Simancas: November 1583 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1896.

'Simancas: November 1583', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain (Simancas), Volume 3, 1580-1586, (London, 1896) pp. 507-511. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/simancas/vol3/pp507-511 [accessed 25 April 2024]

November 1583



15 Nov. Paris Archives, K. 1562.	361. Juan Bautista De Tassis to the King. I note your Majesty's instructions about England and Scotland. It is quite true that Melino was in a hurry to obtain in Rome concessions which might well have been postponed, but as he was there he doubtless thought well to utilise the opportunity. He was probably also moved by his desire to see the consummation of an event he has so much at heart, and as often happens to people who are anxious and in trouble, he persuaded himself that the business was as feasible as he hoped. Perhaps also his Holiness gave him those papers with the intention of casting the blame for the delay upon our shoulders ; but even if this were so, they have not gained much by their move, as the opinion here is that the proposal made to your Majesty with regard to the money to defray the cost of the enterprise is very inadequate considering the circumstances. This opinion, which was expressed here directly the proposal was known, I will take care to propagate in order that they may understand that the blame for the delay must be laid upon Rome, rather than upon us. With regard to the affair not having even yet been taken in hand, I am satisfied that Hercules in his own mind is perfectly aware that such things cannot be undertaken hastily, but must be well considered and arranged, in order to ensure success. The people concerned, however, as is usual with those who are in affliction, are yearning for a remedy to their ills, and are very anxious and impatient, as I have told them more than once, and have assured them that the enterprise shall be undertaken shortly. I will continue in this course, urging them to await patiently the appointed time, and especially to keep the affair secret, as upon that really the whole success of it depends. I will not go beyond this, as I consider it very necessary that they should not learn of your Majesty's intention to attempt the affair from Flanders, until it has progressed too far to be longer concealed. Even then they must be told in such terms as may not make them suspect an intention of excluding the people here from the enterprise, which, indeed, would be very unadvisable. We should rather prompt Hercules to persevere in a project which he has so much at heart, and let him share the glory to which he aspires in order to prevent any obstacle being thrown in our way. With regard to other pretensions which I see mentioned in the summary sent to me, it appears to me that they should not be divulged even at the time of the undertaking. If they have to be entrusted to anybody to promote them at that period, in my poor opinion, it should be either to Allen or Melino, whom I find very much attached to our side, and who will gladly forward anything your Majesty may desire. Hercules sent recently to ask me to beg your Majesty to adopt a prompt and favourable decision in the business. I expect the reason is that the queen of Scotland is hammering away at him about it. The Scots ambassador has also been to see me since, to give me an account of a letter Hercules had received from the king of Scotland, a copy of which he gave me to send to your Majesty. (fn. 1) Their object in doing this is that your Majesty may see how entirely at liberty the King is, and how desirous he is to aid in his mother's release. The person who sends the enclosed letter from Scotland is the Scots ambassador's nephew, who, as I advised at the time, was sent to Scotland some months ago. He has succeeded at length in finding an opportunity of letting the King know the principal object with which he was sent, namely, to offer him in the name of Hercules any help which might be necessary for the purpose above mentioned. He found him well disposed, but I am not sure whether it was quite wise to go so far with him in the matter, because the King cannot be of much use in the execution, and all that is required of him is to look favourably upon the undertaking when the time for it comes. It would perhaps have been better not to go beyond this with him, or to give him an opportunity of speaking about it to any of his councillors, as there is always risk of discovery when a thing passes through many hands. It is true that the only communication to the King was made on behalf of Hercules, who, as a relative, may well make offers to him without much suspicion ; but still it will be better for it not to go any further, and I will tell them to write to the nephew (i.e., of Archbishop Beaton) to point this out to him. The nephew writes to his uncle (the Scots ambassador) giving him an account of affairs, and expressing his apprehension at the great confidence which the King exhibits, going hunting usually so poorly attended that it would not be surprising if it were to end in their trying to play him some trick. The ambassador assures me that this arises from the want of means to support a regular guard, and he again begged me from Hercules to ask your Majesty once more to help him with the 12,000 crowns to raise and pay a guard, so as to avoid that danger. This they look upon as most necessary ; and my own opinion is that, as we have the King now so well disposed, and it is vital that he should be so for the success of the object in view, the money would be very well laid out. I do not know whether they asked the nuncio before he died to provide any part of this money, nor can I learn of any further funds being sent from Rome, beyond the 4,000 crowns which were given to the man who went to Scotland, and the 4,000 crowns obtained by Melino when he was at Rome, on the pretext that this sum was due as his Holiness' proportion of the money your Majesty had ordered to be provided during recent months for Allen and Melino, to defray their travelling and other expenses in the matter. It would therefore appear that this grant (i.e., for the guard) must be made by your Majesty, if at all. I beg your Majesty to consider it, and I will keep the question pending with Hercules as best I can. This willingness of the king of Scotland may possibly look like a bait to revive the idea of commencing the enterprise in Scotland, and I have discussed the point with Melino, who persists that on no account should this be done. He is strongly of opinion that the design upon England should be persevered in, and thus the heart struck at first, and he says that Allen is told this by persons on the frontier itself, who prove it by arguments so cogent as to admit of no discussion. These are, first, that if the army to restore the Catholic religion first lands in Scotland, they will find more difficulty in carrying out this object even than in England. Secondly, that whatever may be the nationality of the soldiers sent thither (i.e., to Scotland), they will certainly be regarded as French, and consequently unwelcome to English people, owing to the enmity existing between the latter and the Scots. It may be feared, therefore, that this would cause many to refrain from joining. Thirdly, that the voyage to Scotland is farther, and consequently more uncertain ; and after the force had arrived it would have to traverse a part of England so sterile and difficult that much suffering and delay would have to be borne before it could set foot in the enemy's country. This would give them time to put their frontiers in a position of defence, whilst they molested the correspondents (in England) upon whose aid success depends. Everyone would thus be terror-stricken and afraid to move. Opportunity would also be given for help to be sent from here by the Huguenots, or even by the king (of France) himself, seeing how ready they (the French) are to impede anything we attempt. This last argument is so convincing that it really seems best that the attack should be directed against the source of the evil at once, rather than we should face unnecessary evils by beginning elsewhere. I have thought well to set this down for your Majesty's consideration in due time ; although in the account given of his voyage by the man they sent to England, he says that a certain Paget asserted that the gentleman with whom he communicated was of opinion that a commencement should be made in Scotland, as I advised at the time. Melino tells me that the question, however, was afterwards referred to those here, and it was decided that it would be best to begin in England, and Hercules is of the same opinion. With regard to Hercules I may say that he is strongly in our favour, and is worthy of your Majesty's esteem and countenance, when opportunity may offer. I am sure he would be very grateful for the horses and mares, respecting which I wrote some time ago, and I again pray your Majesty will satisfy his whim, as I held out hopes to him that they would be sent.—Paris, 15th November 1583.
26 Nov.	362. Bernardino De Mendoza to the King. I wrote on the 18th, reporting the arrests that had been effected here. Fresh gentlemen are being seized every day and the Catholics are quite cowed. One paper only was found on Throgmorton, containing a list of the principal ports in England and particulars with regard to them and the chief gentlemen and Catholics dwelling therein. For this they at once carried him to the Tower, and it is to be feared that his life is in danger, although he informed me by means of a cipher note, written on a playingcard and thrown out of the window, that he denies that the document is in his handwriting, the caligraphy being disguised. He told them that some person had thrown it into his house for the purpose of injuring him ; and assures me that he will endure a thousand deaths rather than accuse anyone, which message he begs me to convey to his Catholic friends with whom I was in communication. (fn. 2) I have written to the lady in prison, encouraging her and begging her not to grieve over the matter to the detriment of her health, but the business, it may be feared, may imperil her life if the negotiations in France are entirely discovered. Hercules has been duly warned in France. The Councillors here say that the affair was managed by the French ambassador at the request of the duke of Guise. (fn. 3) As I wrote in my last, Hawkins and his seamen had arrived in Plymouth but would not leave their ships until they had a general pardon signed with the Queen's own hand, which is a sufficient proof that they have done something wrong and captured a great booty, especially as a quantity of pearls and money has already been brought from the ships to the house of Hawkins' brother in London. They say they have brought in another ship, with Portuguese and Spaniards on board, but I cannot confirm this, as the man I sent has not returned from Plymouth ; although it is most likely true, as news comes from the Seville merchants and from France that the flagship of the Santo Domingo squadron was missing, which probably would contain pearls, money, hides, and sugar, such as they say Hawkins brings. The Queen sent Wilkes, Secretary of the Council, to Plymouth directly she heard of Hawkins' arrival. As the arrests were made at the same time, I do not know whether Wilkes went to arrest some personage of importance or to examine Hawkins' plunder, which is probable. As soon as I can find out what has been stolen I will lay the matter before the Council, which I can do without speaking to the Queen about it, although I am certain that both she and the Council will act as they have always done.—London, 26th November 1583.