Simancas: September 1565

Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 1, 1558-1567. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1892.

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Citation:

, 'Simancas: September 1565', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 1, 1558-1567, (London, 1892) pp. 470-483. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol1/pp470-483 [accessed 25 May 2024].

. "Simancas: September 1565", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 1, 1558-1567, (London, 1892) 470-483. British History Online, accessed May 25, 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol1/pp470-483.

. "Simancas: September 1565", Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 1, 1558-1567, (London, 1892). 470-483. British History Online. Web. 25 May 2024, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol1/pp470-483.

September 1565

2 Sept. B.M. MS., simancas, Add. 26,056a. 317. Cardinal Pacheco to the King.
The Pope had sent secretly to him to say he wished to see him. His Holiness had received news that the queen of Scots and her husband are besieged in the castle by huguenots, and wish to make a great effort to settle the question of religion. They ask for aid of his Holiness to the extent of 12,000 infantry men paid for six months. The queen of England is desperate at the marriage. The Pope says he is in greater need than he likes to be, owing to his helping the Emperor, but he lacks not spirit to give the aid asked for by the Queen, only that to stir up these humours now would be inconvenient. He gave fair words to the queen of Scots' envoy, and said that nothing could be done this winter, and in the meanwhile he could get your Majesty's opinion, without which he will not move in so great a matter. Asks for instructions, as the Pope is very anxious and wants enlightenment.—Rome, 2nd September 1565.
318. Guzman De Silva to the King.
On the 26th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty that the gentleman of the chamber that this Queen had sent to Scotland had not returned here, and it was reported that he had joined the Scottish rebels, against whom it was stated the King was marching, and whose troops had thereupon deserted them. I said this news was to be considered doubtful, as my source was not a sure one, and so it has turned out, as the gentleman arrived at Windsor on the 27th at night. It is understood that Lord James and two other nobles have a number of troops, and that the King and Queen have 4,000 men. There is a talk of an arrangement between them and the rebels, but it is impossible to say how it will turn out. The foundation for the report that the gentleman had gone over to the rebels was that when he left he was told not to negotiate with the King, but only with the Queen, and on his requesting a passport to return to England they gave him one signed by the King and Queen, which he refused, as it was so signed instead of by the Queen alone. They would not give him one such as he wanted, and on his asking for instructions from here they told him to come without one, which he did without taking leave, in order not to put them on the alert. They therefore thought he had joined the rebels, but he was detained on the road by the guards, who refused to let him pass without the passport he had refused. He again asked for orders from here and they told him to take the passport and come.
I am informed that his business in Scotland was to obtain satisfaction from that Queen to this one for having married a subject of hers without her knowledge or consent, she being so close a relative and friend, and also an assurance that she would not in the lifetime of this Queen or her issue, if she had any, pretend to this throne or disturb or change the religion of her own country. The answer he brings is not yet known, but I do not believe that there is any of importance, and I am assured that such is the case. The Protestants have been much annoyed at being told that the Queen of Scotland asked for the Pope's dispensation on account of her relationship with her husband, which was granted very graciously and with many kind wishes and offers.
On the 27th also one of the king of France's gentlemen called M. de Mavisier (Mauvissiére) (fn. 1) arrived here, who is the same man that brought the camels and the litter for the Queen. He has been here and in Scotland various times and is a Catholic. I visited him and he assured me that he is persuaded that religious affairs will progress favourably in France. He says he is on his way to visit the queen of Scotland on behalf of his own King and Queen, who ordered him to visit this Queen, and will depart thither at once if he be not detained by this Queen until some decision is arrived at in the queen of Scotland's affairs, respecting which she wished to speak to him. The French Ambassador told me the same, and on the 29th they both went to Windsor as they said. The next day I sent Luis de Paz after them to try and discover whether they had any other business in hand and what they were negotiating there. The Ambassador and Mavisier only had one audience of the Queen, and were with her for a very short time, returning to all appearance discontented. They do not seem to have treated of any other business than that which I mentioned they told me of, and which certainly would not please the Queen, although, as I am informed, the French are not taking up the matter so warmly as they make out to me, and the Queen tells me the same, as I wrote to your Majesty in mine of 18th August (13th August?).
The real ground for the dispute between Lord Robert and Heneage, I am assured by a person of confidence, who received it from Throgmorton, is the following. This Throgmorton, who rules Lord Robert, advised him to devise some means to find out whether the Queen was really as much attached to him as she appeared to be, as his case was in danger. If she was, Throgmorton advised him to try to carry his business through quickly, and if not to espouse the cause of the Archduke, so that in this way he would remain in high position in any case, whereas if neither his own business nor that of the Archduke was carried through all the principal people in the country and particularly his opponents would lay the blame on him, and he would find himself in an awkward fix if he failed in his own suit and yet was accused of hindering the Queen's marriage to anyone else. He advised him to do two things, the first pretending to fall in love himself with one of the ladies in the palace and watch how the Queen took it, and the other to ask her leave to go to his own place to stay as other noblemen do. The Earl took his advice and showed attention to the viscountess of Hereford, who is one of the best-looking ladies of the court and daughter of a first cousin to the Queen, with whom she is a favourite. This being the state of things the dispute with Heneage took place and Leicester seized this opportunity to ask leave to go. The Queen was in a great temper and upbraided him with what had taken place with Heneage and his flirting with the Viscountess in very bitter words, He went down to his apartments and stayed there for three or four days until the Queen sent for him, the earl of Sussex and Cecil having tried to smooth the business over, although they are no friends of Lord Robert in their hearts. The result of the tiff was that both the Queen and Robert shed tears, and he has returned to his former favour. I am informed that the principal reason that these robberies at sea do not cease is the small punishment meted out to the delinquents although they are sentenced. Amongst other articles of request that I have handed to the Queen's Council is one asking that the sentences pronounced on those convicted of these crimes should be carried out. To this they have replied, as I write in detail to the duchess of Parma, that my request shall be acceded to and carried out. This has been conveyed to me by Dr. Dale, who is at present acting for the Judge of the Admiralty, but he was to say that in the case of Thomas Cobham they could not well have the sentence carried out as the judges who had condemned him had said to the Queen directly after the trial that for the discharge of their own consciences they were obliged to advise her that Cobham, being an ecclesiastic, could not be done to death, by the laws of the realm, and they had sentenced him as they had to deter others from committing like crimes. I told Dr. Dale that, as regarded the articles of my request, the answer was satisfactory. He could tell the Council, however, that I understood from previous experience that they were usually ready to give fair answers, but I wished their acts to correspond with them, as was fitting for the business in hand and the Queen's dignity. With respect to Cobham's matter I did not mention any particular case in my request, but asked that the Queen would have justice done, as was incumbent on her, since these matters had reached a point which demanded attention either from her, whose duty it was, or from your Majesty. I am told by the French Ambassador that their subjects are suffering as well, and they too are trying to obtain redress. I know this to be true.
Yaxley who, as I wrote to your Majesty, had left here to go to Scotland by way of Flanders, has arrived there, and the King has made him his secretary ; he is clever, a good Catholic, and ardently devoted to your Majesty. The King and Queen sign papers and issue orders jointly.
Parliament is summoned for the 4th October. There are many different opinions in the Council as to whether it should be further prorogued or not, and I am informed that Cecil is of opinion that it should meet so that they may know the feeling of the members about the question of the succession, and be able to distinguish those who lean to the Scotch party. The Queen, he says, can stop the discussion at any time, and prevent the matter being proceeded with, whilst the assembling of Parliament will enable them to amend certain religious matters that are not to his liking, such as that of confirming the bishops and similar things. Those who are of a contrary opinion say that the meeting of Parliament would be inexpedient, because the queen of Scotland will present her protests therein, demanding that she and her husband shall be declared heirs to the crown, and if this is not done she will be able to proceed with her grievance with greater force. They also say the present Parliament cannot repeal any ancient enactments, and is even unable to pass any important valid acts of its own, inasmuch as it lacks one of the three states of the realm which constitute it, namely the ecclesiastical, in consequence of the present bishops and other personages not having been chosen according to the ancient parliamentary laws.
The artillery which I stated in my letter of 24th August had been brought out of the Tower were some field pieces for Ireland, whither Sidney has not yet gone for want of money. They have also brought out of the Tower 500 harquebusses and the necessary ammunition, and they are sending 500 soldiers and 100 horses to Berwick. This place, although it is on the frontier and of the greatest importance to this country, is badly fortified, and part of the ancient walls even have tumbled down. Two engineers went recently to visit it, but they differ as to the line of fortification, and this has been the cause of nothing being done. If the Scots had any forces they would be a great trouble to these people.
Whilst I am writing this I am informed that the Scotch rebels have gathered in Argyll, which is the mountainous part towards Ireland, and others are joining what they call their "congregation." The chiefs are Lord James, the duke of Chatelherault, the earl of Argyll and others. They have asked this Queen for 10,000 crowns for their aid to pay the men, and I am told that 2,000 crowns have been sent up to the present time, taken from the money they were collecting to enable Sidney to go to Ireland. They also wished to send to Ireland an Irishman here whom they have made an Earl, (fn. 2) and authorised him to draw 200 crowns, but they have not been able to pay him for want of money. The king and queen of Scotland are in their capital city of Edinburgh with the forces I have mentioned, determined to go out and face the rebels before they have had time to increase in strength.—London, 3rd September 1565.
10 Sept. 319. The Same to the Same.
I informed your Majesty in my last of 3rd September that a gentleman from the king of France had arrived here on his way to Scotland with instructions to speak with this Queen from his master with a view of devising some means to appease her and to stop the risings in Scotland which they think have their origin here. He almost succeeded, asking this Queen to be pleased to send a person with him to Scotland for the purpose of discussing with that Queen the differences which exist between them, and try to settle them. The Queen answered that she would be glad to please the king of France in this way, but she had already sent a person on the same errand to counsel the queen of Scotland, but the answer he received was not a favourable one, as the Queen signified that she had good advisers and knew how to rule her own kingdom as was most fitting. For this reason the Queen thought she could not send another man to be received in a like manner, or at all events until she knew how he would be welcomed. It was at last arranged that this Queen should send a courier to her Ambassador in Scotland to inform the Scottish Queen of this, and in the meanwhile the Frenchman was to wait. They sent to Scotland and to France, but as the post from Scotland was delayed, and the gentleman saw that unless he went at once he would be too late to do any good now that the breach between the rebels and the Queen was broadening so rapidly, he went to see the Queen four days ago, and to ask her leave to start. They have detained him on the pretext that the Queen was ill from the 6th to the 9th for which day they appointed an audience, although what they arranged is not yet known. The courier from Scotland has now arrived.
It is still uncertain whether Parliament will meet or not. They tell me they are putting off the decision until they see how Scotch affairs will turn out and what will happen in Malta, in which these people take as much interest as if they were as near to it as Sicily is. The joy of the godly here will be inexpressible to hear of our success, and will only be equalled by the sorrow of the heretics.
Lady Margaret is still in prison and has been unwell. They have refused permission for a doctor to visit her, and have taken away and sequestered all her property. She sends me word that her only hope now is in God and your Majesty. I have not ventured to speak to the Queen about her business as I thought it might cause some inconvenience, as will be understood, except what I said to the Queen when I was conversing with her about the French Ambassador's message from his King about her imprisonment.
The sister of the king of Sweden has arrived at Dover. As I wrote in my last they have sent to receive her, and have prepared the earl of Bedford's house for her occupation, with hangings and beds belonging to the Queen. They say that she brings a good train with her.
I have just heard from two quarters that the queen of Scotland had left Edinburgh with 6,000 men for a place about 30 miles off, and that the Protestant forces to the number of about 1,000 had entered the city when she left. The governor of Edinburgh Castle sent word to the townspeople that if they did not turn them out he would bombard the town, which he at once commenced to do. When the Queen heard that these people had entered the city she at once returned with her forces and at her approach the Protestants took the road to Leith whither the Queen followed them. On their coming to a village near Berwick the Protestants begged the Queen to deal mercifully with them, as she always had done, for they did not intend to resist her, and only asked that they might be allowed to live as their consciences dictated.
The earl of Sutherland, who had been absent from Scotland for a long time, was on his way back thither when he was driven to take shelter in Berwick in a storm, and they have detained him there.— London, 10th September 1565.
17 Sept. 320. The Same to the Same.
On the 11th instant the king of Sweden's sister entered London at two o'clock in the afternoon. She is very far advanced in pregnancy, and was dressed in a black velvet robe with a mantle of black cloth of silver, and wore on her head a golden crown. As this seemed to me a new style of dress, I venture to relate these trifles to your Majesty. She had with her six ladies dressed in crimson taffety with mantles of the same. She was received at Dover by Lord and Lady Cobham, the latter of whom is mistress of the robes to the Queen. At Gravesend, Hunsdon with six of the Queen's servants awaited her, and at the water gate of the house where she was to stay she was met by the countess of Sussex and her sister-in-law, the wife of the Chancellor, and Secretary Cecil. On the 14th the Queen arrived from Windsor and descended at the lodgings of the Swedish Princess who is called Cecilia. The latter received her Majesty at the door, where she embraced her warmly, and both went up to her apartments. After the Queen had passed some time with her in great enjoyment she returned home, and the next night—the 15th—the Princess was delivered of a son. The Queen came up to visit her in consequence of her condition.
I had audience of the Queen yesterday to speak to her about the pirates and the punishment to be inflicted on them, and also the steps to be taken to clear the seas. I had also had business with her about other private affairs of some of your Majesty's Flemish subjects. She is well but thin.
After some talk respecting the coming of this Cecilia, whom the Queen praised very much to me, both for her good looks and elegance and for the grace and facility with which she speaks English, she said : "I cannot prevail upon myself to keep silent on a thing that has been told me and which has greatly surprised me. My own affection for you and that which you appear to feel for me have made me consider you almost as much my Ambassador as that of my brother the King, and I am astonished you should act against me for the sake of another sovereign." I told her I did not understand her, and asked her to explain what she meant. She said she would, although she would prefer to conceal it from me. She had been assured that the duchess of Parma, Cardinal de Granvelle, and I together had arranged to send munitions, arms, and other things to the queen of Scotland, well knowing how things stood between them. I satisfied her on the subject, which I could well do, as what she had told me was not true, and she appeared to believe what I said. In order to get at some of the particulars of the dealings of the French Ambassador and the King's gentleman with her, I told her I had much more reason to complain of her than she of me, since of all these long discussions she was having with these Frenchmen she had not told me a word, although I was so attached to her. She asked me how I thought she could discuss such matters with me in the face of the assurance that had been given to her that I was her enemy ; to which I answered that she should not have believed it of me, but should have told me at once what she had just communicated to me, especially as matters of this importance should be discussed even with enemies, let alone friends, as they concerned all parties. If it were true what was published and said about her it was well she should have an opportunity of stating the causes that led her to act as she did, and if it were not true it could be contradicted. Out of my anxiety to serve her I myself would have told her certain things about these Scotch matters if I had not noticed her stiffness to me on the subject. Not only foreigners but her own people blamed her for three things. The first was that, considering that the queen of Scotland had married one of her subjects and relatives brought up in her own house, she ought rather to be thankful to her for it than angry and offended. The second was the imprisonment and harsh treatment of a person of such high position as Lady Margaret, simply because she had wished to marry her son well, which was only natural for a mother to desire. The third was the help she gave to the Scottish rebels against their Queen, a most pernicious example for other kings and for her. The news was flying about the world, and I had been much astonished that she had not mentioned the matter to me, as it was of the utmost importance that what she was doing and negotiating should be known. I said that when the affairs of monarchs are such as to touch their honour, no secret should be made of them or of the causes which give rise to them, but they should both be necessarily published, and if anyone was to derive any satisfaction from them, surely they ought to be told, seeing that I, who took no measures to obtain the information and made no account of it, learnt of what was going on. She replied that it was true that many points had been discussed in this matter which she would be glad to communicate to me, and would even send Secretary Cecil to give me an account of everything that had passed if I wished to hear it. It was true that the queen of Scotland had depended much upon her, and she herself loved her as a sister ; so much so that when she (Mary) consulted her upon the proposals made for her marriage with the Archduke by Cardinal Lorraine, she told her they were only fooling her, and had sent her a copy of a letter which the Emperor Ferdinand had written to her (Elizabeth) at the time, pressing her to give an answer to the proposals made by his son for her own hand, and she would thus understand that they were not serious when they made any such offer to her. She promised her that if she married one of her subjects possessing certain qualities which she thought her husband ought to have, she would declare her the successor to the throne, and had proposed the earl of Leicester. The other Queen had replied that she could not consent to deprive her of him, to which she had answered that she loved her so dearly that she would be happy to separate herself from him for her sake. During this period, she said, Lady Margaret deceitfully asked leave for her son to go to Scotland to take possession of his father's estates. She had given her this license, telling her at the same time to take care she did not deceive her and let her son do anything else, or she (Margaret) would find herself the person deceived, and then as soon as he arrived the queen of Scotland made up her mind to marry him, and sent to ask her advice about it when the thing was as good as done, demanding at the same time the declaration of the succession, this being the first information she had received of it all. She was therefore justly indignant with the Queen, and especially with Lady Margaret, as they had both deceived her. With regard to the subjects of that Queen who had rebelled against her, she (Elizabeth) had neither favoured nor helped them, although she had asked her (Mary) to hear their case, which she had refused to do or to follow her advice to come to a settlement with them. On the contrary she had sent her a rude answer, although she (Elizabeth) knew very well that the Queen had no quarrel with the earl of Murray (Lord James) or the rest, and only refused to hear them because her husband said he did not want them to come to court ; thus throwing all the blame on to him, who, she said, was only a lad and did not know how the affairs of a country should be conducted and so treated them imprudently. It was true, she said, that the king of France had sent this gentleman to the queen of Scotland, and with great politeness had instructed him to state to her the object of his mission, which was to try to effect a reconciliation with her subjects, and in order that she might know that no other aim was in view the King invited her to send a representative of her own to accompany the gentleman and to be present at all discussions and negotiations. All this was done so frankly, she said, that the gentleman had shown her his instructions from the King, and she had given him an account of what she had done for the queen of Scotland, and told him that unless that Queen was willing to welcome an envoy from her she could not send one. The gentleman had therefore been detained, and she had written to her Ambassador to advise the queen of Scotland of all this, and thereupon let her (Elizabeth) know whether the said Queen would be willing to receive a representative of hers, to which she had replied that there was no necessity for it. The Frenchman would therefore proceed on his journey alone, as she had no desire to detain him, and if she helped the earl of Murray and the rest of them it would only be to prevent them from being killed without reason or consideration of their claims. She would not do it secretly, but publicly like a Queen. The queen of Scotland wished to give out that this rising was on account of religion, but the subjects had not asked the Queen to do anything against her conscience, and she only endeavoured to give it a religious significance in order to obtain the help of other Princes. In any case, however, I replied, where subjects show disobedience it was very inexpedient to help them, and a bad precedent for others. "God forbid," she said, "that she should help disobedient subjects unless she saw a good reason why they should not suffer without a hearing." She then again returned to Margaret's imprisonment, greatly exaggerating the deceit she had practised on her, although she had formerly released her from prison and entertained her in her house, and had given her leave for the son to go, so that she could not avoid being very angry with her and exacting ample reparation. She asked me what I thought of it. I said I should have expected quite the reverse from her great and customary clemency. She had always shown a valiant spirit, and only the timid were cruel. She replied that I was right and spoke the truth, giving me to understand that in the end she would do as I suggested. The conversation was so long on the subject that I cannot even call to mind other points touched upon, but this was the substance.
It appears to me that her desire to throw all the blame on the king of Scotland and to exonerate the Queen is an indication that she is taking the same course as she did when she helped the heretics in France on the pretext that she did it to free the King who was being coerced. However this may be, there are clear signs that she wishes to help these rebels, and I am told she is raising some troops up in the north towards Scotland, although I do not think she can depend much upon them, as they are Catholics, who would probably go over to the queen of Scotland's side if they saw her in a good position.
Notwithstanding all the Queen's professions yesterday about giving help to these rebels, I am told secretly that she is sending them another 2,000 ducats in gold, which, in order to keep the remittance quiet, she has not taken as usual from the treasurer, but from the funds on deposit belonging to minors in the charge of Cecil.
The answer given by the queen of Scotland when she was asked whether she would welcome an emissary of this Queen if he were sent, was that so far as her own subjects were concerned she had no need of any interference, but if it was proposed to send the person to discuss the differences existing between the two Queens, she had no objection to his coming. I am told the answer annoyed these people very much.
On the 15th instant a gentleman arrived here from the queen of Scotland, who tells me he was despatched by sea to Cardinal Lorraine in France, and afterwards had to go to the French Court, but in consequence of contrary weather he was forced to return to his Queen again, and he was then sent by way of England on the chance of their letting him pass. He tells me he finds this Queen very dissatisfied, and that she received him very differently from former occasions. He says the queen and king of Scotland do not venture to write to me for fear anything should happen and the letters be seized, but that the Queen had sent me a communication in writing by way of Flanders, and he was surprised that the person who took the letter had not arrived. This gentleman is the brother of the Scotch Ambassador in France, and he says he takes instructions to his brother to the effect that it will be expedient for him to inform Don Francés of all that passes there, and he (the gentleman) is to acquaint me with the causes that have given origin to this rising of her subjects and had compelled her to resort to arms, in order that I might convey the same to your Majesty. He said in addition to their demand that the Queen should subscribe to certain conditions, particulars of which I wrote to your Majesty, demanding her adhesion to the new religion, they formed a plot amongst themselves to seize her husband and hand him over to this Queen. When she heard of this wickedness she could not refrain from summoning the earl of Murray, and although she offered him every assurance of safety and hostages for the same, he had refused to come or obey her commands, and she had therefore proceeded against him, and this had given rise to the events which I have related to your Majesty up to the departure of the rebels from Edinburgh. It appears that subsequently, as the King and Queen saw the rebels were flying before them, they dismissed their troops on the 5th instant, but with orders that they should be ready again for the 25th or 30th instant. They do not intend to follow the rebels from place to place, but to confiscate their estates, which is the greatest blow that they can strike at them. The King and Queen are at a monastery called Dunfermline in the province of Fife. The rebels are at Ayr, a seaport at the month of a river opposite Ireland. This man tells me that his Queen had 6,000 horsemen and over 2,000 infantry, and the enemies have never mustered 8,000 men. He assures me that if the Queen had money she would never want for men. He thought at first that this Queen would not let him go to France, but she ordered a passport to be given him. I wrote some days since to your Majesty the conditions imposed by the rebels on the Queen, and I now send copy of their last demands.
Parliament is prorogued until the 2nd February, and the Queen has summoned the earl of Arundel, the duke of Norfolk, and the marquis of Northampton. They tell me that the earl of Arundel wished to excuse himself, and he has been again pressed to come. It is thought they are summoned to communicate to them the Scotch events.—London, 17th September 1565.
24 Sept. 321. The Same to the Same.
On the 17th instant I informed your Majesty that the French Ambassador had been on the previous day with the Chancellor and Secretary Cecil, and I have since learnt that the admiral was also present at this interview. From what I hear from the Ambassador and others the reason of the meeting was that the Ambassador had said that since the Queen had decided not to send any representative to Scotland with his King's envoy he desired to discuss the matter with some of her Council on the subject to see whether some steps could not be devised which he might move of his own accord in the interests of peace, as his King desired nothing more than the tranquillity of the country. The Queen appointed the persons I have mentioned for the purpose, and the Ambassador pointed out to them the evil results that might accrue if steps towards harmony were not taken, and they proposed that the queen of Scotland ought to listen to her subjects' demands and give them complete assurance that no proceedings would be taken against them, but that religious matters should remain as they were without any alteration. The duke of Chatelhérault should be satisfied for the injury done him by the Queen in proclaiming her husband King, even before his marriage, to the prejudice of the said Duke's right —and other things of the same sort. The Ambassador, however, infers from what passed at the interview, and that between the envoy and this Queen, that nothing will be done, and so he writes to his master. He advises him to send one of his Council to deal with this matter, and thinks that Lausac would be best fitted for the task. He thinks his King may do this. (fn. 3) The Ambassador has acted wisely in this matter because a settlement depends very much more on the people here than upon the rebels themselves, who I am told have here secretly a Scotsman to represent them both to solicit aid and to convey instructions and advice.
The day before yesterday the earls of Arundel and Pembroke and the marquis of Northampton arrived here, the duke of Norfolk having come post the previous day. Their coming as I understand is more for the purpose of giving weight to the decisions to be adopted than for their own advice to be taken, and I believe they would much rather have remained at home if pressure had not been put upon them.
The French Ambassador says he clearly told the Queen and her Council that if these Scotch dissensions continue, and she helps the rebels, his King will not be able to avoid giving his support to the queen of Scotland. Neither the Queen nor her Ministers, however, have mentioned this to me, and I do not believe he told them so plainly as he says. I am more inclined to think from what I hear that his King would not be sorry to see the two countries on bad terms with each other, and all this action is nothing but deceit. I am told also that they (the Councillors) are summoned to consider what had better be done both in Scotch and Irish affairs, as John O'Neil has taken three castles, two belonging to this Queen and the other to a private person, and that certain islands he took from the Scots lately, on the statement that he seized them for this Queen, he now claims for his own. He has troops with him, and Harry Sidney has not gone yet to take charge of the Government.
They have also to discuss the matter of the Bruges conference and the resolutions adopted. They met this morning, but were not more than an hour in deliberation. The Council is called for this afternoon (they are all here), and as far as can be judged by the signs it will be resolved, if it is not already done, to help the rebels, because they are Protestants. The motive is the fear that if things settle down there and the Queen does not help them, she will receive no support from them on religious questions if any movement of Catholics should take place. On the 19th instant the Admiral went to Rochester, where the Queen's ships are, taking with him Winter and the Treasurer of the navy and other officials to inspect the fleet. On the 21st instant they returned, but up to the present time they have not made any fresh preparations or engaged a single sailor. Public rumour and evident signs all show apparently that aid will be furnished to the rebels, but still I do not believe it myself because of the want of men, lack of money here, and other reasons, and although these people may be blind, they can hardly fail to see thus much, but still people cannot see pitfalls sometimes until they are in them. The marquis of Baden, husband of Cecilia, was with the Queen for about two hours a few days ago, and they summoned a German he has in his train, who they say is a soldier, and who was with them the next day and passed the whole morning with Cecil. I am told the matter under consideration was the raising of some German troops.
A man who was left behind by the English Ambassador in Madrid, writes, I am told, that your Majesty is sending hither the Count de Feria with another great personage sent by the Emperor to treat of the Archduke's marriage. It was so generally spoken of that the French Ambassador, who is so anxious to hinder it, came in a great haste to ask me if I had heard of the Count's coming. I replied that he was the first person who had mentioned it to me, which was quite true, although I have since heard that it was general talk and had been much commented upon.
I have heard from the Emperor's late Ambassador here that he expected to arrive in Vienna on the 10th.
At the Council meeting which I wrote was to take place this afternoon there were present the Chancellor, the duke of Norfolk, the earls of Arundel, and Pembroke, and Lord Robert, the marquis of Northampton, the Treasurer, Lord Chamberlain, Vice-Chamberlain, Admiral, Cecil, and the Controller. I have not yet been able to discover what was resolved, but I am told that as they came out Cecil and the Admiral said to the Treasurer that in any case he must at once find money to fit out the ships.—London, 24th September 1565.
25 Sept. 322. The King to Guzman de Silva.
Although all your letters have been received up to those of 7th and 13th of August, and I have been glad to learn their contents, they will not be answered in this, but by another courier we intend to despatch in a few days by Flanders. The present is only to inform you that the Queen, my wife, having been to meet her mother and brothers in Bayonne, for the purposes which I wrote to you for the information of the queen of England, she was received and entertained with all love and affection by them, and returned hither in good health by God's grace. It is true that certain propositions for alliances by marriage were made to her, but as they were not even listened to on our part no account thereof is sent to you. We have thought well to advise you as to what passed at these interviews, so that you may relate the same to the Queen, and she may see we pay her due attention. Take particular notice of her reply, and advise me of it in your next. The letters sent to me and to the Queen, my wife, were duly received from you, and on another occasion you will be informed of the decision taken respecting them, as there has hitherto been no time. You will, however, take the best means you can to inform the queen of Scotland how glad I have been to receive her letters, and to see that she remains firm and constant to the Catholic religion. She must try to keep friendly with the queen of England and with her own subjects to the best of her ability. I will reply very shortly to the letters she sends me through you.
Having written thus far I received you letters of 20th and 22nd (27th?) August and 3rd September, and I am glad to see the great diligence you display in endeavouring to stop the piracies at sea committed by Englishmen, and to have properly punished those who have been apprehended, although the Duchess has not yet advised me of the details you say you have written her. She will no doubt do so by a courier, whom I hear she has despatched, and consequently have no more to say to you on the point at present, except to urge upon you to continue your efforts as heretofore to get the evil remedied, as is vitally necessary, because otherwise we must look out for a remedy ourselves, since we cannot allow our subjects to continue to suffer as they are doing.
You are no doubt aware that my sister, the Duchess, sent the count and countess of Mansfeldt to accompany the princess of Parma (fn. 4) to Flanders. I am advised that they embarked on the 15th instant, and I trust the Lord will give them a prosperous voyage and speedy arrival to the States. I understand the marriage of the Princess will take place shortly, and as I naturally wish some person to be present thereat in my name, not being able in consequence of my other engagements to attend personally, as I could have desired, I have decided that you shall represent me, because I am sure that you will do so gladly, and your presence will be agreeable to all. I therefore request you, when you receive advice from my sister that the marriage is to take place, to obtain due leave of that Queen for the few days necessary, and go to Brussels for the purpose of assisting at the celebration of the wedding as my representative, so that all may be carried out with fitting dignity and ceremony. After visiting the Duchess and the Prince (fn. 5) you will call and pay your respects to my cousin the Princess. You will tell her how delighted I should have been to attend her wedding personally, and you will present her in my name with a jewel which the Prince of Eboli (fn. 6) will arrange for you. After the ceremony you will take leave and return at once to your post, and let your absence be for as few days as possible, in order that the affairs under your charge may not suffer.—Wood (of Segovia), 25th September 1565.

Footnotes

  • 1. Michael Castelnau de la Mauvissiere. He was an adherent of the Guises and took a prominent part in the religious wars ; of which and of his missions to England he gives a full account in his "Memoires."
  • 2. O'Donnel, the enemy of Shan O'Neil.
  • 3. Note in the King's handwriting— "I do not recollect if Diego de Guzman was advised of the answer I gave to the man that was here as to whether I was willing that his master and mistress should have recourse to others besides myself. If he was not advised I think he should be informed of it, and this may therefore be done in the next letter to him."
  • 4. This was Marie, daughter of Prince Edward of Portugal, by Isabel of Braganza. She was chosen by Philip to be the wife of young Alexander Farnese, his favourite nephew, the son of Margaret, duchess of Parma. The bridegroom had been taken home from Spain to the Netherlands some months before by Count Egmont when he returned from his fateful mission, and the bride was conveyed from Lisbon by a Flemish fleet, commanded by Count Mansfeldt. A full and interesting account of the marriage will be found in Strada, De bello Belgico.
  • 5. Alexander Farnese, prince of Parma and Placentia in right of his mother the Duchess.
  • 6. Rny Gomez de Silva, count of Melito.