Elizabeth: May 1580

482. Monsieur D'Bourgoing, Physician to the Queen of Scots, to the French Ambassador in England. [May 1.] C.P., vol. XI.

Monsieur, because I am assured that you are fond of the Queen my mistress, as she deserves that you should be, I have rightly wished, being charged with the health of her majesty for my duty, to let you understand that her health [disposition] is in as bad a state as it can be, and that I see nothing that can give me hope of her recovery except liberty and deliverance, from so many ills among which for so long she has been detained. For I call on God as a witness that we have done all that is possible for the recovery from the infirmity that afflicts her, but the remedies, although they seem to benefit her, cannot bring her health, inasmuch as nature is so much prostrated in her that she can no longer resist. I have done what my art can devise as well for the whole body as for the pain in her side with which she is perpetually vexed. But I do not advance much, which is the reason that I beg you affectionately to do something, that she can obtain permission to go to the baths of Buxton, in which she formerly found comfort, as I am assured, considering both experience and the nature of these [ills], that there is no other remedy that can aid her than that awaiting till it pleases God to comfort her by rest from her afflictions If that be denied her, I can say for certain that in a short time she will fall into such languor and weakness, and such strange illness that it will never be possible to cure her. The hardening of her side and the rising up of blood from day to day, increasing with age, and the forces of her body diminishing besides the treatment that she has had in her living and the rigour and severity in her narrow prison, would be enough to render for ever weak and sickly the strongest body in the world. Protesting before her majesty and you that if I had known what it is, I would have refrained from undertaking such a charge, as to render account of the health, and of the life of a person of so great consequence not having the means to help in abundance even a quite private person.

For fear of wearying you, I will not write any more, but I pray you to have it all in recommendation and to take pity with me on her condition. I am assured that this is a thing agreeable to God, whom I pray, after having saluted your grace with my most humble recommendations, to give you monsieur in health a happy life. Sheffield.

1 p. French. Indorsed: "Coppie de la lettre du Medecin de la Royne descos."

483. Border Matters. [May 2.]

The King of Scots and his Privy Council have learnt that the bishop of Durham has been appointed one of the Queen of England's commissioners in place of Lord Evre, and that her three Wardens shall be joined in commission with the other three personages. For the better expedition of the matter they have shown a draft of a commission to the effect that a common form may be agreed upon. When the King and his Council were occupied with his commissioners and his Wardens new difficulties appeared. In respect of the bishop of Durham, it is meeter to be resolved before the commissioners be made, whether it is meant that he shall be met by one of the self same quality and calling, and if it is meant that the three principal Wardens of either realm should be appointed as first in commission, and the other three to assist them, and so six to be in the commission of either realm. If it be so meant, it were meet to be resolved beforehand whether the commissioners directed from the Privy Councils or the Wardens should be first in the commission. If the Wardens be first and do all things well enough themselves, then it seems not requisite of necessity that other commissioners pass to the Borders. But if the charge be committed to others besides the Wardens to treat upon the matter that they cannot accord upon, then it appears meeter that the Wardens be commanded to inform the commissioners and to execute whatsoever shall be directed by them. If there be six in either commission, must they be all present? Shall they be of like number on either side? If all the Wardens of either realm shall be in commission it should be resolved if it would make any doubt or misliking that the Wardens of Scotland presently are not of that state and quality as the Wardens of the East and West Marches of England. The draft of the commission appears to contain further than like commissions in like case, or that has been spoken by the Queen of England's servants; specially touching the cause of the debatable ground and the fishing of Tweed. For if the same clause be inserted by reason of the like found in former commissions, the case appears to be already decided by division of the debatable land at the West Marches by special commissioners who were directed to that effect, and quieting of the controversies for the fishing of Hollywell on Tweed, near Norham, by the commissioners who convened at Berwick in 1553. It is to be advised if the commissioners now appointed shall treat of the debatable lands and fishings. It has been the custom at the meeting of commissioners that the complaints on either side were inrolled and interchangeably delivered to the opposite Wardens, and where difficulty appeared the commissioners decided the matter. It being seventeen years since the last meeting of commissioners, and sundry extraordinary matters having in the meantime intervened, it seems best to consider before the meeting of commissioners from what special day redress should be made on both parts. For which respects it seems unprofitable to keep precisely the 20th instant.

4 pp. Copy. Notes in the margin in the hand of (Walsingham's secretary). [With No. 583. Fol. 86.]

484. Mary to Elizabeth. [1580.] [May 2.] C.P., vol. XI.

Madam, my good sister, I have written to you several times for a year now to put before your consideration the unworthy and harsh treatment that I receive in this captivity, notwithstanding the proof that I endeavoured to give you on all occasions of my entire and sincere affection towards you, even when I caused myself the most pain, and desired only, in default that the paper could not carry more, to communicate with some of yours, to understand more by him, your intention of my being accommodated in the future, and to take away from between us all occasion of suspicion and distrust, to establish a perfect friendship for our common surety, and the extreme grandeur and prosperity of this isle. But this overture and deliberation having passed by the examination and censure of those who have founded their grandeur and advancement on our division, has been so distorted to you by their usual artifices and false inventions, that I have been constrained for once not to make any importunate instance about it, awaiting until of yourself you should be pleased to recognise the advantage that you could get therefrom, confining myself to giving you evidence to satisfy you how I have done in all that I have been able to understand to be of consequence to you, and to have been agreeable to you; wherein you know whether I have not encountered the enmity of some, and only on your behalf. And, nevertheless, I have not seen since any appearance, as I hoped, that all that has been done by me has been of any avail in your regard, but rather, I have found from day to day less courtesy, favour, and support, in all that can concern me there, as well in my person as otherwise, my enemies on the contrary in full liberty and general permission to injure me, I being by you bound and held, without any means to defend myself against them in default of your protection, not being even permitted to clear myself, as so many times I have requested, of that which falsely they have represented to you of me. But, madam, I must avow to you the experience that I have had of the ill will of some of my enemies who have been near to you, and the confirmation that I have recently had of it when least I thought to have merited it, in having taken away from me all hope, whatever opinion that I might have of your good disposition, ever to be able, however much I should be retained at their devotion, to keep myself in your good grace [in] the repose and tranquillity that I was in, following your intention proposed in this captivity, while awaiting the fruit and just recompense of the same.

Thus am I constrained to ask and beg you, as I humbly do, for my deliverance out of this prison, to free yourself from the charge that I am to you, and from the continual suspicions, distrusts, and impressions with which they trouble you daily against me, since by no other way do I see that you could introduce better order; for, in obliging me by this good deed, I shall refuse no just and reasonable conditions to assure you entirely, in whatever part of Christendom I may be, of the perpetual acknowledgment that I shall owe you for it (which will serve you consequently in regard to my son), protesting from the present before the eternal God my intention to be, to keep and observe sincerely, that which shall be determined and concluded, without ever undertaking anything to the contrary, and to the prejudice of you or of this State, as in truth I confess that I have not, neither am [doing], for [not] having the force and means, and on that account, so much the less ought suspicion and distrust to remain with you. Consider, if you please that, I have not failed you up till now in any promise whatsoever, and for having kept it to you sometimes too inconsiderately, I have received much damage from it. Think that it rests with you to hold me more yours out of prison, obliging my heart towards you by a courtesy so renowned, than by confining my body between four walls, force not being accustomed to gain much on those of my rank and disposition, of which you may have had some experience in the past. I am assured that if you remember how, on your assurance, which was given me with a jewel on your part, a little before the last troubles in Scotland, I came of my good and free will and with deliberate purpose, and put myself in your hands to seek the support which you had promised me against my traitorous and rebellious subjects, you will judge in your conscience my request to be very reasonable and the remonstrances that were made to the contrary to be without any foundation of right or justice, which renders even prisoners of war recommendable, as in this kingdom some of your predecessors have practised against many foreign princes who did not touch them in any respect of friendship; much stronger occasion is it having this honour, after that of a sovereign Queen, such as I am born, to be to-day the nearest relation that you have in Christendom, and, I can say, most just heir. What reputation, think you, will remain to you for permitting me, without any compassion to languish so many years in such a miserable state, and by the continuation of the bad treatment that I have received up to now I am going to end my days already too prolonged? In truth, I do not value, seeing the great illness that I have had these past years, and the state in which I am still at present, my health, which is only to support longer the treatment to which I am accustomed by the past, being too young and strong, for death in a short time to deliver me from it, if you do not anticipate it, in order to receive soon some better recompense and advantage from my long captivity; and I beg you forthwith to allow me a journey to the baths of Buxton, forasmuch as I have not found here any remedy better for the complaint in my side, with which I am extremely tormented. I shall await, above all, your recompense, in order on the same to declare to you more fully and particularly that which on my part will serve to effect a so just and reasonable overture as much for your honour, repose, and surety as for my particular good. And however after recommending myself very affectionately to your good grace I will pray God that he will give you, my good sister, good and long life. From Sheffield, the 2nd May, the 12th year of my prison.

2¾ pp. French. Copy. Indorsed: "2 May, 1580. Coppie de la lettre ecrite par la Royne d'Escoce a la Royne d'Angleterre."

Cott. Calig., C. VI., fol. 23.

Another copy of the same.

485. Mary to the Privy Council of England. [May 2.] C.P., vol. XI.

Sirs, although by the letters that I have written presently to the Queen of England, madam, my good sister, your mistress, on which I do not doubt that she will take your good advice, you may know sufficiently fully the just and more than reasonable considerations which have moved me to the instance that I make to her for my deliverance out of this miserable captivity. I shall not cease, trusting in the sincerity of your consciences, for the discharge of that of the said Queen, your mistress, to pray you all in general and particular to discharge towards me in this negotiation the just duty with which your are obliged towards God, your Queen, and the good of this kingdom, which I protest is in no less respect and recommendation to me than to yourselves. I do not doubt that my enemies who constrain me in part to this request by the bad and unworthy treatment with which they have up till now pursued me, labour to traverse it as they have always done all my previous [requests] of much less importance. But your prudence, that I make judge between them and me, will know well of itself how to weigh that which on one part and another can be alleged, without that on my part I labour by one letter without reply, to discover to you the advantange that you could derive, better by the grant of my liberty than by my death in this prison, of which the blame would rest with you in all Christendom. Only I will assure you my intention to be to keep and observe inviolably that which will be upon this determined and concluded; and that, respecting before all other things the right that I have in the succession of this kingdom after the said Queen, my good sister, be it for me or my son, I shall never omit any duty, care, and travail to bring to it as much grandeur and prosperity as I pray God to give her and you, sirs, the opportunity to govern it to His honour and glory. Manor of Sheffield.

1 p. French. Copy. Indorsed: "Coppie de la letre de la Royne d'Escoce ecrite a Messieurs du Conseil de la Royne d'Angleterre."

486. Robert Bowes to Burghley and Walsingham. [May 3.]

Found the Earl of Lennox, the Master of Mar, and the Laird of Drumquhassel at Edinburgh, the latter being still keeper of Dumbarton Castle. The two last told him the manner of the raising of the bruit devised against the Earl of Morton for carrying the King to Dalkeith, and from thence into England, as also the occasion and manner of the King's passage to the Castle of Doun Monteith, and all his doings there. They utterly deny that the King was moved to have ridden to Glasgow or Dumbarton, or that there was any purpose to have conveyed him into France. But they confess that, seeing his person, revenues, and casualties abused, and finding little hope of remedy by way of complaint to any Council or convention, therefore it was "in heed" to have persuaded him to return to Edinburgh without the knowledge of the rest of the Council then remaining at Edinburgh, and there to enterprise some reformation in the abuses aforesaid. Which purpose was not attempted nor broken to the King by the haste that he made to depart from the Castle of Down to Stirling. For the credit of their tales they affirm and offer to prove very largely—and chiefly in the point of transportation of the King into France, wherein they strive and labour much by most deep oaths, protestations, and many circumstances to persuade him [Bowes] to think—that they nor any other to their knowledge conspired to go about any such practices or matter. Besides, they have liberally promised to perform all their former promises to her majesty; and herein they appear to be so willing and forward that it seems to him that they will not refuse to give such reasonable surety for the performance thereof as shall be thought expedient. Chooses rather to refer the same till his return to them at Edinburgh, that he might meanwhile inform himself of the truth in all their doings and receive direction for his further progress with them. They remain great friends to the Earl of Lennox, whose behaviour and action towards the King's person and estate, and for the maintenance of the amity betwixt these two crowns, they right highly commend, and they no less acquit him of all these suspected practices than they purge themselves thereof. Because in this conference with them he perceived that Lennox used to send always to the King such letter or news as he received at any hand, and seeing that the form and substance of the Queen of England's letters addressed to the Earl of Lennox might well bear to be sent by him or by the King, or any other, whereupon he might prove her good disposition, standing indifferent to them all, and favouring those who shall be most careful for the King's safety, therefore, upon apt occasion given him, he gave her said letter to the Master of Mar to be then delivered to the Earl of Lennox, with some excuse that in that short time of his abode in that town, and before he had visited the King, he could not aptly come to him to open and enlarge her majesty's pleasure to be signified to him, as on their meeting should be done. Chose rather to enter his acquaintance with the earl by these instruments, to the intent he might the better understand how "inward" they were with him, and after to make his profit thereon. Having in this sort renewed the bonds and intelligence betwixt them and him, has left them in these fair terms, minding on their next meeting to deal more inwardly with them, and, nevertheless, to beware to give her majesty's benevolence further without probability of good effects. Desires to be instructed what sums he shall bestow particularly on either of them, and upon what articles, sureties, and bonds.

Coming to Stirling on the 28th of last month, he found the Earls of Morton, Argyll, Montrose, and Rothes, Lords Ruthven, Boyd. Herries, Ochiltree, and Cathcart, Dunfermline, Newbottle, St. Colme, Dryburgh, Cambuskenneth, Culross, Comptroller, Clerk Register, and Provost of Dundee new assembled, and on the morrow the King granted him audience. Presented the Queen of England's letter to the King, accompanying the same with reports of the intelligence given to her of the troubles likely to arise there by the jealousies reigning among the nobility, and also with signification of her great care for his own safety and the peace of the realm, plentifully witnessed by her former benefits and by her sending him to visit him and understand his estate, to do all good offices to prevent the evils threatened, to pray him to give ear to such sound advice as should be given for his profit, and to "manifest" that her majesty inclined to no part, but chiefly favoured those who should be found most careful for his safety and the common quiet. Urged the expedition of timely mediation and his own plain dealing as well in the search and discovery of the first authors of these dangerous bruits, and of the truth and purpose in the same, as also in the good opening of all things that any way lay in his own knowledge. To all which he gave good ear and began to acknowledge her majesty's great goodness and charges bestowed on him and his realm, for which he rendered thanks in very good terms and kind speeches, testifying, indeed, his love to her and promising both to be found thankful for things past, and also to hearken to her advice, and to follow and set it forth as much as he might. Opened to him the order for the meeting of commissioners to redress the disorders on the Borders, showing the alteration in the appointment of the bishop of Durham to supply the place of Lord Evre, and also the draft of the commission framed to be given by the Queen of England to her commissioners, and prayed that for the expedition of the cause and to avoid all needless scruples, he and his Council would resolve thereon and let him know their resolution, to the intent that the form and substance of the commission being agreed, and the commissioners, the time, and place appointed, all things might proceed. To all which he readily consented, and committed this cause to the consideration of his Council. Has had conference with them in many points of their doubts, and although in the most part he has satisfied them, yet in the rest they stay their determinate conclusion for the advice and consent of the Earl of Morton and others, who presently are absent at the marriage of the Justice Clerk, and will, he thinks, return this day. Moved the matter of the Hamiltons, standing upon his promise to be answered at the convention on the 26th instant, or within four days. After opening the causes moving her majesty to make request for them, approving that she was bound in honour to do it, and likewise he to grant it, concluding that with grave advice it might be done with his honour and surety, the King hasted to answer, and, changing colour, as nothing pleased therewith, said that he would confer with his Council and give him answer. Has privately persuaded Councillors to understand truly the condition of the matter, but finds such prepared sentence herein that he distrusts it shall not fall to her majesty's pleasure or profit of the parties.

That day, before his [Bowes'] access to the King, the Earl of Morton had exhibited to the King and Council his supplication in writing, praying trial and knowledge of the first author of the bruit brought to the King's ear against him. The matter was long and earnestly debated, and not without offence to sundry; wherein it was looked that the Earl of Argyll should have been charged with the first information given to the King; but the King acknowledged that before Argyll told him anything thereof, Dunfermline, the Comptroller, and the Abbot of Cambuskenneth had given him warning of such an enterprise suspected to be meant by Morton, asking of him what their parts should be for his safety, "and wheruppon he absenteth from the fields." All which he signified in the hearing of these three then sitting in Council, and who even then denied the same before the King, the Earl of Morton, and the whole Council. The Earl of Morton being removed, it was concluded by that Act of Council set down and recorded that bruit should be condemned and pronounced to be false and untrue, with as large declaration of the earl's innocency and faithful service to the King as could be devised, and that from thenceforth no man should inform or tell the "kany tale" other than he that he would openly stand to and justify. When the Earl of Morton heard this resolution by the King's declaration before the Council, he showed himself nothing pleased, and, bursting into warm speech, he gave the challenge and lie, with very dispiteful terms, to any who had raised or durst affirm that report against him. Nevertheless, by the fair entreaty of the King the matter was pacified.

The Earl of Mar likewise preferred his complaint, requiring trial of the like bruit devised against him and sundry of his house, who were bruited to detain and use the King's person and his possessions unlawfully, and against his own goodwill and pleasure. Wherein the King by his own mouth and testimony declared that tale to be altogether false, and so well acquitted the earl and his house that like Act of Council was made for their purgation therein.

After these were passed, Lord Ochiltree stood up, showing that he had received letters from the Earl of Lennox to require him to make his purgation in his absence against such false rumours and tales as were devised against him, that if any would charge the earl that he had conspired or gone about to persuade the King to pass to Glasgow or Dumbarton, or that he sought to carry him into France or any other place against the King's good pleasure or to his prejudice, the earl would with his sword prove such person a liar, with other very hot words and challenges; whereunto no answer was made. In the end, by especial order and entreaty of the King, and to avoid further contentions in the trial of the causes, it was ordered that all these bruits and reports should be accounted to be false, and from thenceforth to be put in oblivion, and that the noblemen touched by the same should therewith hold themselves contented and love one another. Thus this fire is now wrapped up in ashes, with such discontentment that many think it will soon burst forth again with greater peril. Nevertheless, the King does not like to hear of any further mediation to be made in the reconciliation of the noblemen; for he thinks that this will suffice, and that the further dealing therein will renew the offence in such sort that the griefs will not be so well quenched again. Thus his travail in this behalf will be needless, and may not conveniently be done, as otherwise had been requisite, and as many wise of both sides desired.

In long conference with the Earl of Morton, in the night, to avoid suspicion, has at large signified the Queen of England's pleasure expressed in the second article of her instruction, persuading his continuance in that course, wherein she would support and comfort him against his adversaries, who seek no less his disgrace, than the overthrow of religion and that government. For this he yields right hearty thanks to her, offering very freely his devotion and service to maintain the amity. After long declaration of his own cause and of the late suspicions conceived by the King, being at the Down, he wishes that good regard might be given to prevent their practices appearing, and which he thinks have so far prevailed that he doubts much the sequel, and he cannot, he says, readily devise sufficient remedy. For he holds that D'Aubigny and that side have gotten such interest in the King, and drawn him to such liking and admiration of the glory of France and friendship to be had there, that the King begins not only to commend and to be contented to hear the practices of France beyond his accustomed manner, but also to keep secret all things told or offered to him by that side, and oftentimes to discover to the side aforesaid the advices that he [Morton] or the house of Mar give to him—a matter not only noted by the Earl of Morton, but also seen and confirmed to him [Bowes] by Dunfermline, the Clerk Register, James Murray, and others of the King's Council and chamber, who think they have more cause to lament it than power to amend it, holding the matter very difficult and dangerous without her majesty's seasonable aid. Whereas he pressed to know the remedy to be ministered by the Queen of England, he then took time to advise, referring him to confer with Dunfermline and others. Which he has done, and finds all things which the Earl of Morton told him confirmed by them, and that the excuse and sayings of the contrary part are condemned and proved so suspicious that the matter is holden to remain still in peril, "and that that smoke had a warme fyre." In like manner has spoken with the Earl of Argyll and others of that side, who flatly deny all things of the King's transportation to France, or any such intention, and they allege that these bruits are devised to bring them into contempt and to continue the King in the hands of those who make their profit thereby. The earl and all the rest promise their devotion to her majesty and the amity so far as can be required.

Argyll is willing to be reconciled with Morton. Montrose will be pleased to join therein, but Morton doubts the bond will be no better kept than before. There is such a safe bond betwixt Argyll and Lennox as cannot be undone; whereby the King and a number of noblemen, councillors, and others near the King, and of great credit in the country, are carried headlong with Lennox to advance him by all the means they can, and these are hereby of such power that hardly they can be kept from the possession of the King, to be carried and persuaded as they best like: upon which point all these controversies and piques arise and depart. For the present remedy hereof it is concluded by this assembly that on the 20th instant the King shall begin his progress into Fife and other parts, wherein Lord Ruthven and other like friends are found to be of sufficient strength; in which journey a great part of this summer is like to be expended. It is also agreed that after the progress the King shall pass to Glasgow, Dumbarton, and other parts of the west. But this second is meant more to win time than indeed to be performed.

It is looked that the King shall be drawn from Edinburgh and Stirling—places most favourable for Lennox and his purposes—and that Lennox and the others will not seek to accompany the King in the first progress, but rather attend the second, and that in their absence the King may be recovered and brought to trust and favour the counsellors then about him, and also to discover such secrets as hitherto he keeps within himself. Doubts much that the effect will not fall to this expectation, for he understands that Argyll and Lennox are purposed to be still in company with the King, and the King has already asked Argyll, who has agreed to go with him, and also written to Lennox to come to him to prepare him for his journey. The surest remedy that Morton, Dunfermline, and the rest can find is to have always trusty counsellors about the King and a good guard for his person to withstand all sudden and surprise, for it is well seen that all these late matters were wrought with the King whilst there were no counsellors of sufficient credit resiant about him; but they allege that the King is not able to sustain the charges of such counsellors and guard, nor yet can any counsellor be pleased to tarry in Court at his own expenses; whereby it seems that covertly they crave some aid of the Queen of England, yet they have not hitherto dealt with him [Bowes] therein. Howbeit, by their private advice to himself and by some speech fallen by the King, and signifying he would send especial persons to confer with him for his own behoof, it seems to him that they mind to make some motion for her relief and bounty towards the King. Is very dull to understand their meaning without more plain language. In conference with these, they persuaded that it shall be no less dangerous than fruitless to entertain any with pension in Scotland, other than one especial person to be always resiant in Court with the King, for the ease of his expenses. But they think that if her majesty shall be at any charge it would be best bestowed on the King only, whereby all the nobility and others might be therein bound to her in the King's behalf, whom they dare not offend, and that her majesty should have such interest thereby in the person and estate of the King, as disposition of his possessions for his most profit, that little matter of importance might be done without her privity, and that then she might place and commend to him such as shall be seen to her most apt and serviceable for him. Has found that surely the King hitherto loves and depends on the Queen of England above any other in the world; and being prayed by him in the love he bears to her to let him know what has been done to himself by Lennox or others in these causes, he has very frankly told him all that before he told to the Earl of Mar, Dunfermline, Mr. Murray, or any other; notwithstanding he will not now openly to themselves acknowledge so much as before he did. The King affirms to him for certainty that these are all that have been offered to himself, and also promises that from henceforth he will let her majesty truly understand anything coming to his knowledge, and that shall concern her, himself, or the realms, and for the present it appears very well that her majesty may easily draw him to like of anything that she in goodwill and friendship shall commend to him.

The Earl of Lennox, according to his expectation, has sent the Queen of England's letters addressed to himself, together with his own, to the King, in nature of complaint and of challenge to any who shall charge him to be guilty in any of these suspected practices. Of this the King made him acquainted, and which he has used to persuade him thoroughly of the good dealing of the Queen of England as well to himself as to all his subjects; wherewith he is very well pleased. Requests to be directed as to these causes, his return to Berwick, and the commission for the Borders. Stirling.

8 pp. Copy. In the margin: "To the L. Treasurer and Sir Fr. Walsingham from Mr. Robert Bowes, 3 of Maye, 1580." Notes in the margin in the hand of [Walsingham's secretary]. [With No. 583. Fol. 76.]

Cott. Calig., C. VI., fol. 29.

Original of the same.

487. Walsingham to Mr. Robert Bowes. [May 3.]

His letters from Edinburgh of the 26th ult. were received on the 1st instant. Is sorry thereby to see the confused state of Scotland, and especially that the common people be so diversely drawn into faction, whom he thought—in respect of the common hatred they naturally have against the servitude under any strange Prince— which no doubt the French seek to bring them into—would never have inclined so much as they have done to D'Aubigny, a man altogether French, and a Papist. This ill disposition in the common sort there makes him the more to doubt that there is some great and hidden treason not yet discovered, and to fear that the speeches cast abroad in Spain, whereof lately advertisement has been sent hither, are not altogether vain. Namely, that already arms are taken in Scotland, and that the mass and Romish religion are set up in Scotland. Also that such rebels and fugitives of Scotland and England as be in the Low Countries or France are in great hope and expectation that the matter of religion shall presently and first be pushed in Scotland; that many who were favourers heretofore of religion in Scotland are now become outwardly enemies thereof; that about fifteen days past the noblemen of Scotland remaining in Paris, and being of the Scottish Queen's party, have despatched a post into Spain to crave a sum of money from the King there, and being in very good hope thereof, have promised therewithal to advance the popish religion; also that on the 24th ult. Farnyhurst and one of the Hamiltons who killed the Regent rode post out of France into Spain; and by other advertisements it is declared that the first attempt to alter religion will begin in Scotland, wherefore it behoves them there to look carefully to this cause, as he hopes they will, and the better by such good admonition and advice as may proceed from him. For the unfolding of all these practices he thinks [ (fn. 1) ] one of the aptest and ablest persons, and therefore to do some good herein with him he wishes him spared no cost. It will not be amiss also that he "groape" the friends of Farnyhurst.

For answer to his particular letter to himself, he thinks good he should write privately to him, for the better answering her majesty's commandment given him for addressing his intelligence specially to him [Walsingham], if he has any matter he thinks fit to impart to him only for her. Lest in his absence from the Court his private letter should be opened, he wishes him to put therein a cipher of the said intelligence, using that cipher between them which he knows remains with him.

For his private suit for exchange, he perceives by his brother, Sir George, that the Lord Treasurer has now good liking thereof, and he may be sure he will give it what furtherance he may.

Is to let him know that he is to be one of the commissioners for the causes of the Borders, and therefore, for that it is thought meet that the rest be at Berwick by the 15th instant to confer among themselves before they meet the commissioners for Scotland, he would be glad to know whether the business where he is will permit him to be at the conference; and also whether the present troublesome state of Scotland will be no cause of delaying the meeting.

1¼ pp. Draft. Indorsed: "3 May 1580. To Mr. Bowes."

Copy of the same. [With No. 583.]

Cott. Calig., C. VI., fol. 21.

Another copy of the same.

488. James VI. to Elizabeth. [May 10.]

Deferred answering her letters of the 22nd of February till the convening of his Council, sundry of whom could not conveniently be assembled till now. Assures her that he continues thankful for her loving care and friendship, and for the preservation of his estate, and hopes to acquit it when occasion offers. Her letter purports that she has caused Claud Hamilton to be charged with the matters contained in his letter, tending to make him and his brother culpable in so high degree as ought not to have any favour, and that having received such direct answer to the matters wherewith he was charged, and as he does not refuse trial, she thinks she ought to persist in her former request. Would be right sorry to give her cause to think that her requests to him should not be well regarded. What he has written to her is true. Hopes she will not admit Lord Claud's answer to have any credit with her in prejudice of what he, upon certain knowledge, has written, and which his Estates in Parliament have found and declared to be so, the judgment of the Estates being the ordinary and most sufficient form of trial in cause of treason. Yet, for her further satisfaction, seeing that Claud's defence avows some things to be true in that wherewith he is charged, and does not refuse trial, he says, if the two brothers simply depend on her mediation, and by her they would claim impunity, let them both be first in her power, and upon the trial to proceed in that order which is reasonably meet, he can be content that such conclusion be taken in their matter, with her good advice, as may be agreeable to reason and stand with her and his honour and surety. Has conferred with Bobert Bowes touching the matters mentioned in her letter of the 16th of April, who has heard from him of his own estate and the present peaceable state of Scotland. Renders her hearty thanks for the continuance of her great love and care for him and his estate. Stirling.

1½ pp. Copy. In the margin: "To her majestie from the K. of Scotland, 10 Maii, 1580." Notes in the margin in the hand of (Walsingham's secretary). [With No. 583. Fol. 88.]

489. Robert Bowes to Burghley and Walsingham. [May 10.]

Having oftentimes moved the King and his Council for the relief of Lords John and Claud Hamilton, and doubting that the answer prepared and in manner determined would be disagreeable to the Queen of England's desire and expectation, prayed to have conference with the whole Council or any chosen persons to be appointed, that he might inform them sufficiently in that weighty cause. Whereupon the Abbot of Dunfermline, the Provost of Dundee, and the Clerk Register were sent to confer with him. Urged much that by the true meaning of the pacification the murder of the two Regents was meant to be remitted and pardoned. Which remission, nevertheless, was referred to the advice and counsel of the Queen of England for form only, and for the King's honour and safety of the Regent, who might not conveniently pardon so high crimes; and albeit her majesty had advised the suspension of the inquisitions and revenges of these murders until the King took the government on himself, yet she has still reserved in her own power the absolute order and determination thereof, which now, perhaps, she will be pleased to leave to the King, to the intent that the parties receiving their pardon as it were at his hands and of his mercy and grace, they may be thereby the more strictly bound to obey and serve him, and that by the same the best way be taken for the thankful acquittal of her honour engaged, and also for the good provision of the King's best surety from all harm of the parties or any depending on them. Hereupon these three commissioners agreed to open to the King and Council the sum and effects of all the arguments passed, and therewith to move that the resolution may be to her majesty's good contentment. It was resolved that the King should write to the Queen of England to such effect as by his letter inclosed to her will appear. Albeit thereby the trial is urged of such things as Lord Claud avows to be true against that wherewith he is charged in the King's letter sent before to her majesty, and it is conditioned that the two brethren shall be in her majesty's power to proceed in that trial in reasonable order; which being done the King declares himself well contented that such conclusion shall be taken in this matter, with her majesty's advice, as shall be agreeable to reason and stand with the honour and safety of her majesty and of the King. Nevertheless, it is pretended that if by her majesty's good means the King's surety may be sufficiently provided for against these parties and their friends, and with their own consent and agreement, then they should receive such favour as her majesty pleases to advise to be given to them, and so her advice should be fulfilled as might be to honour and good contentment. Has received the answer, partly for that her majesty may make some profit thereof, but chiefly for that he could get no better.

The cause for meeting of the commissioners on the Borders has received often and long debate and delay by the occasion of many difficulties found by the Council of Scotland in the mutual agreement to be accorded on the form of the commission to be severally granted by either Prince, and in doubts thought requisite to be resolved before the coming together of the commissioners. In all which objections and points he has satisfied them, saving only in the certain limitation of the day and time whence the redresses demandable for either realm shall be made. Because he had no direction for the prescription of that time, therefore has been driven to leave the limitation thereof to her majesty's pleasure. Has prayed that, for the keeping of the day and place already agreed for the meeting of the commissioners, power might be given to them to appoint the time. As this request could not be granted, has moved that they would limit such day from whence the redress should be made as should seem most reasonable to them and might best content them, to the intent that if the Queen of England liked the same, then the matter might proceed with best effect. Wherein they think that they cannot resolve without the advice of their Wardens of these Marches, having for that purpose already written to the Wardens. They have concluded to pray and attend speedy advertisement of the Queen of England's pleasure for the limitation of the day. It is resolved that the day of meeting of the said commissioners at Berwick in the manner before agreed shall be for this cause prorogued till the 20th of June. They agree to the placing of the bishop of Durham to supply the room of Lord Evre, before named one of the Queen of England's commissioners, and they are minded hitherto to continue their former commissioners before assigned. They now look for the return of her majesty's pleasure concerning the time, promising therein to proceed with justice and good order. Incloses the form of the commission accorded for both realms, with the addition therein inserted for delivery of prisoners and their bonds unlawfully taken, and notes of the doubts found by the Council of Scotland.

They complain much that the Grahams have purchased lands in the West Marches of Scotland, and planting themselves thereon have sown their corn and inhabit against the laws established, which they look shall be remedied by the commissioners. Has written to Lord Scrope to take speedy order herein. Has advised her majesty's Wardens of the three Marches speedily to certify her majesty or the Privy Council from what day they think it most convenient to begin redress.

Although great labour is taken to cover the secrecies purposed to have been practised at the King's being at the Castle of Downe Monteth —the depth of which plot is not yet fully known to the confederates joining therein, other than to a few—yet such effects and circumstances are opened as well by the King's own discovery partly made before the whole Council, and more fully signified in counsel to him [Bowes], as also by some reports "slipped at" unawares from sundry of that fellowship, that it appears well the reformation spoken of by the Master of Mar and Drumquhasell should rather have sounded to be an innovation of this State and government under the King, than any orderly amendment of the abuses that in some part are generally condemned. For it seems that a form of policy and government under the King should have been framed by the executioners of this alteration intended, and that some of the King's Council, his chamber, and household should have been changed. In which exchange it is said that Sir John Seton, George Douglas, and other like favourists to the King's mother, and suspected persons in religion and to the King should have been preferred and brought near to the King's person. Some say that the Earl of Morton should have been called by process super inquirendis, and upon his appearing to have been committed to safe custody, and that the Comptroller and Collector of the thirds of the Church should have been charged with sudden reckonings, and that, for expedition, the sacrifice of their bodies should have acquitted their accounts in their own persons. Further, that the house of Mar should have been removed from the King's person and more trusty keepers appointed to that charge. Which new officers entering in this manner are thought to have foreseen and provided good means for the safe keeping of the King in place of surety against the power of their adversaries and from the force of England in case her majesty would deal that way against them.

For the more certain understanding of some particularities herein it is to be remembered that the King in conference with the Council openly and of late acknowledged that the rest of the Council then at Stirling should have been sent for to come to him to the Downe, and when some of them said that they should have found hard fare and lodging there, the King said, "Yea, hard enough for some of them." He said that there was no doubt he should have gone further, and that the purpose was the same as at Falkirk. All which he confirmed to him [Bowes] in secret, adding that by often persuasions he agreed to ride to the Downe of purpose to reform sundry things that there should have been objected against divers persons; and being there he was again moved to send for the Council to the intent the persons accused might be there charged with their offences and such reformation be taken as for that time should have been meet. Which being done he should have passed to Glasgow, to have there continued till further order had been established in all things. Wherein the King affirms that this surprise and change should have been agreeable to the plot intended to have been executed at Falkirk. He approves that Sir John Seton had there above a dozen men in armour, notwithstanding that sundry of that fellowship deny the same contrary to all truth indeed. He is very loth to tell him who dealt with him in particular, yet he promises upon opportunity and better leisure to let him know perfectly all that he knows, and further, that if any like matter be again offered to him he will timely and friendly reveal the same to the Queen of England. All which he willed him to signify to her to satisfy her in that part of her letter desiring to know his state.

It is evident that the Earl of Lennox had written to the Earl of Glencairn in the King's name, and to many others of great credit to come to the King at this time, and in their fensible array, and many of that company have directly confessed parts sufficient to prove these matters, which, notwithstanding all these, are still denied.

Although the bruits rising hereon are suppressed, and this enterprise defeated for the present, yet the way is left open for the second, and many good men in this Court and elsewhere go in great fear and much doubt that it shall be attempted with the next opportunity. Some others have said that the next wind will blow the chaff from the corn.

The Earl of Morton greatly distrusts the sequel of these things, and has little desire to come to Court or deal in the State, being already departed from hence. He has found great inconstancy in sundry of the Council of Scotland in whom he trusted. Nevertheless, he is contented to take his part in any plot for the entertainment of the amity and removing all impediments, wherein he will employ himself and his force. He will give timely advertisements to prevent all evils, and will remain at Court to stay inconveniences, on condition that his stay there be not to his charges, which his decayed estate will not endure.

The King has had great misliking of the Earl of Morton. Finds by secret means that this is not altogether removed, yet has much recovered his opinion towards the earl, and trusts to increase it daily. The Earl of Argyll offers that if the Earl of Morton or Bowes shall let him see any plot laid to the hurt of the King, or to deceive him, he will plainly refuse to proceed further in the matter or with the personages who practise the same. The King greatly commended his good meaning to him, saying that in his ignorance of the subtle dealing of his friends, who abuse him in the trust that he gives to them, he was carried further than he would have gone if he had understood the bottom of their practices. He appears so well affected that he seems easy to be drawn to consent to any good course; but how he shall go forward in the execution, unless the Countess, his wife, who has no little interest in him in these things, and has been forward in these others, shall be won also to the same, he commits to grave consideration.

The Earl of Lennox has not been here since his arrival at this town. The King has an earnest goodwill to him, and like opinion of his sound mind towards himself; which is chiefly grounded—as the King showed him—on sight of the good order of the earl's dealing with him. This affection in the King is now something abated by the absence of the earl and by some means made to the King. But it will rise again, especially in that no man will hold hand against it; for most tarry no longer at Court than their private affairs keep them there. Finds many complain and cry for help, who, nevertheless, appear careless and unwilling to take any pain to obtain that they call for.

Lennox and his servant Henry Keyre who the other day were stiff Papists are now so earnest Protestants that they begin to creep into credit with the ministers at Edinburgh, who have written in their commendations to the King's ministers, whom he [Bowes] has so thoroughly persuaded that they have resolved to try the fruits of the religion of these two before they trust them, and to advise the other ministers to do the like; for the advancement whereof he [Bowes] intends to return to Edinburgh to-morrow.

The Earl of Montrose professes to observe his devotion promised to the Queen of England, seeming to be partly ignorant of these matters, and saying that although the plot laid at Falkirk that the King might be delivered from the possession of them about him to the trust of the associates at Falkirk has been smothered for a time, yet it will be attempted again by lawful means, as by Council or convention, and it is not unlike to find many votes and friends. Howbeit he determines never to consent to take arms or use indirect means. He persuades earnestly that the Queen of England should stand indifferent and retain still the nobility who shall be found true and faithfully to keep the amity; thinking that she will make no gain to build on those who are authors of the jealousies. He is holden much addicted to Lord Ruthven, and thereby is the more willing to join with Morton, who has an indifferent good opinion of him. Nevertheless, he is hitherto running with Argyll and the associates of Falkirk, but likely to be drawn to such course as he may find well devised and to be pursued by good company for the benefit of the King and quietness of the realm; in which mind he is returned home to repair his house to receive the King in his progress.

Before the breaking up of the Council their advice was required for the best remedy to be devised to repair the King's needy estate and to maintain such requisite charges as necessity called for. It was long disputed whether he should send again to the Queen of England, but by the most part advised to deal with him [Bowes]. Herries, Newbottle, who is the right hand of D'Aubigny, and others of that side have persuaded in Council and with himself to forbear to trouble her majesty in this sort. Nevertheless, the Abbot of Dunfermline and the Comptroller were sent to him, seeking to know whether he had any direction given to signify to the King the resolution of her majesty's pleasure touching the articles of the late negotiation of Dunfermline and James Murray for money to be bestowed on the King, and praying him to procure her answer therein.

After the King had opened to him the sum of the former actions and purposes at the Downe, and had declared his estate to be then brought to better quietness, trusting that the same should be chiefly maintained by her majesty's advice and relief, he began to report the doings of Dunfermline and the Comptroller with him for procuring her answer, declaring an especially trust in her, and wishing that her bounty might come in this season, which might relieve his need and be a mean that the same and other his revenues might be employed with her advice for his profit. He declares himself ready to follow chiefly the Queen of England's advice in all things, and presently the most of the nobility, especially the wisest, are disposed to persuade and hold him to continue the same. Nevertheless, there is another sort who would draw him otherwise, and have great power to effectuate their desires by slight, if they be not strongly withstood. Which resistance he [Bowes] doubts shall not be found here, seeing most men seek their own advantange and leave the King ofttimes with small counsel; for very few of the Council are left with the King, and those who are here are of the meanest.

The Lady of Kintyre (fn. 2), wife of Turlough Lynagh [O'Neill] of Ireland, with her son Angus O'Neill, have arrived at this Court to use to the King to renew the lease of the lands they had of him; which they have obtained. She has told him that she and her son have no other errand. The Earl of Argyll has confirmed the same, praying him to be a mean that the Queen of England's favour may be showed—the rather for his sake—to Turlough to have such lands as he requires to hold of her in Ireland for rent and tribute. Has satisfied him with good words, and that she, by her ministers in Ireland, would take order therein.

The Abbot of Lindores, bruited to have arrived here before, the eldest son of the Master of Marishal, Mr. Thomas Livingston, and other gentlemen are returned from France. They have brought letters to the Earl of Lennox, to what effect he does not yet know. Has received 500l. to be employed according to the Queen of England's instructions, whereof he has not disbursed any part, awaiting direction upon what articles, surety or bond he shall bestow any sum on the Master of Mar and Drumquhassell. Sees it very convenient to reward the very honest pains and especial good offices of Mr. Peter Young, the King's schoolmaster, and likewise to give some to the King's ministers and others who right painfully and with great care do their endeavour to preserve the religion, the King, and the amity with the Queen of England, for whom they publicly pray in this general and public exercise of fast, which was chiefly taken in hand for the preservation of religion and the King upon the signs they saw of troubles arising. But surely he will have greater difficulty to entreat any of these to accept anything, than to continue their godly course.

Is required to excuse the default in putting so small a seal to the King's letter to the Queen of England. The Earl of Argyll being ready to depart this day to Argyll has renewed his promise and devotion to the Queen of England, and the Countess, his wife, has frankly professed to employ herself to do all good offices in her power. Requests that he may know the Queen's pleasure for his return to Berwick, and to attend the execution of the commission for the Borders.

12 pp. Copy. In the margin: "To the L. Tresurour and Sir Francis Walsin. from Mr. Ro. Bowes, 10 Maii, 1580." Notes in the margin in the hand of (Walsingham's secretary). Underlined in parts. [With No. 583. Fol. 80.]

Cott. Calig., C. VI., fol. 29.

Original of the same. Dated at Stirling.

490. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [May 10.]

Received his last, of the 3rd of this month, on the 8th, at 6 in the afternoon. By his [Walsingham's] letter of the 22nd of April it appears that intelligence was given of the bishop of Ross being at Dieppe; which is here utterly denied, and therefore he is the more desirous to know the truth thereof. It is also doubted by sundry that Farnyhurst should not be passed out of France for Spain, but rather towards these parts in secret manner; and yet his licence before is nearly restrained. Has the "treateses of the batable groundes," yet doubting the truth of the copies, being written in an evil hand, and corruptly, he prays him to send the same to him.

If her majesty pleases to bind Scotland to her, the way is now open, and all things ready as shall please her to dispose; wherein the presence of some noble personage is most apt for that service. In case her majesty thinks good to leave or delay the same, then his being here cannot prevail. Stirling. Signed: Robert Bowes.

¾ p. Addressed. Indorsed.

491. Sir John Foster to [Walsingham.] [May 12.]

The meeting of the commissioners appointed to be held at Berwick on the 20th instant is prorogued till the 20th of June. Whereas it is thought convenient that the wardens should signify from what time the redress should be made for the most benefit of the Queen of England and her subjects, he shall understand that after the winning of Hume Castle it was agreed by the Earl of Sussex, upon the coming of the Justice Clerk and Mr. Archibald Douglas to Warkworth, that all former attempts committed before that time should be cut off on both sides, by reason that when her army was in Scotland there was a number spoiled who were no enemies, until the lieutenants met again; so that, in his opinion, her majesty is to demand redress for all attempts committed on her subjects since that time. Alnwick.

1 p. Copy. In the margin: "From Sir John Foster, 12 May." Notes in the margin in the hand of (Walsingham's secretary).

492. Robert Bowes to [Walsingham]. [May.]

In private with the King I have both presented my own devotion in respect of his own virtues, and also thereon offered to acquaint him with a secret greatly importing him and his State, and lately discovered to me by letters, which were not out of the way in case he had [desired] or shall desire sight thereof; and taking his honour in pledge for the secrecy, which he readily tendered, I opened to him at large the contents specified in the ciphered note last sent to me, and to be communicated to him, persuading him earnestly to beware that he made not himself the cause of greater loss to him than France, Scotland, or Lennox could countervail. He appeared thereon to be very much perplexed, affirming that he would both most chiefly follow her majesty's advice, and also ask and require her counsel in all his great adoes, and therewith be thankful and careful to please her majesty, as she should have good experience whensoever she pleased to make proof of him, or that good occasion should be offered: and when I urged him to this in this present case now in handling, to give testimony of his affection promised, he said that in this and others he would do it to his power, seeming willing both indeed to perform the same, and also by his private letters of his own hand and device to make his goodwill known, and to omit nothing that may be to her majesty's contentment. In which resolution and mind I left him; and wherein, with good company and handling, he may, I think, be well continued. But Lennox having won great interest in him, and possessing free and secret access with him at all times, besides the daily persuasions that Lennox's friends of the Council and others busily instil into him with authority oftentimes of the decrees and resolutions of his Council, whereunto they say he ought to yield himself, I dare not therefore assure, in his tender years, any long continuance and sure performance of his promise aforesaid; but leave the same to be taken and received in the best opportunity and season, and for the advancement of such effects as may stand most with her majesty's good pleasure.

Albeit this present state is greatly confused, and Lennox grown to that greatness by the favour and popular affection that few or none are willing to oppose themselves against his will, yet to the wise the matter seems, therefore, hard, but not desperate to be recovered; especially at this time when, as he is known to be misliked by her majesty, whose goodwill they will not lose, and against whose amity Lennox or any other dare not openly deal, and that he has both procured him many enemies by his late attempt for the alteration of the officers, generally thereby they hate him, and also lost some credit amongst his own friends, who repine to find them defeated of the success hoped for by his advancement. And although Morton be seen fallen from his former state and leading in the government, which chiefly grows by his absence from Court, division betwixt him and Angus, and temporizing with Lennox, yet the experienced here think that he may be again enabled to repossess his wonted grace, and to reduce matters to a better course. For they affirm that during his presence in Court his advice in government and matters of weight is always received and preferred by the King and Council, making him thereby to be thought worthy of his room. Next, they think that by the reconciliation with Angus—which may be soon effected—a sufficient number of friends may be joined to "shoulder" the adversaries as well in votes for managing the State, as also in forces for prevention of surprise or violent attempt, and that upon sight of resolution of Morton to lay away the visor and go plainly forward in the action, all his friends retired from Court on dealing, or declined from the other side for their safeties, on the view of his temporizing aforesaid will return to assist him. Moreover, where many follow Lennox more upon fear of his hurt by deprivation of their offices, than upon love of his doings, which they suspect, and by whose support he is yet clothed, to his great advantage, these now upon sight of their safety and rising of another land will soon side from him, according to the common disposition of this changeable nation; and if Lennox be once espied to cast any feathers, then his wings will be clipped, to his sudden decay; whereunto many think that he will hastily come of his own accord and with general contempt of the nobility, by his inordinate catch of all forfeitures, marriages, and escheats from the rest, who soon will disclaim to have all the fat taken from their beards.

Besides, as the recoil of others and want of good company about the King purchased to Lennox, and was the chief cause of his rising into the King's affection, whereby only he climbed to his greatness, so the repair to and abode of Morton, Angus, Mar, and others in Court shall abate the height of his present standing, and especially when the King shall remove from hence to Stirling, a place not apt for Lennox or his friends, and whereupon great labour is made to keep him from it; but all in vain, for the King will there shortly, and, peradventure, stayed in his further progress to Glasgow, whereunto he will be greatly persuaded.

Lastly;—the better sort make no great difficulty of the matter, offering to adventure and employ themselves and friends in the enterprise, so that they may first be well assured of her majesty's good support and backing; and these men also think that for the plot to be devised for reduction of this State to the best preservation of religion the King and amity with her majesty, [it] may be framed in form following. First;—that upon some apt occasion her majesty declare the continuance of her care, chiefly for common defence of religion; and next for the safety of the person of the King, his honourable estate to be maintained in his house, and other requisite charges, and for the prosperity of his government; and hereupon to offer her majesty good advice for the best course of his government, and profitable order of his house, revenues, and expenses: for determination whereof no little contention has risen in this realm, and that is not fully quenched. Next;—that if his estate be found, and shall appear to her majesty to be decayed and needing repair or support for the maintenance of the same in princely degree, according to his dignity, that thereon her majesty will be pleased to relieve him in such manner and time as shall be seen most expedient, provided that her majesty may always foresee and understand that her bounty bestowed may be well employed for his most commodity. In which part it is meant that her highness shall win an interest in the disposition of himself, his State, and government, and thereby more readily stop the way of foreign practices and of discontented subjects: that albeit frank and speedy offer be made for relief to be granted, nevertheless, the expectation thereof may be suspended somewhile for two causes, the one to avoid contention in the nobility and officers for possession and distribution of her majesty's gift, the other to prevent the danger as well of waste as also of turning the same to evil uses, and, perhaps, by evil counsel against her majesty's self: that upon loan of any silver to the King—which manner of relief will be chiefly sought—sundry and especial noblemen and burgesses to be bound as well for repayment as also for the performance of the accords concluded. And hereby it is meant that the noblemen and others bound may the more boldly declare their devotions to her majesty and travail to advance her course for their own honours and safety; and in case this support shall be drawn into pension, that, nevertheless, some bond or promise may be taken of especial noblemen for the purposes rehearsed, and that two young noblemen in whom the King will have pleasure—wherein presently Angus and Mar are thought most apt—may be always, or for the most time, kept about the King, and that they be relieved in their expenses out of the King's pension. Moreover, that one well chosen and wise counsellor remain in Court to reduce things to the former course and her majesty's devotion to prevent troubles and to provide remedy in season. And because this manner must unite friends and have them always in readiness for best services, whereby his charges will rise great, therefore it is thought meet to relieve him with some competent consideration, and the same to be taxed according to the work and charge whereunto he shall be appointed; which place [it] is thought that "45" may best supply.

2¾ pp. In the hand of (Walsingham's secretary). Indorsed: "M^r Bowes letter deciphred."

493. Mr. Bowes' Conference with the King of Scots. (fn. 3) [May.] Cott. Calig., B. VIII., fol. 290, b.

[To the same effect as No. 492.]

4¼ pp. First page copy. Partly in cipher deciphered.

494. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [May.]

[The original of the first part of No. 492.]

1 p. Cipher partly deciphered. At the head: "M^r Bowes' lettre in ciphers." Indorsed: "Conference with 36."

495. Morton to Walsingham. [May 15.]

Has thought good to "viseit" him with this letter, that he might understand his good affection and favour, and also the state of some matters presently in these parts, especially of the practices and devices of the Papists, enemies to God and the true religion, which they have oft and divers times "tendit" to have abolished, if God had not prevented their conspiracies; which practices and devices are not near extinguished. Does not doubt but that he is surely informed of this by Mr. Bowes, who earnestly travails for the maintenance of the Queen of England and the friendship between her and the King of Scots, and it is necessary he should remain in Scotland till further "occasion" of matters be seen, and the success thereof. Seeing that the purposes of the Papists appertain in part to the Queen of England, who has been careful of the King's preservation, it were good she should not leave off now, having better occasion than before, in respect of his maturity and age, and of the great zeal, favour, and affection the King has towards her. For the subversion of many incommodities and other enterprises it were good her majesty should respect that part of his commission touching the money required, which he wishes should be granted liberally. The dangerous state of Scotland and the great appearance of alterations require hasty remedy. Will serve her majesty to his power and mean possibility. Edinburgh.

2½ pp. Copy. In the maryin: "15 May, 1580. From the Earl of Morton." Notes in the margin in the hand of [Walsingham's secretary.] [With No. . Fol. 91.]

496. Earl of Lennox to [Elizabeth]. [May 15.]

Has learnt by the letter which it pleased her to write to him that there are people who have accused him to her of being the occasion of the jealousies amongst the lords of Scotland. If she will send their names to the King, and who wishes to enter prove before his Council that he has wished to endeavour to subvert the religion or wished to break the amity which is between their majesties, he is quite ready to answer for his actions in this matter in the presence of the King and his Council, and if a single point be found true of what his accusers have said, he does not ask for other mercy than to have his head cut off. If there is anyone wishes to maintain combat and fight a duel with him in her presence or the King's, he is ready to prove that he is a nobler man than those who accuse him. Has no other desire in this world than to render faithfully the very humble service that he owes to the King of Scots, and would be sorry and unhappy if he endeavoured to break the friendship for her, for whosoever shall desire to do or advise his majesty to do it is no means his servant. Will serve her more faithfully and with more affectionate will than those who wish to render him odious to her by their lies. Receives an extreme contentment by the assurance which her ambassador give him that he is so honoured by her as not to believe all the reports which have long been made to her of him.

1 p. French. Copy. In the margin: "15 May, 1580. From the Earle of Lenox." [With No. 583. Fol. 90 b.]

Cott. Calig., C. VI., fol. 39.

Original of the same. Signed: Lenox. Dated at Edinburgh.

497. James Murray to [Walsingham]. [May 15.] Cott. Calig., C. VI., fol. 40.

"Pleas your honour," finding the occasion, [I] have thought good to "viseit" your honour with this present, to the effect your honour might understand my good affection and favour, and also to let you understand the effect of some matters presently in these parts, and of their proceedings, specially of the practices and devices of the Papists, enemies to God and the true religion, which they have oft and divers times "tendit" to have abolished, if God had not prevented their conspiracies. Which practices and devices as yet are not left nor extinguished; whereof I doubt not but your honour is surely informed by Mr. Bowes, her majesty's commissioner and agent here, who earnestly and diligently travails by all means possible for the advancement of the Queen his sovereign, the continuing of the amity, and friendship joined betwixt her majesty and the King my sovereign; and necessary it were that he should be employed to abide and remain here till further occasion of matters were seen, and the success thereof. The special practisers and devisers aforesaid, seeing their conspiracies fail by their crafty means, and that they cannot have the way "straucht" to them, and therethrough, thinking they have lost thereby, are now constrained to render themselves to the obedience of the kirk and true religion "adjonit thame therto," subscribed the articles of their faith and given confession thereof, "and finalie obeyit, quhatsoevir they wer requirit wnto thairanent." But whether the same conjunction and obedience to the said kirk be of an earnest will, good affection, and true heart, the Lord knows; to whom I remit the judgment thereof. And therefore, seeing that the purpose appertains in a part to her majesty, who has been careful of the King's preservation and of his person since his nativity, it were good she should not leave off now, having better occasion than before, in respect of his maturity, etc. And therefore, for subversion of many enormities and other enterprises appearing, it were good her majesty should show her goodwill in setting him forward therein, and for that effect to respect that part of my commission touching the money required, which I wish should be granted liberally, as "in ane commodius tyme convenient for her majesteis purpois" and weal of both the countries; and in case of refusal, "as I no wayis wald," how great a discomfort the same should be to all those who have joined themselves for the maintenance of the amity and friendship of both the realms, and yet how great a comfort to all those who have "opponit" themselves in the contrary; as also what occasion might the same be to pretend to another way [which] might make both the countries to repent, etc. In setting forward whereof, as your honour has ever been willingly minded to have respect to this matter and the dangerous estate of the same, and the great appearance of alterations, in case hasty remedy be not provided to further the said suit,

I must employ your honour to have my humble and hearty prayer recommended to her majesty. Edinburgh. Signed: James Murray.

1½ pp. Holograph. No flyleaf or address.

498. Robert Bowes to [Burghley and Walsingham]. [May 16.]

Since his arrival at Edinburgh has spoken with the Earl of Lennox, discoursing to him the contents of the Queen of England's letter before delivered to him, and after some discovery of a late purpose for some alteration in this State to the danger of the King, and differing from his profession already given to her and the King, concluded, nevertheless, that her majesty still retained such good opinion of him as could not hastily be removed, exhorting him honourably to perform the good duties whereunto he stood bound many ways for the benefit of religion, the King, and his realm, and for the maintenance of the amity. His offer and promises are very liberal to employ himself and his endeavour to do all good offices in his power for the advancement of good causes remembered, and to testify his devotion to her majesty. He not only denies to have been privy to any practice for innovation or other purpose prejudicial to the King, but also with lusty words offers to prove the same against any that will avouch it. He requires him to convey to the Queen of England this his letter inclosed, saying that she should thereby better know and have further pledge for his goodwill towards her Agreed to send it herewith, and so left him in good mood. Looks now what good fruit shall spring of these fair blossoms. He has subscribed to, and publicly acknowledged sundry articles of this religion, minding to return to-morrow to Stirling with some ministers to confirm the same before the King, trusting thereby to satisfy the King and stop the mouths of ministers and others who for religion have "put" at him. The ministers began to conceive good opinion of his sound conversion, but being lately advised of dangerous plots devised in France and Spain against religion and Scotland, and which are confirmed newly by letters and reports of good credit come hither from France, they are, therefore, brought into no little distrust of him, and chiefly of sundry instruments about him—whereupon they have in their sermons given warning bruits—laid for the overthrow of religion; and now they remain watchful to espy what he or others shall do.

Sundry of good experience and intelligence here greatly fear and still look for some new and sudden attempt for the innovation of this State, and that the same shall be chiefly essayed at the return of the King to this town; and they think that the matter will be the more hastily offered and easy to be effected by the negligence of the Council, who for the most part are absent from the Court, leaving the King with the small number and of slender quality. Has travailed with the Earl of Morton, Dunfermline, and others, accusing them of their oversight in leaving the King so slenderly accompanied, not having one councillor with him at present, nor any of the nobility other than the Earl of Mar alone. Albeit on his importunacy they will send more company to the King, especially against the coming of Lennox to the Court, yet finds them so doubtful of the condition and disposition of the King, that the most part choose and determine rather to behold things, and for their best safety to win and hold the King's favour by yielding to the course of his own affection, than to offer themselves to the peril that the plain dissuasion of the King from his pleasures and open withstanding his counsels and devices of his favourites and minions may bring to him; in which two last parts they think they can little prevail without the Queen of England's especial support. Although he has comforted them herein as far as he could, yet he sees them still stagger and stick hereat until they might be made so sure of the Queen of England's relief that with boldness they might trust to that "backe" and assistance whereupon they would leave their former course, chosen for their most surety in manner aforesaid, and then freely enter openly against all suspected advices and attempts, and, with her majesty's advice, hold that way that shall be found best for the religion, the King, the realms, and good amity betwixt the crowns. Searching to feel their disposition in the device of the best course to be taken for surety of these effects, has gathered that it is holden most sure that the Queen of England might be pleased to entertain the King with some bounty, to win an interest in him and his estate, and therewithal to bind the nobility and Council to hearken to and to follow her advice in all things touching the King, and that her bounty might rather be showed by loan than by gift; for repayment whereof some noblemen, but especially merchants, should be bound, who for their surety should provide that, with the Queen of England's advice, the King's revenues might be employed to the most profit of the King. Some think that would work great reformation in things far amiss, and with great contentment of all good men stop the mouths of many who find fault. For the execution of her majesty's advice and timely doing of all things some chosen person should attend always in Court and work these good effects by his power and with the assistance of his friends who will by his own means join with him, without charges to her, other than for the principal person alone. Has thought it his duty to lay this plot before them, being the best allowed by the most discreet he has dealt with.

Whereas the Earl of Lennox has the King's grant of the custody of Dumbarton Castle, and is about—as he understands by secret means—to procure the confirmation thereof by the Council, and after to take the possession from Drumquhassill, such means are found that both the King and Council will better consider of that gift; and also Drumquhassill will not be hasty to make delivery to him or to any other without the Queen of England's privity and good liking. Finding that Drumquhassill is well disposed, and has sustained great losses by his late troubles, has, therefore, and upon other good respects agreed and already begun to relieve him with a good portion, resting to be directed by them in the manner of the bond to be required. For the present has received promise by him and the Master of Mar.

Because he has seen the variance betwixt the Earls of Morton and Angus to be an occasion to sundry in the loose condition of this State both to seek their further disagreement for the weakening of Morton, and also to attempt sundry evil parts that in their unity and concord they might not do, has therefore laboured to agree them, having prevailed to persuade them to commend all the causes of their discord to the order of friends already named, who, he trusts, will make a friendly end thereof.

The Carrs are in conference, and try to agree and bind with Angus. If that takes effect and these earls be well reconciled betwixt themselves, then the labour will be the more easy to remove the griefs betwixt the Earl of Morton and those who yet remain very tough and difficult.

Lennox, contrary to the expectation of the others, is resolute to ride in progress with the King and to make a great banquet to him in his house at Arbroath. Some travail is taken with the King to persuade Lennox to stay; which Lennox takes in evil part, minding still to proceed.

Argyll has obtained the King's licence to levy his forces against Mackintosh, and for the same purpose he is departed into Argyll, not meaning to come to the King before August; yet some begin to fear that he and his forces may haply be seen in other places than is pretended.

There is very great goodwill betwixt Lennox and Lord Ruthven, and surely Lennox, by his liberality and assistance of those who are not contended with this State—which, indeed, ought to be reformed —will still arise without better hand be holden then hitherto hath been, and those about him will seek, as opportunity will serve, to bring home the bishop of Ross; whereof sundry of them are in good comfort and look to effect greater matters—as themselves sometimes tell out to their friends.

Because it is her majesty's pleasure that he be at the meeting of the commissioners for the Borders, therefore, will dispone all things in the best order he can, and return to Berwick. In the meantime will provide the best intelligence he can, and also be careful to prevent the practices rising; about which things he has disbursed a good part of the money received. Edinburgh.

5 pp. Copy. In the margin: "16 May, 1580. From Robert Bowes." Notes in the margin in the hand of (Walsingham's secretary). [With No. 583. Fol. 92.]

Cott. Calig., C. VI., fol. 41

Original of the same.

499. Robert Bowes to [Walsingham]. [May 16.]

Has learned that the Bishop of Ross was at Dieppe, notwithstanding that it was denied here. The departure of Farnyhurst to Spain is also well known here, and alleged to be done for his relief, and to obtain some money of the King of Spain by the commendation of the French King; but is certainly informed that he took that journey by direction of "27's" own letters, as appears by his letters of the 12th of April last to some of his friends.

Has "entered" again with "98," whom he dares not affirm to be thoroughly recovered, but saw such danger that it was meet to have him, chiefly seeing he shall bring him and his fellow to all points that shall be reasonably required, wherein he prays direction in some especial manner, that, doing all things directed, he may be holden discharged, howsoever matters be performed, seeing that he cannot descend and look into the hearts of men.

Trusts by his other letter he will see this loose state and the means for some remedy thereof. But in case those means, or any other to be given from England in that behalf—which he thinks will be well received if they promise better surety—shall be thought more chargeable than the benefits to be had thereby, may recompense, then he desires to be timely directed that he may dispose himself and all things therein as for her majesty's service. All other things he refers to his common letter aforesaid, and to the view of Mr. James Murray's letter inclosed. Edinburgh. Signed: Robert Bowes.

Postscript.—At the closing hereof he received this letter inclosed, whereby he shall understand what assembly Lennox makes. The same is greatly misliked; but provision is made to prevent this and others until the King shall come to Edinburgh, and then the matter will be found in danger again. It is high time that resolution be taken in these great matters that the minister may upon knowledge thereof travail with better strength and boldness.

1 p. In two hands. No address. Notes in the margin.

Cott. Calig., C. VI., fol. 38, b.

Copy of the same. [With No. 583.]

Another copy of the same.

Inclosure with the same.

(The Earl of Lennox to the Laird of Buchanan.)

"Traist freind," I think it is not unknown to you how it has pleased the King's majesty to "promove" me to the earldom of Lennox and "thais utheris landis possessit be my forbearis," and therefore seeing that you and your "forbeires" have ever been tender friends of that our house, I doubt not but that you will continue your good favour and friendship towards me, as I shall be ready to pleasure you at all times and occasions after my power, with as good will at the least as ever any of my "forbearis" did. Now you hear the King's majesty is to make a progress towards the north the 24th day of this instant, wherein his majesty's will is that I convoy him accompanied with my good friends. Wherefore I must pray you, amongst the rest of my well willers, that you will meet me on Monday next the 16th of this present, at the Falkirk, "at twelfe houris," with a good part of your ordinary "tryne," in convenient manner, that we may salute the King's majesty together; and therefore that you will appoint one or two of your servants to attend upon his majesty in my company during the voyage, as we shall confer more amply at meeting; and so doing you will pleasure his majesty and oblige me to acknowledge this the first proof of your goodwill as occasion serves. Edinburgh, 10th of May. "To my traist freind the Laird of Buchanon."

1 p. Copy.

Cott. Calig C. VI., fol. 38.

Another copy of the inclosure.

500. Robert Bowes to Leicester. [May 16.] Cott. Calig., C. III., fol. 616.

All these great jealousies and suspicions lately reigning here amongst the nobillity are suppressed and removed for the present.

By the King's confession before the Council and otherwise, it appears that some change was intended to have been executed at the King's being at Down Menteith or soon after. In which alteration some think that the Earl of Morton, the Comptroller, and Collector of the thirds of the Church should have been displaced with great disgrace, and, perhaps, with no less peril to the two last. It is likewise thought that sundry suspected in religion, and who are yet favourers of the King's mother, and holden to be instruments of dangerous practice, should have been planted in Council, and in the King's chamber and household near about the King, and that the house of Mar should have been removed from the King's person, and the trust thereof committed to these new officers and good servants entering in this wise, who are supposed to have foreseen and provided that the King, upon the progress of their purpose, might have been preserved in place of surety against the power of their adversaries in this realm, and from the force of England in case the Queen of England would have dealt in that manner. What they would have done with the King and the estate after they had attained to the possession of their desire, he recommends to grave consideration and to the advice of such as see what is doing in France and Spain, where there has been great expectation of other effects to have risen here than hitherto have taken place. These matters are thus wrapped up with the discontentment of many of both sides, and he fears they tarry but the next wind to set them on flame again; for the prevention whereof he finds more to call for help than to labour themselves to make help.

The King will begin his progress into Fife and other north east parts on the 23rd of this month. Many noblemen are appointed to attend on him. Amongst others, the Earl of Lennox, contrary many men's expectation, is purposed to be in all this progress.

Lennox has subscribed to and openly professed sundry parts of the religion, appearing to come to the whole religion very shortly. The King's earnest affection towards him, by his absence and other means has not so outwardly appeared as lately it did. But at his access, which will be within three days, it is like to kindle again and to come to the former course, against which few or none will set themselves. He professes in words sufficient to be religious and to do good offices with all loyalty to the King, realm, and maintenance of the amity; yet with many he cannot be hitherto credited, by the conceit that they conceive that he should be privy to plots that are in manner known here to be in practice in France and Spain. He looks daily for answer to his letters sent to the Court of England by Roger Ashton and otherwise, the contents whereof and whole substance are no great secrets here, where commonly most things are not long kept close.

Morton seeks to draw himself to rest from Court and the affairs of the State. The questions betwixt him and Angus are like to be reconciled by the mediation of friends appointed thereto, yet he finds great difficulty in the good success thereof.

Argyll is departed into his country, minding to wait on the King at his return from his progress in August next, and not before. The meeting of the commissioners for the Borders is prorogued till the 20th of June next.

The King by his letter to the Queen of England answered and prayed that trial may be had of such things as Lord Claud Hamilton avows against the King's letter before sent to her, and that for this purpose the two brethren may be first in her power, and then proceed to this trial. Which being done, then he will be contented that such conclusion shall be taken in the matter, with her advice, as shall be agreeable to reason and stand with the honour and safety of her majesty and of himself.

The State here is quiet, but with great jealousies and distrust reigning still as well among the nobility, who are far shaken loose and in sunder, as also in many other inferiors, who doubt the sequel of matters expected. Edinburgh. Signed: Robert Bowes.

Postscript.—The inclosed letter from Mr. Murray will inform him more perfectly of this estate, which surely is very loose.

2 pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

501. Robert Bowes to [Burghley and Walsingham]. [May 17.]

Sundry of good experience here look for some new enterprise for alteration of this State. The attempt is determined to be put in execution in the next progress of the King, by his own free will, and soon after the entry on his journey. But the certain time and place resting on the King's pleasure and not yet resolved, it is devised, as he is credibly advertised, that the King, at such place as shall be thought meet, shall declare himself willing to tarry a while, and thereupon to send for such of the nobility as he pleases to assemble and come to him; whereupon such order shall be taken for reformation of abuses and for removing of suspicious persons from him as shall be by that assembly found expedient. It is likely that the Comptroller, the Secretary, the two abbots, and those of the name of Murray shall be put out and revoked. It is also said to him that the Earl of Morton shall enjoy and hold his own room and be retained as a principal counsellor about the King, on condition that he will be content to serve the King in his own room and degree, and follow the like with those. It is pretended that none suspected in religion or known to be devoted to the French course or practisers of the King's murder shall be placed near the King or have grace, but that all things shall be done for the best service of the King and for the inviolable preservation of the love and amity betwixt the Queen of England and the King, and that her advice shall be afterwards followed in all things as touching the King's safety and government to be established. Although the other side do so, and are sufficiently warned hereof, yet he distrusts their provident care and foresight to prevent the execution. Because these matters arise to great height and danger, requiring timely order to be taken by more grave consideration and providence than any unskilful hand can render, therefore has thought good to make the same timely known to them. Wishes one of more sufficiency to supply his defaults, as well by the lack of the French tongue as of other imperfections. Proposes to be with the King, at Stirling, this night, and soon after to return hither on the further passage of these plots, wherein he much distrusts his strength.

1½ pp. Copy. In the margin: "17 May, 1580. From Mr. Bowes." Notes in the margin in the hand of (Walsingham's secretary). [With No. 583. Fol. 95 b.]

Cott. Calig., C. VI., fol. 43.

Original of the same.

502. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [May 17.]

By his joint letter to the Lord Treasurer and him it will appear that that sent is "tyckle," and needful to be regarded. Wishes that her majesty may resolve with speed for the course and remedy for the same, and that notice be given to her majesty's minister serving in Edinburgh. Prays that if he be employed he may have right timely advertisement of her majesty's pleasure. Wishes that his insufficient experience may be relieved by some of better wisdom who has the French tongue and such credit as may boldly go forwards without suspicion. Edinburgh. Signed: Robert Bowes.

½ p. Addressed. Indorsed.

503. Robert Bowes to [Burghley and Walsingham]. [May 23.]

Because he has seen sundry evident signs of the attempt intended for the alteration of this State to have been enterprised, and the same intelligence has been confirmed as well by some of credit as also by the same person who before discovered it to him, who has required that he should give timely knowledge to the Queen of England thereof for testimony of the performance of his duty newly renewed and promised to her, and for the seasonable prevention of the effect, which he thinks should bring no danger to the King or State nor to her majesty's course here, therefore, for the surest remedy, has returned to the King, and finds him of opinion that those old practices, oftentimes pushed at and sought to be effected, are not clean given over with all men. Howbeit the said good order is already taken to restrain as well the motion to himself as also the enterprise. Which things he thought no man dare take in hand without his assent, and although some had essayed to persuade him that force would [be] used for the retention of his ear and person, yet he said he knew sufficiently that none would presume so far on their own strength, seeing he could easily daunt any such person or purpose. Whereupon, for his comfort, he [Bowes] offered to him right liberal aid and success from the Queen of England in any such case of necessity, exhorting him that on appearance of any such matter he would give her speedy intelligence, which he readily agreed to do.

Afterwards, he entered into a frank discourse of all the particular doing at Downe Montethe, agreeing in effect with his former account that there needs no further repetition; and describing the qualities and dispositions of the Earls of Argyll and Lennox, and others,— wherein he [Bowes] saw that his observations and judgments of them were grounded on good knowledge of their nature and actions—he showed that he himself defeated the device at the Downe by finding fault with the want of beds and other requisites, and by his hasty return to Stirling. For he considered, he said, that the matter was like to come to blood; and into whose hand soever he should fall, "they might note in him suche constancy, perjury and falshood as should breed in them great distruste of lyke effect to be found agayne in him." At length he seemed to affirm that some abuses about him necessarily called for reformation; but he allowed only the peaceable and orderly manner thereof by convention and due trial, concluding that he would not in any sort agree to any kind of sudden innovation of State or surprise of the person of any, and he willed him to signify this promise to the Queen of England; which he has sundry times renewed, appearing always to be desirous of her majesty's advice in all his great causes, and seeming very ready and willing to follow the same for his most surety and benefit.

For the more sure prevention of this matter he laid before the Earl of Lennox as well his new professed service to the King and devotion to the Queen of England, as also the danger arising by sudden innovation, which this people would oftentimes and unadvisedly seek for their particular advantage. He began to recount to him great disorders used by sundry about the King, especially in the abuse of his possessions and revenues, and chiefly in the Abbot of Cambuskenneth, who, he said, had openly given forth that he and others should lose their lives before they lost the possession of the King's person. He doubted that to retain still the benefit of the King's ear and person, and to avoid the reformation requisite, they meant not to stop the King coming to Edinburgh after his progress, contrary to the King's pleasure and the appointment resolved, and therefore he pressed much for these abuses. Nevertheless, upon his [Bowes] opening of the convenience following the attempt of sudden alteration of the State by surprise, in indirect manner, and in hope that the Queen of England would persuade timely reformation to be made by indifferent convention of the States, and peaceable means for the profit of the King and contentment of the nobility—wherein he put him in good comfort—he promised to oppone himself against, and to do his whole endeavour to stay the execution of any such disorderly enterprise, resting, therefore, on the reformation to be advanced by her majesty's good advice. Moreover, has dealt herein with Lord Ruthven, because it seemed that he has greatly favoured Lennox, and also would not hinder this suspected purpose. He has very freely promised to resist and defeat, so far as he can, all such devices; wishing, nevertheless, that the abuses grieving many of the nobility should be reformed by ordinary means; wherein, surely, his good doings at Stirling, preventing thereby the evils that appeared hastily to have fallen amongst them by their rash dealings, well declare his good service to the King, and are worthy of thanks to comfort and hold him in that good course. Wishes that some thankful memory of that good part done at Stirling may be recommended.

The rest of the Council and such as be about the King are so well warned of this cause, and the promises of the King and others are so far given forth to him that he trusts to stay, or at least to defer the execution of this matter until the King's return from his progress in the end of August, about which time they will look to have better satisfaction, and order to be taken about the King to their content, otherwise they are like then to essay their own strengths to procure it by the best means they can. The effect of their plot is described in his letter of the 17th instant, and the same will at length be put in practice unless her majesty stays it by seasonable advice to the King to take timely order herein by resolution of an equal convention —which cannot be without some strife, and, perhaps, to the discontentment of those who are now about the King—or else by the providence and good means of the chosen sort of the nobility to be joined together to suppress all such enterprises, and to preserve the King and State in quietness and in the policy already established, or in other like form to be ordained, which also will bring with it danger of contention and some peril of the success. Having settled all things in Scotland as well as he could, has retired to his charge.

The Earl of Morton remains ready to be employed as shall please her majesty to direct him. Although the earl has sought her majesty's relief for the King by gift or loan of money, yet at present it seems to him good that no hasty delivery thereof should be made.

The Earl of Lennox and others of that side much mislike that the King should charge the Queen of England anywise, thinking that the meaning thereof is to levy and sustain a guard about the King, wherein the captain and men should be at her devotion and appointment, and thereby they say the King should remain, as it were, in her own hands, a matter by that side thought very unmeet for the King, as by secret and right credible intelligence he [Bowes] is certainly informed, and, as it seems, they cannot well digest anything to be done with the King without having a part therein. The resolution to be taken in these respects and jealousies, and directed in these causes, ought to be determined and sent with better expedition.

Mr. Thomas Livingston brought letters from the bishop of Ross to the Earl of Lennox, the Countess of Atholl, her son, and others tending to sound the King whether ambassadors coming from foreign and mighty Princes with good and honourable errrands should be welcome and well entertained. It is thought good that the ambassadors should come from the King of Spain, but mention is not made in the letters from whence they shall be sent. There is inward intelligence betwixt Lennox and Ross, and he [Ross] has written in other causes of importance.

The Carrs are in talk with Angus for reconciliation, having appointed to meet within two days. Therefore, upon their agreement, he intends to knit Angus and them to Morton; which, although it will be very hard to do, nevertheless he does not despair thereof.

The discord betwixt the Earls of Morton and Angus has done great hurt to them both, and given no little advantage to their adversaries; but seeing the variance is only for matters of money, trusts to bring it to friendly composition. The Earl of Angus shows himself so willing to yield to any mediation or order commended by the Queen of England or in her name and to do all good offices for her that he deserves great thanks, which being sent to him by any good means or letter would encourage him to continue in this mind and greatly advance the good success of the end of this debate, which necessarily ought to be removed from them.

Upon late submission made by Mackintosh to the Earl of Argyll, these troubles are like to cease, whereby Argyll will not draw any force together. He purposes to return to Court in the end of the progress, and by messengers renews the remembrance of his professed devotion to her majesty.

The King proceeds in his progress, notwithstanding some secret means were made to have stayed the same. He will spend eight or ten days at small and private houses before he comes to St. Johnstone, where he will tarry with Lord Ruthven nine days. Returned hither yesternight. Berwick.

5¾ pp. Copy. In the margin: "23 May 1580. Mr. Bowes." Notes in the margin in the hand of (Walsingham's secretary). [With No. 583. Fol. 97.]

Cott. Calig., C. VI., fol. 45.

Original of the same.

504. Robert Bowes to Walsingham. [May 23.]

Received his last, of the 19th instant, this morning, and perceives thereby that he will shortly procure her majesty's resolution in the causes for Scotland, which surely require both grave consideration in the determination of the course to be taken in that broken State, and also very good expedition in the advertisement and direction of the same.

The Earl of Morton is ready to employ himself and all his friends and power to execute that "platt" that for the common benefit shall be advised; wherein he desires to be so well assured of good assistance and backing that he may boldly trust to the same, hoping thereon to effect such success as shall be profitable and for the best quietness of both realms; and he is contented to adventure himself herein, notwithstanding that by other private means he can with surety provide his own safety and rest. He is loth to hang long in suspense or uncertainty, and therefore he presses him to know what he shall look for, and what course shall be set down to recover and preserve that falling State; wherein he beseeches him to be a mean that he may be satisfied.

Although he has abstained from the Earl of Morton's company and showed little countenance openly to him, yet because it is found that he has sought to increase his credit with the King and elsewhere—as nothing can be secret here—it is said by the contrary side that her majesty makes chief choice of him—a matter displeasant to many who envy his good gifts above their own—and that he [Bowes] is wholly won to him with his liberality, which neither he nor many others, he thinks, have at any time tasted; so that he finds plainly that many of these men "fish for pykes" to draw on the alteration desired, and then behold the sequel. The bishop of Glasgow, and especially the bishop of Ross, have very inward and frequent intelligence with Lennox, who stands in such conceit with the English and with the King and nobility of Scotland that he cannot well tell how to deal with him. But his fruits will be shortly seen when he comes to the further possession of his desires to have himself and his assured friends most near to the King, and able to lead in counsel and government, which will speedily take full effect if her majesty does not enter betimes and stop that course, whereunto all men were yielding, and hardly has he stayed them from running headlong thereunto. For these causes he beseeches him to procure the expedition of her majesty's resolution. Prays God that this work may be committed to a better workman than he is. Berwick. Signed: Robert Bowes.

1¼ pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

Cott. Calig., C. VI., fol. 44.

Extract from the same.

505. The Queen of England's Commission to the Bishop of Durham, etc., for Border Matters. [May 24.]

Commission for Richard, Bishop of Durham, Lord Hunsdon, Henry, Lord Scrope, Sir John Foster, knight, R[obert] B[owes], esquire, and Ralph Rokeby to hear and finally conclude the controversies between the English and Scottish borderers.

1½ pp. Latin. Copy. Note in the margin in Burghley's hand. [With No. 583. Fol. 116 b.]

506. Instructions to the Queen of England's Commissioners on the Borders. [May 24.]

"Instructions given by her majestie to the right reverend father in God the Bischoppe of Dureame, the Lord of Hunsdon, one of her highness' Privie Counsell and governour of her towne of Barwick, and Warden of her majestie's East Marches towards Scotland, the Lord Scroupe, Warden of her majestie's [sic], and to Sir John Foster, knight, Warden of her Middle Marches there, and Robert Bowes, esquire, Thresurer of Barwick, and Rafe Rokesbye, one of her majestie's Counsell in the North parts of her realme of England, sent as commissioners to her highness's said Borders and Marches towardes Scotlande, 24 of Maye, 1580."

Whereas upon occasion of mutual grief of the subjects of the Marches and frontiers of both their realms, which, notwithstanding the ordinary meeting of their Wardens, can receive no redress, it has been thought meet to her and the King of Scots that there should be certain commissioners appointed to join with the said wardens as assistants for the better determining of the causes in controversy, she has made choice of them. They are forthwith to put themselves in readiness to meet the commissioners of the King of Scots at such time and place as by mutual consent on both parts shall be agreed on. As the principal end of the meeting is to determine such broken matters and quarrels as are depending on the frontiers undetermined, which, not receiving timely redress, were not unlikely to grow to some such like inconvenience as might disturb the present peace, to the end they may more fruitfully proceed herein for so much as may concern the behoof of her subjects before they begin to treat with the commissioners of Scotland, they shall, as sufficiently as for the shortness of the time they can, inform themselves of what number of causes remain undetermined, and the causes and lets thereof, and how many of the same are "sperable," and how many desperate, and what defaults be upon the Marches in the opposite wardens, and what things were requisite not only to remedy the defaults past, but also to stay the like hereafter. Are to "bend" themselves in their meeting and sitting with the commissioners of Scotland, finding the like disposition in them to deliver justice, by satisfying the parties grieved with all sincerity, laying aside all affections for parties—not as men interested in the causes, but as persons indifferently chosen, and disposed only to yield redress without respect of the contentation of any private persons or defence of their own errors. In which behalf they shall more profitably travail for the benefit of her subjects and to her good liking if they come sufficiently prepared as well to maintain the demands they shall make as to answer such things as they are to be charged with by the commissioners on the other side. For that a show of justice or administration of justice in part is no sufficient means to end former debates and establish a sincere peace, it is meet that this redress be so thoroughly prosecuted on both parts that in anywise there be not any complaints, bill or matter of importance left unsatisfied or abolished; wherein they shall effectually travail with the commissioners of Scotland to the uttermost of their endeavour, giving them to understand that it were better for her that the Princes of both realms made an utter abolition and general relaxation of the whole, than to leave any of their Marches so subject to confusion as presently they are for want of full and due execution of justice; but she does not think it meet they should far forth open themselves to them as long as they see any hope to have redress otherwise. The redress shall begin from the time the Earl of Sussex was in Scotland.

Forasmuch as the disorders principally grow through not observing the days of truce, and the seldom meeting of the wardens, therefore they shall press the commissioners of Scotland that the said days may be better observed, and also that the good orders that have been heretofore agreed on may be duly executed. Are to inform themselves of all such good orders as have been devised in former time for the better government of these frontiers, and do their best that they may be revived and put in execution. In case the ancient and modern orders orders do not reach sufficiently for the stay of the disorders they are to devise amongst themselves how the same may be remedied.

It should be remembered that before they meet, every warden should send to the officers of the opposite Marches a roll containing in writing the whole attempts committed, not being redressed, or any other things that he can demand, to the end that, having a convenient time to be advised thereupon, the same may be answered before the commissioners either by the warden himself or his deputy. If there shall be found in the rolls matter and default wherewith any of the wardens of England may be charged, he who shall be so charged shall be removed from his sitting while he abides the judgment of the rest of the commissioners; and they shall require the like order of proceeding to be performed on the other side.

Whereas there grow daily some controversies about the debatable ground and certain fishings, especially in the East and Middle Marches, and in time of meeting of her commissioners in 1563, at Carlisle and Durham, the matter was put off by referrring the determination and redress thereof till such certificate as might be received from both Princes touching their pleasure in that behalf, which has not been performed, the delay wherein has been some hindrance to the amity and peace between the borderers—she has thought it meet that such inconveniences as have fallen out by former delays should be provided for at this meeting, and therefore they are to travail carefully therein and do what in them lies, if they find the King's commissioners in like sort authorized, that something may be done for bounding and limiting of the said ground and places of fishing, and also of the limits of the Borders in controversy by considering the differences and controversies presently hereby appearing, and friendly compounding and ending the same by dividing the same ground debatable and setting of perpetual marches, bounds, and meets betwixt realm and realm. They are to repair to the said lands, places of fishing, and buonds which are in controversy, and there, by ocular inspection and examination of the most ancient and credible persons, take such order for the final ending of the questions and debates that may arise therethrough as shall seem meet to them. Are to be careful—and to require the same of the opposite commissioners— that their number who shall wait on them for that service be not greater than of necessity they shall be constrained to use for their perfect trial of the right of the bonds on either side.

3½ pp. Copy. Note in the margin in Walsingham's hand: "This was sent away the 5 of Aug. 1580." Marginal notes in Burghley's hand. [With No. 583. Fol. 114 b.]

507. Elizabeth to her Commissioners on the Borders. [May.]

Whereas by direction given them in her instructions for treating in Border causes she had ordered that the redress should begin from the time of the Earl of Sussex being in Scotland as Lieutenant of her army, and of her agreement with Macgill, Bellenden, and Alexander Hay; forasmuch as the King of Scots has requested her that the redress might look back to 1563, and she has condescended thereto, her will is that accordingly they proceed with the commissioners of the King of Scots in redressing attempts from 1563, which have been committed on both sides and remain unreformed, as also such as at that time of redress were inrolled and not ordered at that meeting. In case the commissioners of the King of Scots shall, when they come to the attempts committed in the time of the late rebellion in the North, require satisfaction for them, they shall declare to them that the attempts then done were wrought only on such as were receivers and maintainers of her rebels, which being a matter containing a manifest breach of the treaty, and for that the receivers and aiders of her rebels were of the Queen of Scots' faction and evil devoted to the King, whose person and State she had an especial care to preserve,—they shall declare to them that she does not think meet or reason that she should be bound to recompense their losses who were so notoriously her enemies, relieving such persons as sought not only the subversion of her and her State, but also whose evil offices reached to the person of the King, their own sovereign.

1½ pp. Copy. In the margin: "To the commissioners uppon the Borders, from her majestie." Note in the margin in the hand of (Walsingham's secretary). [With No. 583. Fol. 112].