Elizabeth: March 1588

Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 9, 1586-88. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1915.

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'Elizabeth: March 1588', in Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: Volume 9, 1586-88, (London, 1915) pp. 541-550. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/scotland/vol9/pp541-550 [accessed 24 April 2024]

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In this section

442. Burghley to Hunsdon. [March 1.]

(fn. 1) Nevertheless her majesty's pleasure is that you write to the King, grounding the principal cause thereof upon these late good proceedings by her majesty's commission and his, and you shall say that you are glad to have been a director therein, accounting it an honour, promising, wheresoever you shall be, to do your utmost to maintain the same; praying the King to choose well-disposed men to have charge on the frontiers, for continuance of the quiet like to ensue upon these late conventions.

You may add that this action for redress of disorders upon the frontiers will content her majesty, for the maintenance of peace between the realms and renewing of good amity in the eyes of the world, to the liking of their friends and misliking of their enemies, who for the cause of religion did envy their felicity.

Yet her majesty is grieved to see the workings of papists, abroad and in this country, to work intermission of the former good offices. And whereas the King is provoked to take occasion of an accident not recoverable, yet not to be so imputed to her majesty as falsely hath been surmised, she, knowing her conscience clear and minding to make it so appear to the King, by her letters and message made a full declaration of the accident and her innocence; "which to hir great misliking she fownd the King sinisterlie perswaded to receave a course, contrary to all order not onelye betwixt frendes but of justice betwixt strangers, not to heare the awnsweare of a partye in any cawse of unkindnes or of crime."

For further proof of her majesty's innocence she hath found it strange that, seeing the occasion and circumstances of the accident were in a public assembly not only declared but proved and confessed, "so as her majesties actions weare cleare and voide of all meaninge in hir to charge hir for the fact," and that the King's minister Archibald Douglas could have satisfied him of her innocence, yet she hath seen no argument from the King in all this time of his former kindness towards her, for her great benefits already bestowed upon him and such as he might hope for.

Contrary wise, she heareth of admittance into his realm of such as, out of hatred to the religion he and she profess, labour by persuasions and offers of money "to make a change of that which is, hath been, and owght to be, the best knot of an indissolluble love betwixt her majestie and the King." These professed enemies of God, vassals of the antichrist of Rome, seek to procure a breach betwixt princes and their countries.

Yet her majesty, finding the King's disposition for peace upon the frontiers, expects from his own wisdom and the advice of those not affected to Rome, that he will consider how profitable for himself and how commendable to God's sight and pleasing to good people shall be the former amity intended by the treaty at Berwick when the Earle of Rutland was there.

So you may offer to the King your utmost service therein, praying him to take in good part the length of your letter, because the matter so did induce you, and the knowledge you have of her majesty's Christian mind towards God's cause and her affection for the King: and that you would not have presumed to write, but for the motion of his servant Mr. Carmichell.

Thus I have repeated to your lordship as near as my memory serves me the substance of that which her majesty spake to me to be written to you. The order I do remit to yourself for the manner and form of your style and writing.

You should acquaint Carmichell with the substance hereof, considering that without his so often motions her majesty would not have had you write at this time.

22/3 p. Copy. Indorsed.

443. [Burghley] to [Maitland]. [March 4.] Cott. Calig., B. VIII., fol. 242.

"I am Sorrie to finde by your letters that the execution of the King your souveraines mother shoulde be likely to bringe forth anie suche effectes as you seme to affirme will undoutedly insue uppon the knowledge therof in Scotland, and worke anie alteration in the King your souverains minde, and of that people, from the amitie of this realme, the contynuance wherof hathe beene so carefullye sought and desyered."

"For yf heeruppon he will needes make warre with this realme, ment" that you and others of wisdom about him, that depend upon his fortune, whose advice he will use in a matter of so great importance, weighing the same shall judge how unfit it will prove every way for his own estate to enter into that course, "which cannot cure that alredie doone, and in ye eand will tourne to his dishonour, danger and certen prejudice, in steede of reputation and suretie which he maie seme to affect therby."

"For gf heeruppon he will needes make warre with this realme, thre thinges woolde be consydered: first, howe just and honest this warre will appere in the eyes of the worlde; then what meanes he hathe to goe throughe withall; lastly, what maie be the consequence therof anie waie, and especially in respect of that he pretendethe in the succession of this crowne, which therby shall come in question."

For the justness of the quarrel without which it is not only unlawful to enter into war, but also nothing can be expected but unhappy success, he taking arms against this realm in revenge of an action so necessarily done, by general consent, for the safety of her majesty's person and this state, "accompanied with that justice, as all the worlde maie be made judges of the honorable and upright proceding used in that behalfe," he must be said to oppose himself to the course of justice, and so to the judgement of God, "whose ministers this state was in the execution therof." So we, standing in defence of justice, shall not lack the assistance of the Almighty against all who shall in such a quarrel attempt anything against this realm.

For the means of going through with it, if your sovereign trust to his own force, all must see that Scotland of itself could not make head against England, "augmented in power and welthe as Scotland is confessed, by reason that France, that served themselves therof in tymes past to annoye Ingland withall, while theie had a footing in France, having not nowe the like use of that realme as heretofore theie have had, hathe not the like respect."

As for foreign means, when you consider how long you shall solicit for little assistance, as the King's mother found to her cost, and how uncertain the success of all your attempts against England, "which by the conjunction of Holland and Zeland hathe gotten that strengthe by sea, as by Godes grace thoughe all the princes of Europe were banded against this realme we should have noe just cause to feare"; and the consequence if the King should be taken or forced to fly his realm; having so incensed this state against him as they shall deprive him of the succession, "as by lawe theie maie," to what extremity he should be reduced, I doubt not but it would be seen by men of judgement not transported with passion to be best for him to forbear such a desperate course.

On the other side, carrying himself with moderation as becomes a prince of his perfections "and is necessarie in this remedilesse action," he shall provide for his own security, and through good usage of her majesty, "whoe hathe deserved soe greatly at his handes," win the goodwill and affection of the whole realm.

For, "yff a course of revenge should be taken uppon the late accident," and the people of this island be brought to draw blood one of another, the ancient enmity between the two realms, now extinct and buried, shall be so renewed as the English will not accept him for their King, who hath made such a breach of the quiet of both realms upon so unjust a quarrel.

"But especially the whole nobilitie, by whose sentence the late Quene was condemned, the same being approved by parlement," seeing the King so vindictive, should think it toucheth them near, and "woolde rather hazerd the marching over their bellies, then to yeld to the gouverment of suche a prince as theie should stand in doubt woulde one daie call their honors and lives in question."

What remedy he may expect to obtain in such extremity from foreign potentates, who are not over hasty to embark in dangerous enterprises for other men's sakes, Don Antonio may serve for a lively example, wherein, as in a mirror, he may behold his fortune, falling into the like hard estate.

There are but two potentates that he can make account of; the French King and the King of Spain, neither of which to depend on as through whose assistance he may obtain present possession of this crown: whosoever shall persuade him to such a course shall discover either great passion, or want of fidelity and judgement.

It is not safe for any prince to trust in them to whose designs his good success may prove a hindrance, in which respect neither of those two Kings can sincerely wish your sovereign's good, for his religion is odious to them both; and if it bred difficulty in his mother's proceedings with the Catholic princes, when it was hoped that her authority, being at liberty, should alter his disposition, "which notwithstanding moved her to proceede after that manner in the enterprise nowe lately, without anie consyderation of him, promising to make the King of Spaine her heire, in case her sonne became not Catholike," much more shall those princes be backward in the advancement to this crown of one who shall be likely to be prejudicial to the Roman religion, being the more mighty by the union of the crowns.

It is repugnant to the policy of France, in respect of the ancient claim England maketh to that crown, to suffer the uniting of this island under any prince; for a King of France to help a King of Scots to the crown of England, were to strengthen him to one day prosecute his title to that crown.

As France presently standeth you shall not find the King willing to cast himself into any foreign war; sore against his will he was forced by the Guises to allow the civil war; for which—what show soever he makes—he hates them in heart.

"And yf perhapes the polletickes should be content, although yt lies in us divers waies to stoppe and prevent anie suche mallicious practise, for their owne ease and quiet to serve them selves of your souverains quarrell for the present, for to transport the warre out of their owne cowntrie into this island," yet the King shall be but an instrument, as his predecessors have been, for the effusion of Scottish blood and the spoil of that realm.

It were no good counsel for those that depend upon the French King's fortune, to advance a King of Scotland so near in blood to the house of Guise, "by whose assistance their dessein to possesse that crowne and to depose the King—a matter by him greatly doubted—maie the better take effect."

For the Spaniard, his age and unsettled estate would rather move him to peace, if it were offered, than to any new enterprise, and such could not but be dangerous to your King, "consydering his [the King of Spain's] ambition, his practises, his power, his couller of right," having figured himself an empire over this part of the world, laying a foundation for subduing this land in Queen Mary's time, being our King in her right; "the conquest was fullie concluded afterwardes under coullor of relligion, as by the Prince of Orange, then of the Privie Cownsell, was afterwardes reveled: he nowe pretendes—your souverains mother being dead—to be the first prince of the blood royall of Ingland, being afore respected, thoughe falsely, heire of the howse of Lacanster, as by the petigre and bookes published by the Bishop of Rosse and others in his favour maie appere."

During the late Queen of Scots' life the Jesuits and others practised to elect him to the crown, to the prejudice of her title, as meetest to rest in the Romish authority:—"for though your souverains disposition to that relligion was not desperat, theie assured them selves that he woulde not part with the supremacie noe more then King Henry the 8."

We may easily judge how far he would prevail of the donation made of this crown by the Queen of Scots in her letters, promised to be confirmed in her will, whereof his ambassador Mendosa at Paris sticks not to make open vaunt: and what she practised to that effect with her servants since her condemnation, God knoweth.

"Lastely, being the strongest, what should lett him to dispose of the praie as he listeth? Warrant he coulde wante none, so long as the Poopes be and are of his owne and onlie making."

That by change of his [the King of Scots'] religion he can better his condition is very improbable, since the respects of their own estates and pretensions will still remain. The usurpation of Portugal proves that the King of Spain's ambition cannot be restrained by any bonds of religion, honour or justice: and the simple assistance Don Antonio, a Catholic, hath received, shows what would happen to your sovereign in like case.

All which argueth how dangerous it were for your sovereign to depend upon the Spaniard or any such friend's assistance, which might turn to his own subversion.

The King's revolt from religion, seeming a want of religion rather than a change, will be his utter discredit in all Christendom, losing him his natural faithful subjects and well-willers throughout the world, winning him but hollow-hearted friends, since no assurance can be had of his constancy in any religion, "yf ytt shall appere that uppon stomak or advantage he shall fall from his God," and that religion wherein he was brought up: neither can he suddenly inherit his mother's credit here, which also was not sufficient to hold the Catholics of England united.

For any other objections whereby he should be urged to seek foreign support, such as the offence already taken by the nobility and people of this land that he hath—contrary to their joint pursuit, being assembled in parliament—mediated for his mother's life, "ytt lies in his owne power to remove the same, yf he leave when ytt is tyme, as he persisted while there was hoope."

Touching his honour and reputation, whereupon ye all seem so much to stand, surely he hath sufficiently cared for it, having mediated for his mother so long as there was hope. Since she is dead, and the justice and necessity of the execution stoppeth all slanderous reports, the whole proceeding being imparted to all he cares to have satisfied, it shall be more for his honour assuredly to show how he can moderate his passion by reason.

So it is wished by all good men, for the common good of this island and his own greatness, that he would thank God, who hath delivered him of the burden of revenging his father's blood, spilt by her consent and privity, and hath established his throne, continually undermined by her practices; "the eande wherof, yf he be well conseilled, will be the beginninge of all happines in Scotland, where in stead of being sent for an ostage or warde to Poope or Spaniard, as the saied Quene woolde have made him, he maie nowe absolutly and quietly reigne."

My care for the amity of the two realms hath carried me into longer discourse than I purposed, but having collected these and many more reasons concerning the weal of these realms, to be imparted to you by Mr. Douglas, finding him unwilling to meddle therewith I write to yourself, whom I need not exhort to do all good offices that satisfaction here may be joined with the service of God, of your sovereign and country, which shall thereby reap the fruits of peace. Greenwich.

42/3 pp. Draft.

444. Mr. Archibald Douglas to Burghley. [March 6.]

"Quhairas a Scottis man cumming frome Scotland with a schips laeding of heringe which he haithe sauld and delyverit at Lynne, the monie quhairof he is bound to imploy ather at Lynne or some other pairt thairabout, which he can noct in anie commodetie except in cornis; quhairfor I most requeist your lordscip that he may be licensit to transport so much barlie, peass or beans as may releif him of his band." Signed: A. Douglas.

½ p. Holograph. Addressed. Indorsed.

445. Complaints by Scots of Piracies. [March 12.]

The demand of the Scotch ambassador is that, according to her majesty's promise for restitution of goods spoiled from the Scots, restitution be made for the value of the spoils, as adjudged by her commissioners.

To be answered by the Earl of Lincoln, Lord Admiral, Secretary Walsingham, Mr. Mildmay, Dr. Lewes, Mr. Randolph, Dr. Awbrey, H. Killigrew and Mr. Peter Osborn. (fn. 2)

Mr. Davison did in the Queen's name promise to the King of Scots restitution, and the commissioners likewise promised it.

The Mary of Ayr and The Elizabeth of Orkney: Vaughan. To Haverford West. Cannon had part of the salt: he is dead, and his son is called to answer it.

A robbery and murder of Scots in a ship of Kirkcaldy in Scarborough haven by men of Scarborough, whereof inquisition hath been made. Dodsworth, the judge of the Admiralty, hath prosecuted the matter, and three have suffered.

Against one Peddell of St. Cathorques, for robbing one Staye [sic] a Scot; and George Totterig and Mr. Morra, all of Edinburgh; he took 180l. from one and 60l. from the other.

1586. A ship of Leith, George Padg master, laden to the value of 7000l., taken by William Beare of Ratcliff at Dieppe, and carried to Ireland. Goods sold there worth 3000 l., at Cardiff worth 2000l. At Bristol the Scots compounded for 300l., and Beare delivered the ship and the rest of the goods. The men of Bristol, having six of Beare's company, suffered them to escape.

A ship of John Sumpter and of Yong of Chichester robbed The Scout of Leith, to the damage of 1250l. 900l. is proved, and 379l. restored. The Lord Admiral hath a bond of Yong of 1300l. he promised to be delivered to the Scotchman's use.

Dec. 1586. A ship of Leith, John Drumos master, laden with wines, lost in Mounts Bay; seized as a wreck. The cause to be proved before the Judge of the Admiralty.

June 1587. Eleven Scottish ships, by one Strangrish, a pirate, who landed at Scilly, where Mr. Godolphin sought to apprehend him, but he fled, and so Mr. Godolphin stayed part of the goods.

Loan in Colchester robbed a ship of Lord Robertes, of Scotland.

Battes and Whyt of Sandwich robbed two ships of Edinburgh; Lord Cobham hath taken bond for restitution. Three Scotchmen are robbed: Mr. Barry of Doon to be sent unto.

Mr. Cotton of Hampton took 390l. of John Dury, and hath restored 50l; so he oweth 340l.

Edward Huyok and John Bold robbed William Haye of Leith of 600l.—"wherof 400l. recovered by the Queens shippes by Bostock, and one Howell the master of the shipp."

Morgan robbed Robert Scott, William Stuard and one Montrose to the value of 1028l. Bankes, the Lord Admiral's servant, procured Morgan to render himself upon condition of pardon; and so he was pardoned. Morgan did the robbery in The Diana, belonging to Duke Joyeuse.

The mayor of London to certify the examination of a fray made by Englishmen of Hull upon Scotch mariners for a quarrel begun at Malstrom in Norway.

A preacher at Ratcliff rated at the King of Scots on Sunday the 10th of March.

pp. In Burghley's hand and indorsed by him.

446. Hunsdon to Burghley. [March 16.]

According to my last letter I returned yesterday to this town, and this morning the laird of Carmichael came to me and brought me a letter of credit from the King, as also certain instructions in answer of my letter sent to the King, signed with the King's hand, the copies of which I send your lordship herewith.

Touching the 5th article I told him I marvelled that the King was no better satisfied touching her majesty's innocency in that matter, being so openly proceeded in as I wrote at large to him, whereof his ambassador was so well acquainted.

Carmichael answered that the King had commanded him to say, as he hath affirmed in the latter end of the articles, so was he no ambassador of his, since he was discharged when the Master of Gray was there; so hath the King had no dealing with him since, and no declaration from him in any sort of her majesty's innocence.

And touching any articles that Archibald Douglas propounded as from the King, and received answer again, the King affirms that they were not by his commandment, nor knows not what they were, nor what answer was made to them; "so as he ys mearly ignorant of any of A. D. doynges there, more then as he hearythe sumtymes indyrectly from Rychard Duglas, wherof he makes no accownte."

He told me that the King understands that Archibald Douglas, finding he cannot bring matters to pass as he would, practiseth with papists; "and yt semes dyrectly by Carmychell that he hathe rather dune bade offycys betwene hir majestie and the King then goode."

Thereupon the King hath required me again that if any letters come from him into Scotland or to him out of Scotland, to send them to the King; wherein I would know her majesty's pleasure. If he come here he will die for it, for the King would fain have him.

He advised with me how my son Robert, "eyther by sum matche of huntyng or by sum uther like meanes myght take occasyon to go yntoo Skotlande," to whom the King would impart more of his mind than to any man else but myself, and would gladly make him amends for refusing to speak with him when he was to have come to him. I told him it were neither honourable for her majesty nor for the King for him to go in that sort; but since the King seems to be ignorant of her majesty's innocency and honourable proceedings, and avows that he knows not Archibald Douglas's demands nor her answers, if her majesty will write to the King and send it by my son it would be honourable for both.

He assented that that would be best, but in anywise that her majesty would not write anything hardly, but with all the kindness that may be. And Carmichael will come to this town to receive my son, and never leave him till he have brought him back; and hereupon some other ambassador may come to furnish greater matters.

Carmichael finds great lack in our slackness and slow proceedings in this matter, and saith plainly that it hinders greatly these matters: for there is lately come out of France one John Chisholm, of whose coming he wrote to me and I to your lordship, "who promysythe wonders and mowntaynes from France yf the King wyll harken that way; and sundry uthers who arr styll yn hys eare too persuade hym too France; and we doo nothynge butt delay tyme and dyffer of matters"; he desires matters be more effectually proceeded in if we mean to do any good.

Carmichael tells me that my son being come down the King would have me with her majesty; for as there are some about him that do their best to hinder this course, so there are some about her, though not directly, that do the like, "whyche he thynkes yf I werr there wolde nott so reddyly doo yit. I perseve the King gretly suspectes A. D."

Thus I have set down the effect of our conference, referring it to her majesty's consideration; I trust she will consider that in delay is danger.

"I pray your lordship desyer her majestie too doo me so grete credytt as too grante the King a plakarde for 6 or 10 horsys for hys mony, beynge yndede utterly owte of horsys, he rydes them so sore. Seurly he may thynke my credytt very smale yf I cannott obtayne so smale a matter, havynge sent too me so often about ytt, as your lordship may perseve by the latter ende of hys letter which he addyed with hys owne hande: and Carmychell doothe assure me that the King dyd pen with his owne hande all hys instruccyons."

Lord Maxwell is not come into Scotland. Berwick. Signed: Hunsdon.

pp. Holograph, also address. Indorsed.

Inclosure with the same:—

(James VI.'s answer to Hunsdon's letter.)

1. "Ye shall assure the Lord Hunsdon, in our name, that we cannot but accepte in verie good parte his loving and playne letter, and that we never looked for uther at his handis then as of ane best affected to the ametie."

2. "Ye shall likewise declare unto him in our name that, as it was ever our intencion to manteyne justice, and repres all insolent disorders on our borders, so have we ever and will heereafter at all opportunitys kythe the same in good effecte, notwithstanding whatsomever calumnys has byn geven out of us to the contrarie. And as for the choyce of our officers ther, as we have made choyse of them that be in office, for godlie, upright and well affected men to the peace, sa maye ye well assure him that, upon dewe triall of the contrarie in any of them, we will not be slawe to place bettar disposid persons in their rowmes."

3. "Ye shall perswade him that for any unkynes we have concevyd of the Queene his mystris, it was not by the instigacion of any papistis or uther whatsomever, but onlie that we could doe no lesse in honor then suspend sic loving and hamely forme of intelligence as was betwixt us, till we might have a full triall of her innocencie in that wrange quhilk we reseavitt, agreable to her purgacion made unto us."

4. "Touching her declaracion made unto us by her letter and messadge, ye shall informe him how we never refusitt to heare what she could alleadge for her purgacion in that matter. It is true that for divers resonable cawsys—as we doubt not him selfe can consyder—we thought yt no wayes meete at that tyme that her ambassator showld come in unto us, but yet nether refused we his letter, nor to heare his creditt and message, allthough by intermediat persons. And as him selfe can testefie, our anser was that as we could not of no equetie nor lawe refuse to admitt a tryall, and in the meane tyme not to condemne a person unharde so on the other parte could we do no lesse then suspend our judgment, from clensyng or condemning till further triall, whereof our moderatt behaviour at all tymes synsyne we doubt not maye beare witness."

5. "As for any proofes she hath given of her innocencie yet, we remitt yt to her owne judgment, whether she hath yet satisfyde the world to her honor in that matter, or not."

6. "Be this he maye judge what has ben the staye of our not renewing as yet our former kynes with her; and as for the eusinge of the advisys or perswasions of any papistis in this cause, ye maye assure him, that as ther cownsayllis therin maye justlie be suspectid unto us, so never wer we ledd be their advise theryn, neyther have we, nor ever had about our person any messengers or suppostys of the antechryst our common adversary, allthough we are not ignorant how ofte and how falsley we have ben mast maliciously calumniatt with the contrarie. And as to our constancie in relligion, gif we have not in all our behavior given a sufficient proofe therof allreddie, we will not prease to perswade him, nor na uther with further argumentis therin."

7. "As to the anser of any articles which Mr. Archibold Duglas proponid to the Councell in our name, ye shall informe him that he was dischargid of his commission of ambassadge at the returne of thoes that were joyned in commission with him, and gif he hath gyven him selfe out ther sensyne for our ambassador, ye maye assure him that in sa doing he hathe abbusyd baith Queene and Councell."

"Further we remitt to your owne reporte."

"James R."

pp. Draft. Indorsed: "x Martii 1587. Mr. Carmichells instruccions sent from the King of Scottes to the Lord Chamberlaine."

Cott. Calig. D. I., fol. 216.

Another copy of the same.

447. Sir William Keith to Walsingham. [March 18.] Cott. Calig., D.I., fol. 294.

[Fragment of a letter.]

"as lykwais for my skriblit and fachowse lettir, praying onto God for zour lordship heilthe and weilfair now and ewer. From Cowrt, the xviij of Martche." Signed: "Be your honouris at all [times] leifully to be comandit, Sir W. Keithe."

¼ p. Holograph. Addressed.

448. James VI. to [Walsingham]. [March 24.] Cott. Calig., D.I., fol. 309.

"Richt trustie and weilbelovit, we greit zow weill. It is in … (fn. 3) that we haif understanded by many taikynns that this our servant … (fn. 3) Blair the berer heirof hathe now more especealie conseaved a sinceir effectioun alwayis towardis us, not onelie to our … (fn. 3) bot also in quhatsoevir personis, we haif recomendit to zow … (fn. 3) letteris, quharin we can esteame no utherwayis to th … (fn. 3) ane prince of his good and weill affected freinds, and thairfoir we haiffe the full effect hoping we con … (fn. 3) of dewtie haiffing sik occasioun offerred by the … (fn. 3) to quhome we moist eirnestlie desire to oure … (fn. 3) to ixtend your thanckfull favour and countenaunce … (fn. 3) his distressed caussis, quairof ye sall under … (fn. 3) to be moist acceptabill unto us and veray gre … (fn. 3) sall esteme ourselffis oblissit thairin and ye may … (fn. 3) weill assured to reape the fruit thairof quhair we may find ony convenient guid occasioun to ple . . (fn. 3) And the rather for the continewance of your guid … (fn. 3) towardis the said Mr. Patrik quairof we … (fn. 3) and require yow veray hartlie. And so … (fn. 3) and weilbelovit we commit yow to the protectioun of the Almichtie. From our palace of Holierudhous." Signed: James R.

½ p. No address.

Footnotes

  • 1. Beginning wanting.
  • 2. Commission 22 June, 25 Elizabeth.
  • 3. Decayed.