but sugred poyson." He continues his severe exhortations against the Queen and Bothwell—threatening "the greate plage of God to thys wholle countrey and natyon, yf she be spared from her condigne ponyshement."

Mar, Glencairn, and Cassillis, with the rest, will be here I am informed the 24th or 25th, not before. "The convencyon of all the churches" I mentioned in my last, holds for all my persuasions to the contrary—and this day (21st) they are assembled in the Tolbooth to propound matters they intend to treat of.

Lethington has travailed with some of the wisest to make them desist from any matter concerning the Queen "or thys cryme": but it will be very hard to win this, "for they be verye audacyous, and yt appearethe theyre hartes be mervelowslye hardened agaynst theyre soveraygue—which God mollefye." As I hear "an inkelynge" that these lords mean to ask me to assist at the prince's coronation at Stirling, it may please your Majesty to direct me therein in case I am so required. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

pp. Addressed. Indorsed (partly by Cecil).

Inclosed in the same:—

(The lords' answer to the Ambassador.)

They cannot answer the first part of his message in the absence of the "remanent" lords, to whom they have written to join with all speed. But as his mistress finds their behaviour strange in imprisoning their sovereign, they declare the disinterested motives with which they took action against the sovereign whom they were bound to honour. Relate the horrible murder of the king—her captivity by Bothwell, and how by fear and other unlawful means she was forced "to become bedfallow to another wyves husband"—his preventing access to her by his guard—design to put away the prince, and having "another wyfe in store, to mak the Quene alsua drinke of the same cupe," and invest himself with the Crown, etc. That the ambassador's advice to recommend their case to God, though "good for the saule," is not safe for the body, and hard to follow, for they would have had to recommend also the souls of their prince, most part of themselves, and they firmly believe that of their Queen, who could not have lived with Bothwell half a year "to ane end," judging by the short time they were together, and keeping his other wife in his house. All which things compelled them to take arms against him, who cared little or nothing for her, as shown by his deserting her in the field. Yet on her coming with them to Edinburgh, when they pressed her to separate herself from that "wickit man": she "plat contrarie" to their expectation, would not hear with patience any speech against him, or question of his doings, but offered to give up realm and all, so she might enjoy him; threatening revenge on every man that had dealt in the matter. Wherefore they had just occasion to sequestrate her person for a season from his company or any intelligence with him, for, knowing the great wisdom wherewith God has endowed her, that within a short time, her mind being a little settled, and the eyes of her understanding opened, they hoped she would better consider herself and the state; not doubting that after Bothwell had received due recompense for his abominable fact, she would allow their doings as tending more to her own honour than any private interest any of them had in the matter. He may assure the Queen his mistress of one point, viz., that they have always kept such moderation as they have not gone nor shall anyways proceed further than justice "and the necessitie of the cause" shall lead them.

pp. Written by Hay—one word corrected by Maitland. Indorsed: "21 July 1567. Answer by the lordes" etc.

(2) Another copy.

pp. Another hand. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

Printed in Keith, vol. II., p. 677.

569. The Lords to Throkmorton. [July]

They understand the two points of the Queen his mistress's commandment to him—(1) Mislike of their queen's marriage and (2) commiseration of her trouble. But being about to give their sovereign good advice and some are already in hand with it, they fear if admitted to her presence, she might construe the least of his words to her advantage, which might impede her resolution to allow their own advice, which otherwise they have good hope she will follow, thus hindering the object of his embassy, and injuring them. Therefore praying him to take patience, and to desire his mistress to give them a short delay, to see if they may bring their sovereign to some conformity.

pp. Written by Hay. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk): ". . . The Lordes second answer to Sir Nich. Throkmorton."

Printed in Keith, vol. II., p. 699.

570. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 21.]

When her majesty and you have received this despatch and seen these lords' determination, I pray you let me know what to do. For I see no more to be done here, unless her majesty treat to have their prince (or if their designs take place, their king) brought here, on such conditions as you think they will accept "for suche a jewell": and handle this in good time, lest the French get the bargain. If he come, it will not be liked that either his grandfather or grandmother have his education.

I humbly and earnestly pray her majesty's pleasure, for if she like not to treat for their prince, I need not stay here any longer. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

571. Throkmorton to Leicester. [July 24.]

By my despatches to her majesty and Mr Secretary since 12th July, your lordships may have seen the state of matters here. The Queen is like very shortly to be deprived of her royal estate, her son to be crowned, and herself kept prisoner. If the Queen's majesty still persist in her former opinion to the Queen (to whom she can do no good) then I see these lords and their complices will become as good French as that King could wish. And the Hamiltons, Argyll, Huntly and their faction need little devise to draw them that way. What an instrument the young prince will prove to "unquyet" England! I report me to your lordships' wisdoms: and trust you will bethink you in time ("for yt is hye tyme") how to advise her majesty to leave nothing undone to get the prince in possession or at least at her devotion. Some talk has passed betwixt Lethington and me hereon, and I find by him when she has gained these men, the principal point to make them conformable to deliver him, "wyll rest apon the Quene and the realmes inhablynge hym to the successyon of the crowne of Englaunde, for faulte of issue of the Quenes majesties bodye." Some other things also, as the charge of him and his train to be borne by England. I see well they will never deliver him without the former condition. "For," says Lethington, "that takynge place, the prynce shalbe as deare to the people of Englaunde as to the people of Scotlande, and thone wylbe as carefull for hys preservacyon as the other. Otherwyse (he sayethe) all thynges consydred, yt wyll be reported, that the Scottyshemen have put theyre prynce to be kepte in salfetye as thoose which commyt the sheepe to be kept by the wolves"! So for conclusion, your lordships may perceive the scope of this matter. As to his delivery upon hostages, he says, let no man think that ("the condycyon of the successyon not beinge accomplyshed") the nobility and gentlemen will ever consent to this on any hostages, "neyther apon anye promysses nor lykelyehoodes of good to insue in tyme to come." It weere not good for your selves' (said he) 'that the matter weere so handled, for than you shoulde adventure all your goods in one shype, which might have a daungerous effecte. consydrynge the unwyllyngnes of the Quene your soveraygne to consent to establyshe anye successor to the crowne. And than howe unmeete weere yt that her majestie havynge yn her possessyon alreadye all suche persons as do pretend tytle, or be inherytable to the crowne, to have our prynce also in her custodye. For so there might followe (without good capytulacyons) a straunge and daungerous issue, thoughe the Quene your mestris doe thynke that suche imagynacyons coulde not proceede but from busye heades, as you have uttred unto us on her behalfe.' For other things passed, I refer your lordships to my letters now sent to her majesty. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

(fn. 3) It may please you to make my lord Steward "partner" of this letter.

2 pp. Addressed (to Leicester as K. G. etc.). Indorsed (by Leicester).

(2) Copy of most part of preceding.

4 pp. In a later hand. Indorsed.

572. Henry Myddelmore to Cecil. [July 24.]

Excuses his not taking leave, as he found on seeking Cecil at his chamber, that he had gone to Sir Thomas Gresham's. Prays him to further his suit to the Queen "for the prebende," to which she is well disposed, as the Lord Steward and Lord Leicester have both assured him. Edinburgh. Signed: Henry Myddelmore.

1 p. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

573. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 25.]

Notwithstanding these men's "fayre langage" to her majesty by their answer sent in my last, you shall see they mean to go to work "more rigorusly then gently." And by the time you have considered the progress of their doings, I think you will be of mind that no party is so to be sought and "allueryd" than these lords, "wyche have the power and theyr partie so well made." I pray you for her Majesty's resolution to direct me. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

1 p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

574. Throkmorton to Elizabeth. [July 26.]

Your majesty's letter dated Richmond the 20th July, I received the night of 24th here. Next morning I required conference with Morton, Mar, Lethington and others they thought meet, and "to suspende theyre hastye proceedinges" with their Sovereign ("whereof I had some intellygence") till I had spoken with them. They said they would advise and send me word: but this "forenon" they could not, for other matters to be treated. And I hearing that Lindsay was returned this morning the 25th from Lochleven, doubted that they would proceed as I said in my letter to your Majesty of "sayde 25th." I understand he has obtained from the Queen her consent and con formity to all the maters proponed on the lords behalf by him, and also "her signe with her owne hande" to the instrument for the coronation of her son, and the 2 commissions of regency during his minority, as I mentioned to your Majesty. About 11 a.m. the said 25th day, Lethington came to my lodging and said, 'Sir, the lordes have sent me unto you to requyere you to houlde them exvused that you can not have conference with them thys daye, beinge necessarylye otherwyse occupyed: and therfore they have sant me unto you to knowe what you have to declare unto them'? Then under your last instructions, I treated with him, to know if they could devise how to restore the Queen to her liberty and state: and that done, your Majesty would aid if needful to prosecute the murder or preserve the prince: ohterwise you could not consent to their demands nor show them any benefit. I said also it would be demed a "verye temcrarious acte" to proceed with rigour against their Sovereign: and persuaded them to suspend the matter till Murray's return: declaring also your pleasure as to the Borders.

He said he would report to the lords and require them to give me answer. Then he said — 'Sir, nowe I speake as of myself, and as one that dothe concurre on opynuyon and desyre with the Quenes majestie your mestris and you, towchynge the Quene my soverainge: but beinge in place to knowe more than you can knowe. I saye unto you as one that woulde of all ills chewse the leste, in case you doe on the Quenes majesties behalfe your mestris, presse this companye to enlarge the Quene my soveraigne, and to suffer you to goe unto her, or doe use anye thertnynge speache in thoose matters, the rather to compasse them, i assure yu, you wyll put the Quene my soveraygne in greate jeoperdye of her lyffe: and therefore there is non otherwaye for the presente to do her good, but to geve place and to use myldenes. i wyll declare unto them theys matters which you have spoken, in suche sorte as you maye have the beste aunswer, and doe the Quene my mestris mooste good.' It may please your majesty that with convenient speed, I may know your pleasure if I shall repair to the Queen and speak with her — if they accord me access (as I think they will not)? Also as to my abode here, if the prince be crowned and his mother deprived (as I think will be in 3 or 4 days) the nobility etc., being ready to depart this day for Stirling. Herewith I send copies of the bishop of St Andrews' and abbot of Arborath's letter to me and my answer. The Countess of Murray (of whom I wrote to your majesty in my last) to be at Lochleven, has left for St Andrews. There was great sorrow between the Queen and her at meeting, and much greater at parting. The Queen has had "twoe fyttes of an ague," and keeps her bed.

This day about twelve o'clock noon, these lords came to my loding booted and spurred, when I propounded the same matters as to Lethington the day before, whereunto they answered by his mouth that they had given order as to the borders — none could complain of of Lord Hume, nor of East Tyvydale, under Cesford, but for West Tyvydale, they confessed that Ormiston and other murderers of the king, Bothwell's faction, were the chief doers of mischief, but being outlawed they hoped within two days the English wardens would be satisfied. As to the suspendinge of our procedinges with the quene our Soverainge untill the commynge of thearle of Murreye, ee doe meane to satisfye the Quene your mestris desyre in behalfe; nevertheles my lordes have wylled me to declare unto you what yt hathe plesed the Quene my soveraigne to cnclude on, for the state of thys relame, apon her owne voluntary advyse: that us to says—fyndinge her selfe bothe in helthe unmeete to take the care and governaunce of this realme, and also infortunate in thadmynistracyin thereof, neings verye desrouss to see her sonne the younge prynce setled in her seate in her lyffe tyme: hathe commaunded them under her hande wryting to proceede to the coronation of her sonnel, as a thynge that she shall take mooste pleasure to see: which they weere now redye to accomplyshe and therefore entended presentlye to goe forthe of thys towne to Sterlynge to the inauguracyon of the sayed prynce.' At which solomienyt they desired me as your ambassador to assist, which they hoped your majesty would allow, seeing he was your nearest kinsman of the blood royal of both realms, and also take him under your protection, likewise they his good subjects might find refuge under your hands. I answered that there was "a contryaryetye" in what had been said about thier Soveregin: for first, they said they intended nothing till Murary returned: and now it seemed they were about to depirve her og her estate, and crown her son. As for my going to Stirling with them: as these things were concluded against my Sovereign;s expectation and advice, I could not assist at any such doings: and while your majesty wished the price as much honour and safty as any of them, you could not allow the son to depose the mother 'as the she should be kepte in captyvytye spoyled of all honour, and he a yonge take thadmynistratyon of the realme apon hyn,"! It was answered that no prince. however aged or wise, governed wothout a council; and their Sovereign had taken the same order, meaning the wiset and fottest of her nobility should take charhe in her son's monoortiy, "Therewithall, with a greate lowede charme, they that stoode behynde, sayde "The realek could never be worse governed then yt was, for eyther the Quene was advysed by the worste counsell, or by no counsell': and then they said, 'My lord wee wyll trowble you no longer, the daye passethe awaye and wee have far to ryde,' and so took leave.

They have showed me that Tuesday the 29th is the day if the inauguration. The assembly of the churches is dissolved, till reassembled by the king's authority. The earls, lords barsons etc., have all subscribed to maintain their young king's regalytie" against all adverstised. It may please your majesty on recipet hereof to giv order for my recocation.

I intend to send my cousin Henry Myddlemore to see their proceedings at Sterling, that your majesty may be truly informed. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

6 pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

Inclosed in the same:—

(1.) (Archbishop of St Andrews etc. to Throkmorton.)

The have received and thank him for his writing, and have stayed this beaere "uppast" to the Duke of Chatelherault till they hear from him what agreement has been made with the lords for their sovereign's liberty, so far as it pleases him to do. Hamilton, 24th July 1567. Sanctandr. Arbrothe.

½ p. Copy. Indorsed (by his clerk.)

(2.) (Throkmorton's reply to the bishop and abbot.)

Acknowledging their letter and "bande" by Mr Robert Hamilton, and will report to the Queen their good devotion to their sovereign's enlargement. As for the lords at Edinburgh, he can grow to no resolution with them, who only draw out time. Edinburgh, 26th July. N. T.

½ p. Copy. Indorsed (by his clerk).

575. Throkmorton to Cecil. [July 26.]

I pray you procure with speed my revocation, for as the case stands with "thys myserable Quene, it shall be to lytyll porpose for me to have accesse unto hyr": and I see no likelihood to win anything at these men's hands. They know more "from thens" that I would they did, and are not ignorant of the "lyberall speche off them there." I remain here doing nothing but spend the Queen's money. It is to be feared that this "tragedy woll end yn the Quens person after thys coronation, as yt dyd begyn yn the persons off Davyd the Italien and the Quens husbond." If I could go safely (as I much doubt it) I would retire myself to Berwick till I hear from you, this town being destitute of all save Sir James Bawfor in the castle, and Cragmyller provost of the town—with 200 harquebusiers to guard it. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

1 p. Holograph. Addressed (to Cecil). This packet was delivered to be conveyed to the Earl of Lennox. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

576. Throkmorton to Leicester. [July 26.]

These men draw matters to an end—for they have obtained the Queen's resignation of her royal estate, and her consent, by her hand, for the coronation of her son, for which all the nobility and gentlemen here, with sundry of the burgesses, repair to Stirling this day. I think the solemnity shall be on Tuesday, (fn. 4) and they have required me to assist, which I have refused. They have also obtained under her hand two commissions of Regency, in the king's minority: one to Murray alone—and if he refuse, the other to certain nobles. This is not the least of the imperfections in these proceedings—that the Queen of Scotland has accorded and signed these instruments and conditions (she being in captivity), and therefore it is to be feared lest the tragedy will end in the person of the Queen violently, as it began in "Davyes" and her husband's. I am perplexed what to do, as my commission was to the Queen (now deprived of her estate). To tarry without one is inconvenient, and to return to her majesty unrevoked is dangerous. As I can do no good here, I pray your lordship procure my revocation by the next dispatch—"for yt is in vayne to treate anye more with theys lordes about thenlargemente of the Quene, or to obteyne anye favorable condycyons for her. And as for theyre yonge and new kynge, I doe not thynke that you wyll take the waye there to brynge hym into England." Herewith I send you this little "tycket" sent me out of an old book of the "prophesyes" of this country. You may believe it as you please, but here there is "myckle" credit given to it. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

pp. Addressed (to Leicester). Indorsed (by him).

577. Elizabeth to Throkmorton. [July 27.]

By your letter of 21st we perceive what answer you have at length received in writing by Lethington's hands from the lords in Edinburgh, and are very sorry to see matters at extremity, which we cannot bear without reprehension. Our pleasure is, you shall continue prosecution of your first charge to procure the Queen's liberty, and licence to speak with her that she may understand how much we mislike her (fn. 5) doings, and induce her to accord to that most for her honour and the safety of her realm: for (as you know) we have ever desired to proceed evenly betwixt her and her people. And seeing this answer so long delayed, contains nothing but colourable defences of their own doings, and they have not licensed you to deal with the Queen, we will have you declare as follows:—First: howsoever good words they give us, we think ourselves not well used by their said delay, you being our ambassador sent as mediator betwixt the Queen their Sovereign and them, for their weal as well as hers, and to procure punishment of the murder, and preservation of their prince. And it is no reasonable excuse that the absence of some, who for smaller cause might resort, and usually do resort, thither, has so long deferred answer, and yet delays your resort to the queen—which (you may say in our name) breeds in us suspicion of their actions. Wherefore you shall require them to be better advised how they proceed further: and plainly "denonce" to them that if they determine the deprivation of the Queen their sovereign lady of her royal estate, we are determined, and have probable cause to think the like of other princes of Christendom, that we will take plain part against them, to revenge their sovereign, for example to all posterity. Doubting not but God will assist us and confound them and their devices, for they have no warrant by God's or man's law to be as superiors, judges, or vindicators over their prince, whatever disorders they gather against her. What warrant have they in Scripture, as subjects, to depose their prince? "but contrary, and that with expres wordes in St Paule, who to the Romayns, commanded them to obey potestatibus supereminentioribus gladium gestantibus, although it is well known, the rulers in Roome wer infidells." (fn. 6) Or what law find they written in any Christian monarchy, that subjects may arrest the person of their princes, detain them captive and proceed to judge them? None such we are assured is in the whole Civil Law. And if they have no warrant as above, and yet can find for their purpose some examples "as we here by seditioos ballettes in print they wold pretend," (fn. 6) we justly account these examples unlawful and acts of rebellion. And so the "successes" will prove.

Thus much you shall say, for those that pretend to be guided by religion or justice. As to them that look only to their own surety: let them consider well how to stay where they be, and rather be sure of their past doings, than increase their peril by more dangerous doings to follow! Yet generally, we mean that for things past and cannot be recalled, we will appease all controversies, and if they allow you access, to "induce her" to accord thereto. You may assure them we detest the murder of our cousin their king, and mislike the marriage of the Queen with Bothwell as much as any of them. But think it not tolerable for them, being by God's ordinance subjects, to call her, who also by God's ordinance is their superior and prince, to answer to their accusations by way of force: "for we doo not thynk it consonant in nature, that the head shuld be subject to the foote." (fn. 7) And as we find by your letters that some of them, as Morton, do note us as cold towards them in distress, and others pretend we showed them favour for private respects of our own: ye may tell Morton he had refuge when we might have delivered him to death, as his father and uncle were favoured by our father—and he was pardoned at our instance, when Bedford was with the Queen. For the others, ye may say that they, as much as any who solicited us, are concerned in the benefits of our delivering their realm from the French. And as we see by their general course in debating with you, that our dealing may link them after the old manner with France: ye shall say they may have as good cause to mislike it as we. But we shall not consent for private profit, to what our conscience will not allow, but trust as hitherto in the good will and favour of Almighty God, at whose hands we have found no lack.

Lastly our pleasure is, if you be required to be present at the coronation of the prince—knowing our mind as you do, you will not by any such act affirm their doings—and for your better satisfaction, we do prohibit you to assent thereto by any means.

6 pp. Official draft corrected by Cecil. Indorsed (by his clerk).

Printed in Keith, vol. II., p. 702, from a copy in the British Museum.

578. Robert Melvill to Elizabeth. [July 29.]

Since my "cuming in this cuntre," I could not certify your highness of the proceedings between the Queen and the lords, till the latter convened themselves here on 22nd July, both to debate matters of religion and others. To be plain with your Majesty, the greater number "wes so bent in rigour against my mystres, that extremite had beyne wsit. geve youre hyness imbassadour had not beyne present, quho did wtter boithe his wisdome and effectione to her majestie, that he onlye did put asyd the present inconvenient; and did so procure the mater, is baithe lyff and honour hes beyne preservit." And though he did not get license to speak with her, he found means to let her know your majesty's earnest desire to help her to liberty. For myself. I declared my charge from your Majesty, no small comfort in her grief. She would rather herself and the prince were in your realm, than elsewhere in Christendom. He is crowned by the Queen my sovereign's own consent on 29th July. She was advised "so to do with her awyne benevolens rather thane to suffer the rigour tak place quhilk wes ment be the gretest number, not onlye to mak her unkapable to governe, bot als weill to parsew her boithe of lyfe and honour." I feared this when last with your highness, but could give no better advice for her weal than by gentle dealing "with thir lordis, in quhos hands it dois lye boithe to sawe and to spill." Seeing how the prince may be in hasard, or by practises pass to some other country, I wish to God your Majesty would prevent the same by good means. Edinburgh. Signed: Robert Melvill.

pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

579. Murray to Cecil. [July 29.]

This is only to remind you of the matter my servant Walter Melvill communicated with you last at "Vindschoir," for my brother in law, that I may have him with me in Scotland under "cawsioun," that his ransom may be more easily settled. I desire this favour the more of the Queen's majesty, that I may put an end to the troubles of the gentleman so kept prisoner, and of your honour always troubled for him. What you said to Melvill is most true, that seeing his father is so "slak" what could the Queen do more? Please credit the bearer. London. Signed: James Stewart.

pp. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk). " . . . For the Master Marshall." Wafer signet: quartered shield, 1 and 4 Scotland, with baton sinister: 2 and 3 Moray, 3 cushions within the tressure; a coronet over; J.S. at sides.

580. Throkmorton to Leicester. [July 31.]

I have received your letters of 20th and 27th instant: one with her Majesty's instructions, the other your advice to me. I am sorry her Majesty "dothe stey" her opinion on so dangerous and discommodious a foundation, whereby she can hardly apply anything to her honour, surety or profit of her realm. Though I simply say to your lordship what I think of the matter in respect of her Majesty, yet I assure you I have left nothing undone by the best means I can devise to have brought the issue of this composition to such end as her Majesty prescribed me. Whether it were fear, fury or zeal, which carried these men to the end they are come to, I know not: but I dare boldly affirm to you that though I could neither get access to the Queen, nor procure her liberty, yet I have at this time preserved her life—to what continuance I am uncertain. Sure I am, nothing shall so soon hasten her death, as the doubt that these men may conceive of her redemption to liberty and authority by the Queen's majesty's aid, or any other foreign succour. Where you advise me to retire myself hence before these men's intents be put in "uer" to their sovereign's prejudice, if I had any intelligence thereof before hand: I cannot deny but by vehement presumptions and intelligence, I had foreknowledge of their designs, though not so assured "as to have sene the excecution, yet (with your lordshipes reformation be yt spokyn) I durste not take that waye as moste savyste or expedyent. For yff her majestie be pleasyd to dyffeste me my doyngs here, off propensyd intent (wyche God forbyd) I am les able to answer my departyng hence unrevokyd, then my taryeng here to se all eventes, unles I had commandment to the contrary." This also is worthy consideration—I am in a town guarded by men of war—I have no horses, but must depend on these lords' order to furnish me, and their pleasure to leave the town. When forth of it, I cannot safely return to Berwick without their conduct, "specially yn thys brokyn world." Thus much for answer to yours of 20th. On the 29th I received yours of 23rd, with her Majesty's gracious acceptance of my proceedings and your advice for my direction. It were very unfit I should now speak with this Queen, seeing I cannot say so much to her comfort as to her discomfort, my instructions being too hard, considering her calamity and temptation—"and on the other syde, words withowte dedes be no conforte." I have sufficiently made known to her that her Majesty sent me hither purposely to relieve her by all possible means, "wyche I am suer the poore lady dothe beleve": therefore I humbly pray you procure my revocation by next despatch. My cousin Myddelmore wholly trusts in your goodness: it may please you to make him able to serve her majesty and your lordship. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

3 pp. Holograph. Addressed (by Myddelmore). I pray you peruse my dispatch now sent to the Queen. Indorsed (by Leicester).

581. Throkmorton to Elizabeth. [July 31.]

On the 30th July Anthony Rokesby younger brother to Cristofer Rokesbye, so long detained prisoner in Spynie Castle (where Bothwell is and has long been), declared to me: that his brother being earnestly pressed by Archibald "Lynseye" captain of the castle under the bishop of Murray, also by one Heyborne laird of Rycarton, kinsman to Bothwell, and by one James Lynseye servant to the bishop, and 3 Heybornes sons to the bishop: for the safe guard of his life could not but consent to the killing or apprehension of Bothwell when convenient, whereof Christofer thought meet to advertise me, that your Majesty might choose whether you would have him "so kylled," or taken prisoner into your realm? As I saw no great likelihood of taking and delivering the Earl alive into England—he being attended by 12 or 14 desperate persons principal doers of the murder of the king (whose names I enclose)—and as I well knew "yt coulde not be agreable to your pryncelye nature, neyther to your godlye mynde," to consent to any murder ("albeyt your majestie coulde have bene contented that the sayde Earle eyther by justyce weere executed, or otherwyse the worlde ryd of hym by Gods hande")—I refused to encourage the conspiracy. But I advised Rokesbye to repair to Lethington at Stirling and declare the matter, as he and the lords his associates had more interest in it than your Majesty. Rokesbye also said the conspirators intended to kill the old bishop with the earl, being of his surname and 80 years old—surely a very abominable act that the old man should die so miserably, having committed no crime—which moved me to rid my hands of the whole matter. He tells me also, Huntly is a principal doer in the conspiracy: yet bears Bothwell very fair countenance. His sister is not with her husband, as I wrote before. By Myddelmore who is returned while I write, I learn that things passed at Stirling thus:—On the 29th of July the young prince was crowned in the great church by the bishop of Orkney, the laird of Dun, and superintendent of Lothian. Mr Knox preached, and took a place of Scripture forth of the books of the Kings, where Joas was crowned very young, to treat on. Some accustomed ceremonies were omitted. "manye reteyned." The oath usually ministered to the king at his coronation was taken by Morton and Dun on the prince's behalf. Lindsay and Ruthven "dyd by theyre othe testefye publicklye that the Quene theyre soveraigne dyd resigne wyllingelye without compulcyon, her estate and dignytye to her sonne, and the governemente of the realme to suche personnes as by her severall commissyons she had named, which weere there publykelye red, together with her resignatyon to her sonne." Thereafter great feasts were made in the castle to the nobility and gentlemen. Atholl, Morton, Glencairn and Mar be proclaimed as regents till Murray's coming, who refusing regency alone, that then "Chastelleroe," Lennox, Argyll, Murray, Atholl, Morton, Glencairn and Mar shall have the regency, Huntly being excluded as an unfit man, "beinge not verye wyse, inconstant, factious and insolent." To honour the coronation and testify their joy, this town of Edinburgh made that night very near 1000 "bonefyers," and the castle "shot of 20 peeces of artyllerye": the people making great "joye, dauncynges and acclamacyons." So as it appears they rejoiced more at the "thinauguracyon" of the new prince than sorrow for their Queen! Before the coronation these lords sent James Melvyn to Hamilton, requiring the Bishop of St Andrews and the abbot of Arbroath to assist; who answered thanking them for the gentle advertisement, which they liked as agreeable to the Queen their Sovereign's will, but for their part had nothing to say, but to protest that the coronation should not prejudice the title of the Duke and his heirs, if the King died without issue. They were no enemies, but thought meet to stand on their guard, not being privy to the enterprise. Nor would they pursue any of these noblemen, whom they loved as themselves. For all these good words none of them came, but they sent one Arthur Hamilton to protest for the Duke's title: which he did before the lords in the council chamber (copy of whose protestation I send your Majesty) and then departed in peace. The lords mean (I hear) to go from Stirling to Paisley [Patesloe] an abbey of the said bishop's, to make some reformation in religion and from thence to Glascowe. I send your majesty the Queen's resignation to her son, and also the 2 commissions of regency, with a proclamation made on the king's behalf after the coronation. And notwithstanding Anthony Rokesbye's advertisement above written, I hear from Stirling that Bothwell has killed one of the bishop's sons, and put all his servants out of Spynie, committing the guard to his own associates. This day a well equipped ship of Bothwell's is discovered on this coast whereof John Heyborne of Bolton is captain. Some think the Earl is on board, meaning to put himself in Dunbar castle, fortified and victualled by the laird of Whytelaughe the governor, who will render it to none but the Queen. The captain of this castle, and the provost of this town, have put one captain Heyborne to ward, who was about to levy men to join Bothwell.

Though Huntly pretends ignorance of the coronation etc., he desires that he and the Hamiltons may meet with some of the lords to compound matters—saying for his own part, if the retention of the Queen is meet for the weal and quiet of the realm, he will not sue for her liberty. Robert Melvyn, not wishing to assist at the coronation, kept me company here. I send his letter to your Majesty. The Queen (I hear) keeps her bed, and is as straitly guarded as ever. Lindsay returned to Lochleven immediately after the ceremony ended.

Now that your Majesty sees how these men intend neither to grant me access to the Queen or negociate with me—if it stand with your pleasure, methinks I were better away than here—so I humbly desire my revocation by your next despatch. Edinburgh. Signed: N. Throkmorton.

6 pp. Addressed. Indorsed (by Cecil's clerk).

Footnotes

  • 1. Originally "guid."
  • 2. Lethington?
  • 3. Holograph.
  • 4. 29th.
  • 5. Substituted for "their" by Cecil.
  • 6. The words in quotations interlined by Cecil.
  • 7. The words in quotations interlined by Cecil.