Elizabeth: December 1585

210. Thomas Morgan to Mary. [Dec. 5.]

Perceiving the difficulty for the revision of her intelligence, he thought good to put Lord Lumley in remembrance of her majesty's estate, and his former familiarity with him, and so commended this packet to his care to make a conveyance unto her.

Also framed an alphabet with him to serve to entertain a good intelligence with her, and desired him to send her a copy of the same.

If Lord Lumley enters into a correspondence with her, he [Morgan] has no doubt that she will so entertain him in her letters that he will be encouraged to serve her.

If Lord Lumley writes to her, he begs her to thank him for all his past favours shown to him.

½ p. In the hand of Gilbert Curll. Addressed. Indorsed.

Another copy of the same. In the hand of Mr. Phelippes.

211. Walsingham to Sir Amias Powlet. [Dec. 7.] C.P., vol. XVI.

Her majesty finds by this Queen's late letter written to the French Ambassador that the said Queen seems to be much grieved at the news of the present alteration in Scotland; doubting greatly lest her son should be in manifest danger of his person.

Her majesty therefore wishes him to show this Queen the inclosed letter from her son, noticing carefully the speeches she shall make on the perusing of the said letter.

¼ p. Copy. Indorsed. "W. to Sir Am. Powlet."

212. Sir Henry Woddryngton to Walsingham. [Dec. 8.] Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 382.

The 4th of this instant the King passed to the great hall in the castle of Linligthgow, accompanied by such a number of nobility as has not been seen since James v.'s days, where the parliament was fenced, the Lords of the Articles chosen, and all other solemnities used according to custom of the parliament.

The Duke of Lennox bore the crown, the Earl of Huntly the sceptre, and the Earl of Atholl the sword.

The King made an oration, expressing how many changes there had been since the beginning of his reign, and how miraculously God had preserved him and his estate up to the present time. Whereas his estate and country had for many years been troubled by civil dissension, and the noblemen who were lately distressed having by their peaceable behaviour declared their good affection for him, though their adversaries had reported to him otherwise than they merited, he was minded to restore them to their livings, offices and honours and all that belonged to them, as if they had never been forfeited.

The Lords of the Articles; of the ecclesiastical state are the Bishops of St. Andrews, Brechin, Dunkeld, Orkney, and Glasgow, the Abbot Dunfermline, Master of Gray, Culross, and Newbottle, the Prior of Pluscardine and others. The temporal lords, Lords Sinclair, Cathcart and Oliphant with some others, the Earls of Atholl [and] Huntly, and others of that rank, and the ordinary commissioners of the boroughs.

The form of the restitution of the banished noblemen was to restore them to the place they held at the time of the King's coronation, as if nothing had happened since.

The King gave commission to Lord Hamilton and the Earl of Huntly to pursue and apprehend the late Earl of Arran, who made a secret journey to where he was lying in his ship off the town of Ayr. He [Arran] perceiving that, escaped out of his ship into a small pinnace and passed to sea. They took his ship and sent twenty-four in her to chase him, for there are but five in the pinnace besides the mariners.

He is said to have stolen his majesty's jewels to the value of 20,000 crowns. His wife is still in prison, hated of the people, and it is uncertain what will become of her.

The Earls of Montrose and Crawford are still strictly kept in Kenneale. It is thought some order will be taken about them after the parliament.

The Colonel [William Stewart] has brought Lord Maxwell from Dumfries, who seeks leave to depart out of the country, and will give surety never to return; but will serve in the wars for his maintenance. Some order will be given concerning him, when the affairs of greater moment are settled.

Lord Hamilton is Captain of Dumbarton and Provost of Glasgow, Coldeknowes is Captain of Edinburgh, and Justice Clerk Captain of Blackness.

The Earl of Gowrie's wife and children are to be restored to his livings, honours and estate.

The Earl of Angus is to have Dalkeith and Aberdeen, paying to the King 10,000 Scottish marks. The matter of the earldom of Morton between him and Maxwell is referred to friends.

The Master of Glammis is made chief Treasurer and Captain of the Guard, and the Earl of Atholl is Provost and Sheriff of St. Johnstone and Perth till the young Earl of Gowrie is of age. At the end of this parliament your honour shall be advertised further of the state of the country. Berwick. Signed: Henry Woddryngton.

3 pp. Addressed. Indorsed. "The Marshal of Berwick's advertisements out of Scotland."

213. Extract of Mary's Letter to the French Ambassador. [Dec. 8.] C. P., vol. XVI.

1. "That Arran hath heretofore ben greatly supported and mayntayned by them here against her."

2. "That her sonnes evill cariadge of himself toward hir proceedeth of practises and evill perswasions from heir, which are already sufficiently discontented."

3. "That Gowry did voluntarily confese unto the Mr. of Gray his knowledge of a practise by some here with the late banished lords —who shrouded themselves under her majestes winges—for the taking away of hir and hir sonnes life."

4. "That the said lords have ben supportid and mayntaynid by her majesty's ministers, and perhappes even in this last action also,"

5. "That the drift of some of hir majesty's principall ministers is by taking away of her and hir sonnes lyffe to usurpe this cron after hir majesty's decease, and establishe a King in Scotland that may be at their devotyon and bound to further their purposes heir."

6. "That her majesty hath often tymes ben in danger to be subject to the evill of some of the competitors for the crowne."

7. "That the seasing of hir and hir sonnes bodyes hath ben put in practise and other lyke corses for hir majesty's safety."

8. "That her majesty hath had intelligence with the subjects of Scotland."

9. "That the stay of proceeding in the treaty betwin her majesty and hir, grew from heir, while her majesty did alleadge some difficultyes in hir sonne, which difficulty yt was well known heir did growe only by the practise of Arran."

10. "That the intended union betwein her majesty and hir had ben safer for her majesty, Arran and the other lords than this violent corse."

11. "That hir majesty did arme the lords against her son."

12. "That Arran is prosecuted for that he maintaynid his master's lyfe and authority against Gowry and his complices."

13. "That her lyfe hath oftentymes ben soughte here in England, sometymes by violence, then by poysen, other tymes by practise in Parliament, and last of all by the drift of the late assocyacion—or as she termeth it conjuratyon."

1. p. Indorsed: "Extract out of ye Queen of Scotts letters to ye Fr. Amb^r. Decemb. 8, 1585."

214. Mary to Monsieur De Mauvissière. [Dec. 8.] C. P., vol. XVI.

A few days ago my warden imparted to me—being, as he declared, commanded so to do—the captivity of my son in the hands of the Scots banished by him, and who had taken refuge with the Queen of England, having—as he said—returned to Scotland with an army of seven thousand men, and after having surprised the town of Stirling, and forced my son to surrender, and to deliver to them the castle of the said town where he was, now pursuing to the utmost the chief of those who were with him, and specially the Earl of Arran, formerly so much favoured and supported in these parts against myself.

These tidings have, in truth, produced the effect for which they were imparted to me with such great diligence, to wit, they have added to me affliction upon affliction both of mind and body, without any pity for the extremity of sickness to which the rigours of this prison have at length reduced me.

But that which grieves me most is to feel myself utterly hindered from applying any remedy to this misfortune, being bound hand and foot, and there remaining to me hardly anything but a voice, and that very feeble, wherewith to bemoan to my God such cruel and inhuman treatment: moreover, deprived of all other tidings of Christendom from which I might receive the slightest consolation in the world.

I recognise in this accident the just judgment of God upon my child, chastising him—in order, as I hope, to lead him to repentance —for having failed in his duty, faith and promises to his true, natural and most loving mother, letting himself be separated from her in order to commit himself, denuded of every defence, to the snares and perfidy of his enemies, so often proved against himself and all his race. At least he cannot but remember to-day that having hitherto preferred to retain the crown of Scotland by sheer force, violence, and the rebellion of subjects, rather than accept my free consent to assure it to him and to make him the lawful possessor— which has always been my chief aim and intention—he left the door open to our said subjects, as I have often warned him, to treat him when they will in the same way that I have been treated, and with more show of justice. For if a son could pretend the right to dispossess his mother, a lawful queen, universally acknowledged, what might not our said subjects dare against a rebellious child, ungrateful and tyrannical as I am sure they in their consciences deem him, when now in his childhood some have given him the name of King in order themselves in reality to possess entire authority.

But notwithstanding all in which he may have failed towards me, in that or other matters—which I attribute rather to the evil persuasions and sinister practices sufficiently manifest in these parts, than to his own motion and natural inclination—as the most loving mother which I have always been to him and shall be till death, I cannot but be sensible to the depths of my heart of his present misery, and make every effort of which I am capable, were it at the risk of my own life, to preserve his from the imminent danger in which I see it to be. For, to put it shortly, only his death or perpetual captivity can to-day assure our wicked subjects of impunity for their offences against him, having been so often repeated, and he having shown such resentment of it last year directly he was out of their hands, that they will with difficulty let him go. He has now no full liberty, neither of his person nor of government and royal authority.

I pray you then, my lord ambassador, inasmuch as a chill which I have taken in the whole of my right arm will not allow of my writing to the Queen of England, to set before her hereupon on my behalf two things chiefly. The one—which she may remember, it having been formerly fully reported to her by my son himself— that the late Earl of Gowrie, being on the point of having his head cut off last year for the same conspiracy as these Scottish lords, then accomplices of the said Ghorry, have now executed, deposed and confessed voluntarily to the Master of Gray, who told me of it by letters still extant, that in England—I will not name by whom— it had been done, projected and decreed, to put us to death, myself and my son, on one and the same day. And that thereupon she will consider, if it please her, what just occasion I may have to fear for the life of my child, seeing him detained by the same persons with whom such a plot is said to have been made, when sheltered by her, and I venture to say supported and maintained, perchance, in this last undertaking by her ministers themselves, in such sort that it seems to me she ought to take great heed not to let her honour be engaged, not for consenting to such a wicked act—that I should with difficulty ever persuade myself she would be willing to do— but at least for not having provided against it as she could and ought to have done, taking upon herself publicly the name of mother of my son, and taking from me in my state and everywhere, all means of rendering him the good offices and effects of it.

The other point is, that for her own welfare and safety I beg her to weigh carefully the proceedings of some of her chief ministers and subjects in this action, to show forth more plainly than she has ever done the fact that she knows the depth of their intention against myself and my son; to wit, in taking the lives of both of us, who remain the only descendants in Scotland of the late King of England, Henry VII., to shorten the road to the usurpation of this crown, and to that effect to place at their devotion in the kingdom of Scotland a king who cannot pretend to the succession of this realm, but may rather be obliged beforehand by some secret league and confederacy to assist our said enemies in these parts to achieve the said usurpation. The success of which design would undoubtedly entail, as regards the said Queen, a great diminution of her safety during her reign. For by suffering our rivals and enemies thus to oppress us and to remove us from between her and them, she will undoubtedly render them more powerful against herself, and more free to lead her whithersoever they will, as she has already many times found herself in danger, myself and my son having been hitherto of some use at least by way of counterbalance, in keeping our rivals within their duty towards her.

Moreover, there can be left to her nothing but dishonour and a great load upon her conscience in thus allowing her own kin to be ruined, and this realm to be defrauded of its true and lawful heirs, when it belongs to her and is in her power to remedy it. If she were immortal so as to enjoy this crown for ever, or had children of her own upon whom to settle it, then among politicians such a course might be admitted, but provided that she secures her own reign, for so long as it shall please God to grant her life, I cannot understand for what others after her she would burden her conscience so sorely as to let us be deprived of life and of right, there being, I may say, none among all our rivals with more means, power, and sincere goodwill to serve her than I and my son, if it pleased her to accept us. To allege—as might be alleged—that we are for her the first and the most to be feared, this is no sufficient ground when every respect of God, faith and honour would be set at nought by getting rid of us in this manner, there being so many solid and good means of assuring us to herself in heart, faith and obligation, as she might have done innumerable times by accepting the very advantageous offers which have been made to her by us, and not by detention of our bodies and such other extraordinary ways as have been adopted against us until now.

The said Queen ought to consider the little faith and lasting security that she has hitherto found with the individual subjects of Scotland, who having failed her from time to time, because the justice of God has not allowed any of them to live long, she has been always obliged to have recourse to new remedies to serve for the moment, without ever resting sure of the future. Nor has it ever been the intention of those who have counselled her to pursue such courses, to provide for her safety, but without regarding what evil might befall her, to induce her herself to ruin her kindred, and those closest to her first of all; that is the true and chief cause why until now no treaty nor agreement between her and us could succeed, however great the offers, conditions and overtures that we have at various times proposed to her to this effect, even last winter, when I despatched my secretary to her with well-nigh unlimited power, so that she herself and those of her council were constrained to acknowledge and confess that they could not desire more, nor add anything to the conditions to which—in order to have more than right upon my side—I submitted myself of my own accord, taking upon me to get my son likewise to yield thereunto, as in truth I would have done, had I been allowed to send to him, as I most earnestly requested; the refusal which was made to me having shewn only too plainly the little desire that some persons had of this agreement.

For if they had been in earnest about it, since the said Queen had told me that it only depended upon my son, she ought, if not to have helped me, at least to have given me leave to labour with my said son to remove all the difficulties which were alleged upon her behalf; and if I had not succeeded in it, all occasion would have been taken from me of imputing the fault elsewhere: but I am of opinion that it was only too well known that such difficulties were but devised through the partiality of the Earl of Aran, who to-day receives his reward from those whom he served so well against me. And I firmly believe that it would have been more honourable, better and safer for the said Queen, as also for the Earl of Aran and his adherents, and for those lords lately returned to Scotland to have all made themselves secure by a good union between myself and my son, and the conclusion of the treaty which I sought of the said Queen, it being thereby provided for both parties that there should be no proceeding by force and violence, as has been done. Not that I would find fault with the re-establishment of the said lords who were banished here, being unable for my part to lay any offence to their charge—moreover the said Queen and those of her council may remember that by my said secretary I offered to intervene and to labour in Scotland for their said restoration, and had almost taken it upon me—but I would much rather it had been managed by gentle means and with the general reconciliation among the nobility that I proposed, to establish an assured repose and tranquility in the country for the future, than with such violence and by the support of our enemies in this realm, who under such innovations aim only at the extermination of my son and our whole race. And that this is so is sufficiently clear, because, if the restoration alone of the said Scottish lords had merely been desired, the said Queen of England could have managed it for them quietly by the great credit and entire good understanding which by all her letters to me she declared herself to have with my son, and ought not, by way of reward to him for having committed himself so entirely to her as she herself told me he had done, to have sent him back the said exiles with arms in their hands. Which was not, I feel sure, one of the published articles of the treaty made between her and him last winter, when Gray was in this country: and still less could such a thing have been understood amid the great demonstrations of friendship which the said Queen has been making towards him all this time, of which, far from conceiving any jealousy—albeit I was ousted from the said treaty after having been the first to put the irons in the fire and hammer them—that, on the contrary, I did all I possibly could to continue the said Queen in this good course with my son, holding myself quite satisfied if he received some fruit, good and advantage from it, so much dearer to me have his preservation, greatness and prosperity ever been than any thing concerning myself.

There, in short, is the result of the negotiations and practices of this young man Gray and of other such ministers of my son, from which nothing better can be hoped for the future if it please not the said Queen once and for all, according to the overtures which I formerly made to her, to intervene with the King your master, my brotherin-law, to establish a more settled and assured government in Scotland, obliterating all traces of the divisions and factions of the past. Otherwise there will be, as they have given us proof enough, a constant succession of the sudden turns and unexpected changes which have taken place in that country almost every month for the last three or four years.

Therefore, in order to provide in time as well for the present danger of my son's life as for all other things which shall in the future be found necessary for his safety and the repose and tranquility of the subjects, I pray you to insist on my behalf as warmly as you can to the said Queen upon the aforesaid remonstrances, in order that it may please her to approve that with you—in case the King my said lord and brother, in accordance with the request that I am resolved to make to him about it, gives you the commission for it, and you are willing to accept it—and with another ambassador on her own behalf, I may send one of my people to my son, to impart to him, and to the estates of the realm which may be assembled to that effect, as is done daily for slighter occasions, our common opinion and counsels touching the restoration of affairs in that quarter.

Wherein the King my said lord and brother may justly claim as much right to intervene as any other prince whatsoever, being bound thereto by the so ancient alliance between France and Scotland, and having, as I believe, reserved the said right to himself by his new league with the said Queen of England.

And I do not think that he could on such a journey more conveniently and assiduously, as there is need, employ any other than yourself, who are the gate to our road, and chosen by the said Queen of England, to agree with her beforehand about the methods that will have to be pursued.

If this overture is not agreeable to her, you will propose to her, if you please, that she allow me to send some one of my people to France, sufficiently instructed by myself, to go, without any prejudice to her, to seek other means of helping my son, trusting in God not to fail. For that it will cost her nothing but a passport, and I do not yet believe that her good nature is so quenched towards her own kin that not being able to aid him herself, she would wish to hinder the mother from succouring her child in such urgent need, which would be enough to confirm many in the opinion that this part would not have been played against my son without advice and assurance from her, or at least from some of her chief and most accredited ministers.

If offer is made to you that I should treat of this affair by letter, refuse it totally, forasmuch as my letters would have to pass through the hands of such as have, perchance, devised this undertaking, which would only be to render them more capable of bringing it to a conclusion, and I would as lief send my packets directly to the said Scots who are now detaining my son, just as formerly some have indeed been sent to them from hence, with full and particular, advice how they should proceed against my intentions.

Moreover, my ordinary letters about the affairs of my dowry are so badly handled, and I receive so little reply and satisfaction about them, that I will never undertake to treat of any affair of state or importance by the same ways.

I have no doubt that you will be told that my son has full liberty and is at his own disposal, for they wanted to maintain the same to me, and the said Queen wrote it to me about three years ago when my said son was taken prisoner in the house of the Earl of Gowrie, and detained as such nearly a year by the said earl and some of the lords lately returned, with such strict guard, observation and restraint over all his words and actions, both public and private, that Monsieur de la Mothe Fénélon, a worthy and most prudent gentleman, on his return from the journey which he made to those parts, wrote to me fully in these very words: that he had there found the King kept a prisoner, the crown laid low, and the sceptre under the feet of the subjects, the ambassador of England who was then there exercising, nevertheless, such authority that he took the liberty to assist at the audiences of the said Sieur de la Mothe, hearing every word that my son and he said.

Only four months ago the said Queen of England, wishing to excuse herself for being no longer able to receive the King your master, my brother-in-law, as caution and security for the treaty between herself and me, wrote to me with her own hand that he was not at liberty, on account of the return to him of some of the league, who, nevertheless, from what I have since heard, had come to him unarmed, and with all the submission, duty and obedience which may be expected of most faithful and affectionate subjects, such as I believe those of whom she was speaking to be, and shall ever so hold them. Why then should my son, surprised, besieged, and constrained by open force to surrender himself to exiles by him previously proclaimed enemies, traitors and rebels, be deemed free ? But their proceedings hereafter will sufficiently make known his captivity to the whole of Christendom, although, perchance, veiled under appearances of a specious liberty. And therefore I protest now to the said Queen that I will never receive nor hold as my son's own act any thing whatsoever which may be done or passed under his name while he is detained in such condition.

And if it is objected that the Earl of Arran held him in a worse and closer captivity, the said Queen must likewise set at nought all that was done and negotiated against me during the time of the said earl's government, to which I verily think that the poor child never lent anything but his name. And for having in short thereby abused the name and authority of his master against his own mother and Queen he ought to be accused, rather than for having maintained and preserved the life and authority of his said master against the Earl of Gowrie and his accomplices. As to my own particular estate in these parts, besides the infinite discomfort that I daily endure, causing me there to languish and die, I cannot but bethink me, upon this accident to my son, of the practices and divers attempts which have been made against my life since I have been in this country, sometimes by violence, sometimes by poison, some of which I-have already made known to the said Queen, with the names and surnames of the instigators and actors, sometimes by the suborning of persons incited to demand my life in full Parliament, and lastly by an open association, or rather conspiracy, of my public enemies last winter under pretext of the preservation of the said Queen, being really and truly a ban or proclamation in order indirectly to find murderers and invite them to such an act, assuring them beforehand not only of their pardon, but also of being for ever supported by the said conspirators.

Such sinister proceedings, wherefrom it has pleased God to preserve me until now, and the little security that I see in my present position, especially if the said Queen of England should happen to die, give me, as it seems to me, a very sufficient occasion to desire of her more instantly and urgently than ever, my complete deliverance out of so long, rigorous, and miserable a captivity, not so much in respect alone of the preservation of my life—which, saving the will of my God, I have very little cause and occasion to wish to prolong—but in order to pass so little of it as remains to me in liberty of my conscience and more repose and tranquility of spirit than I have been able to compass and obtain for myself by the incredible patience, most sincere duty, and the efforts which I have made to the very uttermost to please the said Queen, and at last to secure her friendship to myself by my merits.

I pray you then to make to her this request for my deliverance, assisting it with all the favourable recommendation that you may in the name of the King my brother-in-law, to whom as I have always hitherto deferred the chief mediation of every treaty and agreement between the said Queen of England and myself, so I shall still accept in this one all such conditions as he and the Queen my mother-in-law shall deem consistent with my honour and safety, being quite content to refer myself to them.

From the side of Scotland no difficulty can now intervene as to this said treaty, things there being disposed in such sort that I do not think that the said Queen of England will be opposed there in any intention of hers; in sort that it now only depends upon her, by the means above set forth, to establish affairs more firmly and lastingly to her satisfaction, and herself wholly to secure in her own country the common weal, repose and prosperity of all this island, as well during her reign as afterwards.

Excuse, if you please, the importunity and length of this letter, having deemed it necessary to assist the little knowledge you have of my affairs by such ample information. I was even inclined to send you brief notes of my last most important negotiations with the said Queen, but I have deferred it until I know by her answer whether it will be fitting that you should take further steps. Tutbury. December 1585.

10 pp. French. Draft. Indorsed: "Du viij^me Decembre 1585."

215. League with Elizabeth. [Dec. 10.]

Ratification of the assent of the Estates for concluding a league with the Queen of England. [Printed in the "Acts of Parliament of Scotland." Vol. iii. p. 38a].

Copy of the same.

216. Sir Amias Powlet to Walsingham. [Dec. 12.] C.P., vol. XVI.

Received his letter dated the 6th of this month, on the 9th of the same, late in the evening. Is now able to inform him that the house at Chartley will be ready within eight days, and that the removal thither is agreed upon for the Tuesday before Christmas. Can therefore easily judge that all expedition has been used to satisfy the fantastical humours of this people.

Had been advised to carry the Queen by way of Uttoxeter, and upon conference with some of the principal justices of this country was resolved to have prayed the assistance of the gentlemen of Derbyshire as far as Uttoxeter, and there to have relieved them by the gentlemen of Staffordshire.

But being unwilling that this Queen should go by Uttoxeter, being a market town, found that by passing through certain parks he could perform the whole journey in Staffordshire.

Will therefore only need the help of the gentlemen of Staffordshire, namely, Sir Walter Aston, Mr. Trentham, Mr. Bagot, Mr. Henry Cavendish, Mr. Gresley, Mr. Terrers and Mr. Chetwynd.

Waited three or four days after the arrival of Mrs. Mowbray to see if she had brought any advertisement of the Scottish proceedings, and hearing nothing pretended that the Queen would not be sorry to hear of the doings. Therefore delivered to Melvin and Curll in general terms as much of his advertisement touching the Scottish causes as he thought meet for their mistress; which he confirmed later to Nau. It is utterly untrue that he said to any of these men that he delivered this advertisement by commandment or that he made mention of any lord that went out of England, whereof he knew nothing; therefore he affirms that Nau lied falsely.

He [Powlet] took upon himself to affirm among other speeches that the Scottish King did well, was obeyed and honoured by all his nobility and lived in princely liberty. Whereupon he can remember Nau answered that the King dissembled with the lords one whole year before he expelled them. The Queen of Scots has so many books and so much apparel to remove that Nau has asked for at least four carts.

Wrote to him in his last letter that Andrew Harris his brother's party dwells in Guernsey, and he desires that a "poursuivant" might be sent there for him.

Asked Nau in the presence of his wife whether he would swear that he said to him that he delivered the Scottish advertisement by direction from above. Nau answered that he had not so said to him; and it was not so reported to his mistress by himself or by any other. He confessed that the Queen his mistress did so take it, and was yet of that opinion, because she was accustomed thereunto by the Earl of Shrewsbury, who was commanded to deliver unto her all the ill news possible and to conceal from her all pleasing things.

Nau denied that he had reported anything, but he told him that he had done more, for he had written it; which he also denied saying the words he had written had not that meaning.

Told Nau that he was able to judge his words as well as all the secretaries in France.

Nau desired him to carry a good opinion of him, and said he was ready to do all good office.

Acquainted Nau with two points from Mr. William Knollys' letter; the first concerning the good allowance of the King for the doing of the lords; the second touching his hunting and hawking without guard. How much satisfied this Queen is, he will know at his next conference with her. This Queen prays a new supply of the linen mentioned in the inclosed bill, the rest being good enough to serve another year.

The linen was provided in London by one Mr. Yonge.

Also prays a supply for the Queen's household. Tutbury. Signed: A. Poulet.

4½ pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

217. Act of Parliament for Restoring Lord John Hamilton, etc. [Dec.]

[Printed. Acts of Parliaments of Scotland. Vol. iii. p. 408.]

Cott. Calig., C. VIII., fol. 385.

Another copy of the same.

218. Master of Gray to Walsingham. [Dec. 13.]

Recommends as a great friend the bearer, directed from the King to her majesty.

Is happy to see that there is an appearance of a lasting friendship between them, and will do all in his power to continue it. If her majesty proposes to levy gentlemen and soldiers in this realm, she will find more gallant fellows ready than ever went forth out of Scotland. Linlithgow. Signed: Master of Gray.

1 p. Holograph. Also address. Indorsed: "Concerninge peace to be made."

219. Sir John Maitland to Walsingham. [Dec. 20.]

Urges the immediate necessity of settling the amity between their two sovereigns, for small delays often breed great impediments, and angering causes are seldom effected. Time would be gained and good occasions taken, and so requisite a course followed until fully accomplished.

Has before affirmed, and now boldly assures him of a sincere and forward disposition on his majesty's part. His constancy is so great that no persuasions on the part of his favourites will avail against it. The King likes to lead his own course and to be directly and immediately dealt with. With marvellous prudence and singular dexterity he has settled his state and quieted his realm.

Recommends the bearer, who possesses his majesty's favour in no small measure. Linlithgow. Signed: Jo. Maitland.

1¼ pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

220. The Master of Glamis to Walsingham. [Dec. 20.]

His delay in writing has been caused by his earnest care to end the civil dissensions which have disturbed the peace of the King.

It is his majesty's pleasure, the better to restore peace in his realm, to ignore all deeds committed in any common and general action since his coronation.

Finding the King in a good disposition to be at amity with England, he thought good to advertise him of the matter so that it might be brought to good effect.

Emphasises the necessity of going carefully to work for the estate of such as were formerly employed in the matter, and their credit with his majesty was not great enough to perform so important a work.

The King hearkens most in matters of State to the Secretary, the Justice Clerk and some others, but most of all the Secretary, whom he [Glammis] will handle carefully.

Writes plainly, because he knows his wisdom to be such that it will bring credit and peace to both nations.

Linlithgow. Signed: Tho Mr. of Glammis.

1½ pp. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed.

221. A Discourse of the Houses of Hamilton and Lennox. [Dec.]

Praises the present King, whose apparent virtue restored the house of Lennox to a greater position than it had heretofore held. Many, who of old were assured friends to the house of Hamilton, perceiving God to have blessed the house of Lennox, procured the restitution of the same and the perdition of the other house, their rival, to their uttermost power.

Of this number were all the earls, lords, barons (etc.) and all other defenders of his majesty's cause during his minority, through whom the Hamiltons were brought low.

Now about this time an ambassador, D'Aubigny, arrived from France and joining with the Captain Stewart enters into credit with his majesty to cast off all those who had served him in his youth, persuading the King to strengthen himself with those who desired the prosperity of the Hamiltons.

The chief men against whom they turned his majesty were the Earls of Morton, Angus, Mar, Gowrie, Glencairn, Lord Lindsay, Glammis, Oliphant, Cathcart, Forbes (etc.), namely all those who had entered into a deadly feud with the said house of Hamilton.

On the other hand, the men they moved his majesty to embrace were the Earls Huntly, Crawford, Montrose, Eglinton, the Lords Seton, Maxwell, Livingston, Herries, and others. For the most part they are not to blame, for they are all related in some way or other to the Hamiltons.

From this state of affairs can ensue nothing but disorder to his majesty's own estate, except they will think that the glory of a new Duke of Lennox, together with the countenance of the new Earl of Arran, and the King and the famous Colonel is sufficient for his majesty's security and the preservation of the aforesaid house. But lest his enemies should say that they have published nothing against him, he desires the reader to understand that though they have not published the same by letter patent, yet in effect they have published the same, because in his majesty's presence, in the Cabinet, Privy Council and all other conferences, their whole work was to make him odious by craftily alleging calumnies throughout the country, and to the end that honest men should not think him guilty, he thought good to bring forward this present apology to clear himself of the rumours, privately scattered abroad by his enemies.

Therefore, seeing the Duke of Lennox, Arran and Colonel Stewart either willingly or ignorantly, acting so as to overthrow true religion and the King's estate, he could not but oppose himself against them.

Therefore, through them he drew hatred on himself, for they possessed his majesty's ear and made the King believe that he was seditious and disloyal.

He prays for a little patience while he shows that he had just cause to withstand their subtilty, seeing true religion, the King and the country brought to great calamity.

First, with regard to D'Aubigny who came into Scotland with many letters from the King of France, he had not been three months in Scotland before he persuaded his majesty "to have privilie convoyed themselve furthe of theire companie whome he so muche at his arryvell seemeth to commende and allowe for theire service past." Thereupon men having grown suspicious, he was desired, according to an Act of Parliament, to sign the articles of true religion, and seeing that there was no way out of it, he signed the articles and promised to obey the Ministers for the time being.

Thereupon he set to work to turn his majesty against the noblemen, and he succeeded so well, that he persuaded the King to believe that all those who would be called servants in his youth, were but rebels to his mother; that the professors of religion throughout all Christendom were but seditious persons, and that there could be no quietness in the country while such persons had an habitation.

Then he tried to persuade the King that the Queen of England had done nothing for his benefit, but only foster rebellion in his country, whereby she might be the more strengthened. The Earl of Morton was the man whom he most feared, therefore he had him attainted of high treason on account of the murder of his majesty's father, whereof the earl was quite innocent, and when the earl was condemned he entered into all his possessions.

Not satisfied with this D'Aubigny would have used the other nobles as he thought fit, had not the Earls of Mar, Gowrie and others intervened and sent him back to France, where he died.

6½ pp. Indorsed. [Imperfect.]

222. [ ] to Walsingham. [Dec.]

Hears that Archibald Douglas's coming is stayed, and that by his own procurement, and it is thought that he desires not to see his country again.

Promises that if he discovers the Secretary in any dishonest practice he will not only betray his dealings, but will be his utter enemy.

The King would be glad if he would deal with the Secretary for the advancement of friendship between the countries. He thinks it would do good and the contrary harm.

1 p. Addressed. Indorsed: "Secrete Scottish Advertisement."

223. Sir Amias Powlet to Walsingham. [Dec. 27.] C. P., vol. XVI.

This Queen's packet sent with his letters of the 19th of this month contains no matter worthy of advertisement.

Is very glad to hear that he has procured a privy seal for a new supply of money, whereof their need is so great that it is accompanied with shame and loss. It was true that he received 1000l at his coming from London for the service of this household, but this money was spent before his coming hither.

The charges have been greatly increased since the end of last harvest by reason of the great dearth of corn, and food generally—to say nothing of the dear carriage of wood and coal; and now it cannot be thought that Lord Paget's revenues are sufficient to support this great household, although he has cut down expenses in every possible way.

The Queen's servants are always begging, and have no pity at all on English purses.

Begs for speedy relief as his credit is exhausted. Chartley. Signed: A. Poulet.

2 pp. Addressed. Indorsed.

224. Supplication of the Earl of Morton. [Dec.]

Begs on his knees for forgiveness for offences committed by him or his in times past.

Will not presume to present himself before the King, but sends the Lord Herries and Lochinvar. Prays for a favourable audience.

The King, with the advice of the Estates, returns answer that all deeds done by the Earl of Morton or any one connected with him shall be extinct for ever as if they had never been done; so that he can never be accused by the King or his successors or any of his subjects.

The earl promises, first, for the satisfaction of his majesty's honour, in case his former supplication is granted, to enter into free ward in person, and to remain within the precincts of the places specially mentioned, unless the King's license is obtained for his release out of the said ward. In case this is refused he offers to take upon him the government of the West Marches of the kingdom, and to serve there for seven years next coming at his own expense.

Lastly, if the two former offers are refused he offers to depart the realm, and not to return without his majesty's permission. He humbles craves that during his absence neither Johnstone nor his assistants shall have any jurisdiction over his [Morton] friends, tenants and servants, but that some other nobleman shall take charge of the same.

2 pp. Indorsed.

225. Articles Propounded to the French Ambassador. (fn. 1) [Dec.]

"Articles propounded to the Frenche ambassador by A. B. C. D. deputie commissioners by the Queenes majestie to treate with the sayd ambassador."

That the said ambassador, according to the instructions given to him by the King his master, and his protestations made to the Queen of England, shall concur with such ministers as her majesty shall send together with him into Scotland in doing all good offices that may work some good accord between the King of Scots and his subjects. He shall procure by all the best means he can restitution of such noblemen to the King of Scots' favour as are either retired into England or now remain prisoners in Scotland.

In case the King [of Scots] shall not assent thereto the said ambassador with her majesty's ministers, his associates, shall then persuade him to refer their trial to his parliament to be either condemned or justified, and in the meantime to stay all process against them.

Whereas there is a general dislike in Scotland of his government in respect of certain violent counsellors about him, the ambassador jointly with the rest of the associates shall persuade him to use the advice of his parliament, as well for the removing of the said griefs as also to make choice of such counsellors as shall not be inclined to factions or partialities, but shall always advise him to do that which shall be agreeable with honour and justice.

For the better quietness of his realm, being now, as it were in sunder by faction, in respect of the particular quarrels between the noblemen and other principal persons of Scotland, the ambassador shall advise the King of Scots to require his parliament to appoint certain grave men to compound the said quarrels.

He shall do nothing directly or indirectly to the prejudice of the religion or the alteration of the present government.

The said ambassador and such ministers as the Queen of Scots shall send with him into Scotland shall have no dealing underhand, directly or indirectly, with the King or any of his subjects, contrary to the articles agreed on, without the privity of such ministers as the Queen of England shall send into Scotland.

Nothing shall be propounded or assented to [by] the said ambassador and ministers of the Queen of Scots without the assent of the Queen of England's ministers.

In case the King of Scots, before the repair thither of the French ambassador and the Queen of England's ministers, shall have proceeded against the persons of such as remain in prison [and] to the forfeiture of the goods of such nobleman as are now retired into England, the ambassador and associates shall travail effectually with the King of Scots to persuade him that the consideration of the said causes may be remitted to his parliament; or if it shall not be assented to, that their causes may be referred to the judgment of the French King and the Queen of England.

1²/3 pp. Draft. Partly in Burghley's hand. Indorsed.

226. [ ] to [ ]. [Dec.] C.P., vol. XVI.

Although they have not heard from him during the past year, yet by means of a good servant they have been informed of his faith and disposition towards them.

The public good of this realm is the mark whereat they shoot principally, and would redeem the calamity thereof.

Laments the suffering and exile of himself and the rest who suffer for their constancy in the defence of their faith and religion.

Trusts that he and the honourable members of this realm will have at the last a happy issue.

Sends salutation to the Catholic nobles and gentlemen who taste the malice of the time; amongst whom are some of their own particular friends whose honour and devotion are sufficiently known.

Thanks him for his good son, who has done much service for his Prince and his country. If it shall please God to give them the means to advance him it shall be done; anyway they hope to provide for him to live in banishment in a contented state.

His long sequestration from his home and country proceed from no other cause than from the love of God.

2½ pp. In cipher. Indorsed, by Mr. Phelippes: "The letter to be written to Pietro his father."Signed on the back: W. Burghley. G. Shrewsbury. J. Hunsdon. F. Cobham. Fra. Walsyngham.

227. [ ] to Mr. Tempest. [Dec.]

Although I have received no letters from you since those to which I replied by the same way that you directed me by them, and which I hope you have received long since, so it is that having found this present commodity I would not fail to write you these lines to always give you advertisement as the affairs we have in hand require.

I hope that you have fully understood by my last the state of our negotiation; now it remains to tell you what has since taken place worth imparting to you: that is to say that [Here follows cipher].

I have also communicated the above to the man named in your previous letters, who has the matter in sufficiently good recommendation.

I hope that you are not up to the present without having good correspondence with him who makes overture to you for it; of which I shall be very glad to hear something at your first commodity, as I am assured you will not fail to certify me, but above all take care seriously that [in cipher to the end].

2¾ pp. French. Addressed: "A Monsieur Tempest presbtre Anglois dem[ourant] a present a Paris." Indorsed by Thomas Philippes.

228. [ ] to Doctor Barret. C.P., vol. XVI.

I am much astonished that having received yours of the 16th of the past month you make no mention in them of the contents of my previous letters, although I know on good assurance that you have long ago received them; which makes me conjecture and suppose that the troubles and great commotions that are known to be there are in part the cause that you cannot so freely bring the affair in hand to so good effects as we desire. But notwithstanding all hindrances whatsoever which might be cause of delaying the said affair, as we must not on that account lose courage in so good a way, so rather must we make a virtue of necessity; as truly I hope that you will not suffer yourself to be borne down by any accident that may happen, however sinister and contrary to our purpose; seeing that you have of long time [continued in cipher] that can in nowise prejudice us for two reasons which I will tell you: one is that [continued in cipher] the other is [cipher] As for the rest I hope that B. or his companion will be able to resolve you sufficiently and give good satisfaction, as those who have long time managed [cipher] while they were resident at [cipher] both knew very well [cipher]. So that there is no need to trifle longer in so fair a way. Added to which F. will enlighten you [cipher] and for the whole conclusion take care seriously that [cipher].

3 pp. French. Addressed: "A Monsieur le docteur Barret Presidant du seminaire des Anglois de Reims."

229. Thomas fowller to Mary. C.P., vol. XV.

I wish but that your majesty were well and truly persuaded how much I honour you in heart, how glad I would be to do your majesty any acceptable service, and what to my simple power I have done as occasion served—which some of yours can witness. But how much I think myself happy when your highness pleases me to command me with any service, God knows, and I will well prove by the accomplishment of your majesty's directions.

My mistress here would have written herself to your highness if she had known of this bearer's going but three hours before, as she did not—which short time also causes these of mine to be the more short and rude. I beseech your highness to pardon these wants every way. Here you are loved, honoured and prayed for as your own heart could desire. Signed: T. Fowller.

½ p. Addressed. Indorsed.

230. [ ] to [ ]. Elizabeth. [1585.] Cott. Calig., B. VIII., fol. 322.

Please you to shew to Maister Secretarye how muche I do thinke my self particularlye beholdin to him for his so kyndlye dealinge with me, whiche I sall endevour my self to acquyt to my uttermost. That I marvell greatly upon what ground suche jelowsyes have bein consaved of me, having ministred contrarye occasion and continew in als good disposition toward the amity betwene these two crownes as any subject in ather realme according to my small power and credit. Yf any scrupill do yet remaine for the unhappye slauchter of Lord Russelles assuir him the King my sovereygne will do for the Queen's better satisfaction what he aught or conveniently can ather in justice or honour.

Nothing will so muche forder the accomplishment of the ligue as the expeding of the forme of the King my sovereygne his security sent by yow. Some thingis have been desyred to be added and some to be altered in the articles of the ligue whiche partlye have bene sent into England be Mr. Wittoun and partlye declared be me at his majesteis commandement to Mr. Randolphe, whiche his highnes hes forborne to do for the present least the abyding the resolution therof suld bread de . ., and yet intendis to crave thame of hir majestie herafter.

Thoght some thereof appear of no great moment yet they will greatly content the state and subjectis of this realme whereby the ligue [will be] the more effectuall.

Yf any doubtes shall happin to aryse they must be removed by intrecourse of lettres betwene ws before they be directlye mocyoned to ather prince and there myndis prepared for there better persuasioun.

That intelligence may be the better entreteyned betwene us, let me know what seur addres my lettres shall have, speciallye in Berwyk efter Mr. Randolphe his departuire.

²/3 p. Copy. Indorsed: "The Secret of Scot. memorial."