Spain: November 1553, 16-20

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 11, 1553. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1916.

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, 'Spain: November 1553, 16-20', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 11, 1553, (London, 1916) pp. 363-374. British History Online [accessed 26 May 2024].

. "Spain: November 1553, 16-20", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 11, 1553, (London, 1916) 363-374. British History Online, accessed May 26, 2024,

. "Spain: November 1553, 16-20", Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 11, 1553, (London, 1916). 363-374. British History Online. Web. 26 May 2024,

November 1553, 16–20

Nov. 16. Simancas. E.90. Francisco de Eraso to Juan Vazquez de Molina.
The English bishop (fn. 1) of whom I wrote that he was obstructing the marriage negotiations has now been brought to reason by the Queen, which is a great step forward. I have heard this since writing my last letter; so we now have five of the Queen's most trusted counsellors on our side, and though there are many more on the other, they need not all be won over. I am in high hopes that success is at hand; and we are now considering who shall be sent to make the demand of the Queen's hand for his Highness. I will send further news without delay. . . .
Copy or decipherment. Spanish.
Nov. 17. Vienna, Imp. Arch. E. 20. Simon Renard to the Emperor.
Sire: The Queen of England told me yesterday that the Speaker of Parliament, accompanied by the Duke of Norfolk, the Earls of Arundel, Shrewsbury, Derby and Pembroke, the Bishops of Durham, Winchester and Norwich, Lords Privy Seal and Paget, and several other noblemen, Councillors and members of the Lower House, came to her and held, on behalf of Parliament, a long and carefully composed discourse, full of art and rhetoric and illustrated by historic examples, in order to arrive at two objects: to induce her to marry, and to choose a husband in England. The Speaker dwelt on the present state of the succession, the strife that would arise if she were to die without issue, the opening that would be afforded to the Scots, and the desirability of her leaving an heir of her own. As for the second point, he set forth all the disadvantages, dangers and difficulties that could be imagined or dreamt of in the case of her choosing a foreign husband, saying that the people would be displeased (fn. 2) because they and the nobility wished the opposite to happen; the foreigners would wish to lord it over the English; the kingdom would be put to expense in entertaining them; if the Queen were to die without issue her husband would try to carry off the money, artillery and everything else he could seize; he would promise and not keep his word; he would wish to take her away from the kingdom out of husbandly tyranny; if he had children and the Queen were to die, he would try to get the Crown for himself; he might usurp the English possessions on the continent, Scotland, and Ireland, together with other arguments learnt in the school of the Bishop of Winchester and Courtenay's supporters.
The Queen told me that the Speaker was so confused, so longwinded and prolific of irrelevant arguments that she was obliged to sit down, and felt offended by his manner of speaking, especially as he displayed his partiality by indiscreetly asserting that it would be better for her Majesty to marry a subject of hers. This word “subject” had irritated her into making answer herself, neglecting the formality usually observed in England, according to which the Chancellor replies for the sovereign. So she had answered rather dryly on one point, and kindly on the other, thanked Parliament for their good offices in persuading her to marry, and said that although it was contrary to her own inclination she would conquer her own feelings as the welfare and tranquillity of her kingdom were in question. She would marry, but she found the second point very strange. Parliament was not accustomed to use such language to the kings of England, nor was it suitable or respectful that it should do so. Histories and chronicles would show that such words had never been spoken, for even when the kings had been in childhood they had been given liberty in questions of marriage, wherefore they ought always to enjoy the same. Moreover, to force her to take a husband who would not be to her liking would be to cause her death (ce seroit procurer l'inconvenient de sa mort), for if she were married against her will she would not five three months, and would have no children, wherefore the Speaker would be defeating his own ends. She called the members of the nobility to witness whether they had ever seen such doings, and whether it was right to utter such words. Several disadvantages had been mentioned, she went on, and neither any advantages nor her own personal inclination; but she was mindful of the oath she had taken at her coronation, by which she was obliged to seek the good of the kingdom. All her affairs had been conducted by divine disposition, so she would pray God to counsel and inspire her in her choice of a husband who should be beneficial to the kingdom and agreeable to herself, and according to God's inspiration she would choose, for she always thought of the welfare of her kingdom, as a good princess and mistress should. Thus she cut the Speaker off from all possibility of replying, in such a way that the nobles said she was right, and when the members of Parliament had retired and a few Councillors, among them the Bishop of Winchester, remained, the Earl of Arundel told the Bishop that he had lost his post of Chancellor that day, for the Queen had usurped it, and laughed at him. And the Queen told me plainly that she had soon understood Winchester's wiles and appraised his leanings, for one day he assured her that the people would obey her and do her will with regard to religion and everything else, and the next, speaking on a matter that touched him personally, he continually harped on disobedience in the people. For all his intrigues, she said, she would not break her promise, for she believed your Majesty would be as good as your word, study the kingdom's interests, and take care to meet all possible objections in the articles of the treaty. She asked whether your Majesty had sent the articles, and said it would be well to have them before the return of the Bishop of Norwich, in order to be able to discuss them with him. I replied that her answer had been inspired by God, and that I was amazed at the lack of respect of those who had suggested that she should wed a subject, though as she had answered so spiritedly I trusted they would say no more. As for the drawbacks and difficulties, your Majesty and his Highness would see to drawing up a treaty that should be so advantageous and honourable that neither the Speaker nor anyone else would be able to attribute to your Majesty any but the best intentions towards her and her kingdom, besides which your integrity was well known. She answered that the Speaker had not mentioned Courtenay to her, and that she wholly believed that as your Majesty had been a good father to her before the alliance, your affection would now be redoubled. Your Majesty will understand better than I the import of the (Speaker's) discourse, and will reflect on the contents of this letter, so I will only say that it would be well if you would write the Queen a letter to assure her that you will observe the treaty and be mindful of the country's interests, in order to keep her firm in her resolution, and also to have the treaty drawn up in a sense favourable to this kingdom. This would go far to mate the Speaker and overcome the objections I have already mentioned in my letters, for Winchester will seize the slightest opportunity to prevent the alliance, and I see that he is winning over, on the marriage question, certain members of the Council and nobility who were hostile to him. Nonetheless, I remit the matter to your Majesty's better judgment, only submitting to you that dispatch is most advisable, and that the matter ought to be concluded between now and Lent.
I received yesterday the letters that your Majesty was pleased to write me on the 13th of this month, and mine of the 14th and 15th have told your Majesty what you desired to know about Alonso de Games, as they were accompanied by copies of the letters and the reply that the Queen is going to send. I immediately grasped what he was about, and dissembled by giving him the friendliest welcome he could have desired, and asking for audience for him. In short I did all I could to make myself half the King of the Romans' ambassador instead of allowing any misunderstanding to appear. I omitted to say in my last letters that the last time I spoke with the Queen I told her that the King of the Romans had written in support of the suit, and showed her the letters he had sent to me; and as for the rest I will follow your Majesty's instructions. I have had Alonso carefully shadowed (remarcher) since he has been here in all his goings out and comings in, and have ascertained that he has been at the Venetian ambassador's, as indeed he owned to me, at the house of a Spaniard called Luis de Paz, and has spoken with the Grenades. (fn. 3) Alonso told me that the Venetian ambassador spoke to him about the marriage question, saying that he wished the bridegroom might be the King of the Romans, and asked many questions about your Majesty's Court, German and private affairs. Alonso has written long letters which we have not been able to see, and I have instructed the present bearer to hand over all the letters he has with him to M. d'Arras, so that his negotiations may be seen; for Alonso's letters are going in this packet.
The Duke of Suffolk has made his confession as to religion, and the Queen has therefore remitted his composition of 20,000l. and reinstated him by means of a general pardon. As for Jane, I am told that her life is safe, though several people are trying to encompass her death. The Queen has acted in the same way towards the Earl of Huntingdon, wherefore both men are professing undying loyalty and saying that she may marry whom she pleases, for they will maintain, honour and obey her choice. This will serve for the main object, especially as my Lord Thomas, brother of the Duke of Suffolk, hates Courtenay, and is at variance with him.
Preparations are being made for executing the sentence given against the Bishop of Canterbury. Quantities of gold and silver are being fetched out of Flanders by ships arriving from your Majesty's ports, because the value of English money is such that exchange is very profitable.
I have been told that the harbour of Le Havre or Dieppe is blocked by a Venetian ship that sank in the middle of its mouth.
London, 17 November, 1553.
Signed. French. A few sentences in cipher. Printed by Gachard from a transcript at Brussels, Voyages des Souverains des Pays-Bas, Appendix to Vol. IV.
Nov. 18. Simancas, E. 1457. Cardinal Pole to the Emperor.
In reply to the Emperor's letter of November 8th, Pole says that he is still of opinion that he ought to proceed to England, and informs the Emperor that he is sending Friar Pedro de Soto to lay his views before him.
Dillingen, 18 November. 1553.
Holograph. Italian. Printed in the Venetian Calendar, from a minute or copy.
Nov. 19. Besançon. C.G. 73. The Queen Dowager to Simon Renard.
We have received your letters of the 8th instant, and see from yours to the Emperor the present state of the marriage negotiations, which you have conducted with skill and prudence. The principal point in your letters that requires a reply is the sending of persons to make the demand in a manner consonant with the Queen's position, and this cannot be done at once because personages of quality must be chosen, and they will need a few days in which to make their preparations before setting out. In order to make a choice, his Majesty has summoned several foremost lords of this country to attend here on the 22nd of this month, in order to discuss this negotiation with them and instruct those who are to go to make ready. We will see to it that they depart as soon as possible; and we recommend you to encourage the Queen in her goodwill and win over those of her Councillors who may prove to be of use in this matter. You will do well to send his Majesty frequent accounts of the state of opinion over there, and especially how the nobility and commons regard the marriage question, for as several people have now had a share in it, it will probably become easier to discover their feelings. There is no need for you to repeat your letters to his Majesty in those you write to me, for I see the others, and we may as well spare ourselves the trouble, you of writing and I of reading the same thing twice over.
As for the desire you say the Queen nourishes that we may go over there, you will present our most affectionate commendations to her and say that we would be equally anxious to go to see her and help in so good a cause, but we do not see how the affairs of this country, in which we are helping his Majesty as best we may, could possibly permit it, especially for any length of time. If the negotiation is happily concluded, however, we are not without hope of being able to take the journey about the time the Prince, our nephew, comes, and we will try our utmost to arrange it. You will also tell her that as we have understood from what you wrote to the Bishop of Arras her wish to see a portrait of the Prince, we are sending you one by this courier that was painted three years ago by Titian (tyssyane), and was considered a very good likeness by everybody at that time. It is true that the portrait has suffered a little from time and its journey from Augsburg hither; but it will serve to tell her what he is like, if she will put it in a proper light and look at it from a distance, as all Titian's (tyssien) paintings have to be looked at. She will of course know that the likeness is no longer exact, as it was painted so long ago, and she will be able to imagine, from what he was then, the progress he will have made in the last three years. So you will present the portrait to her under one condition: that I am to have it again, as it is only a dead thing, when she has the living model in her presence.
Brussels, 19 November, 1553.
French. Signed, Marie; countersigned, Bave. Printed by Weiss, Documents Inédits, Vol. IV. The original minute is in Vienna (Imp: Arch. E. 21).
Nov. 19. Besançon. C.G. 73. The Bishop of Arras to Simon Renard.
I am writing you two lines to go with the letters the Queen is sending you with the courier who is taking the painting you are to present to the Queen (of England) together with the discourse you are to make at the same time. I have little more to say, for I feel sure that as you have done so well thus far you will easily be able to execute what the Queen commands you in her letters, which she ordered me to draft for her. I beg you to be careful to discover the temper of people over there, and how this negotiation is being received, as you will the better be able to do now that it is being let out. I have no doubt that Winchester will manage to divulge it in some underhand manner, in order to see whether something may happen to spoil our plans and give him an opportunity to execute his own. However, the Queen is Queen, and we have seen how much the Duke of Northumberland was able to do by putting himself behind a child-King, whom neither Lords nor Commons dared to contradict, though they disapproved of what was going on. And if she avails herself of the advice of those who seem to approve and espouse her desires, and of yours, I believe she will easily be able to hold the rest in check, especially because, if the Acts of Parliament on religion are put into execution, as they may be without fear, the hopes of those who build on the country's devotion to the new faith, and trust it may be made a weapon against the Queen, will come to naught. But severity must be used in certain cases; and I am amazed that the edict for expelling foreign fugitives, for whatever cause they may have fled, did not pass.
As for news, none of importance have arrived since my last letter, except for confirmation of the tidings that Margrave Albrecht's rearguard was defeated with loss, and not a few prisoners taken. By means of these prisoners it has been discovered that the Margrave was forming several designs, which his enemies are now engaged in countermining. Since M. de Lalaing's raid into France, the French have started forming another expedition near St. Quentin; but when they were about to march they were charged by our cavalry so smartly that they retreated faster than at a walk and lost some men: but it was an affair of small consequence.
I am sure you will do all that is required in order to win over important personages to our side. But as you said in your last letters to his Majesty that you were endeavouring to oblige as few people as possible, his Majesty wishes you to let us know if you think it would be well to open your hand a little in gifts or promises; and specify how much and to whom these gifts (fn. 4) or promises ought to be given. You may answer this point in the letters you write to his Majesty.
Brussels, 19 November, 1553.
Signed. French. Printed by Weiss, Documents Inédits, Vol. IV.
Nov. 19. Vienna, Imp. Arch. S. 4. Licenciate Games to the King of the Romans.
I wrote to your Majesty a week ago, when I hoped that the Emperor would give me audience so that I might present to him the letters of the 22nd and 29th. On Monday (fn. 5) the Bishop of Arras spoke to me, and said that the Emperor had heard from a courier who was coming from England, and from M. de Courrières, that the courier had met my nephew in England, who on being asked what he had gone for said it was to visit some relatives he had there; and that the Emperor, being somewhat suspicious of this journey, wished to know from me what it was about. I replied that his Majesty, the Bishop and Queen Maria well knew how long I had been asking for audience, saying that I had letters from your Majesty; and when twelve days had gone by since I made my request and I still did not know when I should be received, I sent off my nephew with a letter for the Queen of England, a copy of which your Majesty was sending to the Emperor, who would see by it that it contained nothing that was not to his Majesty's service. The Bishop insisted that I had done ill in sending him off without announcing my intention, and I only replied that the Emperor would be satisfied when he saw your Majesty's letter. It appears that he told his Majesty of my reply, and his Majesty, with the Queen and the Bishop, decided to send off a courier in haste to tell the ambassador, as every one has informed me, to behave towards my nephew in such wise that no discord, but only harmony, should appear to exist between your Majesties. The next day, Tuesday, his Majesty sent for me after dinner, and before presenting the letters to him I gave him an account of what your Majesty had written by a secretary on the 22nd, and also of the despatch of the 29th, as well as the copies that were sent about the league of Heilbronn, the ambassadors' reply about Albrecht (fn. 6) and the matter about the Turk. I also told him what your Majesty wished to achieve by means of the letters written by your own hand, and that I, seeing my audience delayed and not knowing when I might be received, had decided to send off my nephew before reporting to his Majesty in order not to lose time, but that he would be satisfied on seeing your Majesty's letter and the copy that came with it. The Emperor displayed great anger against me, saying that I had done very ill and was ruining and destroying your Majesties' plans, because in England, more than anywhere else, people had suspected that there was a great difference between you, for the French had disseminated the rumour, and the Protector who had been killed had also confirmed it. What I had done would now make the English believe that all that was true, and, moreover, to write such a letter was to belittle your Majesty's authority, with more talk of the sort, until I told him that I had done as your Majesty had ordered me. I said that as you had heard that your letters were often delayed because his Majesty's ailments prevented me from presenting them, you had ordered me not to wait for an audience but to send off my nephew, because delay and neglect might do much harm, and you felt certain that his Majesty would approve. As he almost refused to believe me I read him a passage from my letter, in which there was nothing that might not have been written in letters of gold. He then read the letters, and when he came to the one of the 29th he became a little calmer, and said on reading it: “It is well that my brother writes that he would prefer my son's suit to be accepted. I have said nothing about it so far, but only asked the Queen to tell me her wishes. I do not know why my brother has now taken to negotiating first, and informing me when the negotiation is concluded; thus he acted over the league of Heilbronn, of which he told me when it had been agreed to. The result is to confirm the suspicions that are talked about by our enemies.” I answered that in the matter of the league of Heilbronn your Majesty had acted because you knew it was in the Emperor's interest that you should do so, and because there was no time to wait for a reply. And for the same reason you had instructed me to send off my nephew without delay, feeling sure that the Emperor would be entirely satisfied when he saw your letter. However, his Majesty blamed me heavily for my conduct, saying that your Majesty issued orders over there (i.e. at Vienna) without knowing what was happening here, that the King of Portugal sent his ambassador on the same errand but left the matter in his Majesty's hands, who had kept the ambassador back because the present was not an opportune moment for him to proceed on his mission. Finally, his Majesty grew calmer, and I took my leave, not at all penitent, to tell the truth, for having sent off my nephew. I believe that he had probably executed his commission by the time the courier sent by his Majesty arrived in England; he had exactly a week's start, for I heard that Alonso crossed over from Calais to Dover on Friday, the 10th, though I have heard nothing since. . . .
Brussels, 19 November, 1553.
Holograph. Spanish.
Nov. 20. Vienna, Imp. Arch. E. 20. Simon Renard to the Emperor.
Sire: Alonso de Games, bearer of this letter, has been despatched by the Queen of England, who has given him a letter written by her hand to the King of the Romans in reply to the one he brought. He will bear witness to my welcome and assistance rendered in his suit; for I knew your Majesty's intentions where the King of the Romans and his ministers are concerned. The Queen gave him fifty angels, which make one hundred English crowns.
The French ambassador demanded audience of the Queen and her Council last Saturday, and she informed me thinking it must be a matter of great importance, because I had told her that now it had been seen that Parliament had failed to sway her to marry within the kingdom or favourably consider Courtenay, the French ambassador might make some attempt, as I had been warned, to frighten her by saying that if an alliance were concluded with his Highness the kingdom would be forced into war with France, because war was already in progress between that country and your Majesty; a although such a discourse would be unseemly and unreasonable, The French ambassador, moreover, behaved as if he were going to treat of very important matters, waited until Sunday, a day on which Court is usually crowded with lords and ladies, dined with the Councillors and said he would tell them his business after having spoken with the Queen, the result being that she caused most of the Council to be present at the audience. The ambassador said he had asked to be received in order to inquire after the Queen's health and visit her on behalf of the King, his master, who had heard that she had recently been unwell and desired to assure her of his affection and resolve to preserve friendly relations and keep the treaties. His master was to be trusted, being an honourable prince who would keep his word whatever befell, and no credence was to be given to anything his enemies might say to the contrary. People had been saying in London that his master was assisting and advising the Scots to attack England over their borders and in Ireland, but it would not be found that they had ever done so with the King's knowledge, for he only wished to remain good friends, as he trusted the Queen would do. The ambassador then said that the English were overstepping the boundaries near Guines and encroaching on French territory in a private estate about which there had been some controversy; but as he really had no business to transact he soon was unable to conceal his confusion and betrayed the fact that his demand for audience was a mere pretext, for words and matter failed him, which gave rise to laughter and made a poor impression on the Council, as may be imagined.
The Queen, in her reply, thanked God that she had had no ailment severe enough to make her keep her bed. She had told the ambassador at Beaulieu (i.e. New Hall) of her intentions towards the King, his master, which were to remain on friendly and neighbourly terms, for she desired nothing but the welfare and tranquillity of her realm. As for the Scots, Wotton, her ambassador, had made certain remonstrances concerning them to the King, and her Council would answer him on that point and the question regarding Guines. The ambassador then said that he felt sure of the Queen's friendly intentions but that her subjects were susceptible (chastilleux); and when he left the presence he repeated the above discourse to the Council, who reported it to the Queen, saying that his negotiation had been unfortunate and irrelevant, to which the Chancellor added that the ambassador had not spoken a word of truth. The ambassador said no more, and did not make the reference to the marriage question that I had feared; and the Queen rested not until she had given me a full account of the audience, for which she had prepared and dressed herself with greater care than pleased her. (fn. 7) I answered that the French always reverted to such negotiations hoping to hide away the real enterprise they had on hand under protestations of confidence and friendship. She had already had a taste of their goodwill, and I remembered that when they were seeking to arrange a marriage with the late King Edward they brought up the Guines estate and the pastures on the borders of Scotland, which matters they kept in reserve to use them as excuses to break off negotiations if they chanced to wish to, make war. Forethought and care must be exercised, and it would be well to warn the captains in all quarters, though I said I would leave it all to the prudent consideration of the Council, though I thought that even if the French were unable to do much for the present they might try to achieve their designs at some other time. Certainly, Sire, this audience has greatly disgusted the Queen with the French and will be of use in persuading the Council, as the Bishop of Winchester afterwards said to the Queen in the presence of the Earl of Arundel. In the course of conversation he also mentioned the marriage question, whereat the Queen, seeing that he raised it of his own accord, told the Bishop that she had suspected him of having inspired the Speaker of (the Lower House of) Parliament, because he had already used to her all the Speaker's arguments in favour of Courtenay. But she did not wish him to make any mistake and would tell him openly, as her good and faithful Councillor, that she would never marry Courtenay. She never practised hypocrisy or deceit, and had preferred to speak her mind, and she had come near to being angry on hearing such disrespectful words. The Chancellor replied with tears that he had never instructed the Speaker either by word of mouth or in writing, but confessed that he had mentioned those considerations to him, and that it was true he had been fond of Courtenay since they were in prison together In reply the Queen asked him whether it would be suitable to force her to marry a man because the Bishop had conceived a friendship for him in prison, and went on to speak of the designs of the French, Courtenay's small power and authority, and the poverty of the kingdom, until the Chancellor told her that it would not be right to try to force her in one direction or another, and that he would obey the man she had chosen.
I have found out for certain that there is much intriguing going on among the nobility to prevent the match being arranged with his Highness, and in favour of Courtenay, who has the promises of the Earls of Derby and Exeter (fn. 8) and some others, but I hope that the Queen's steadfastness and courage, and her open conduct towards the Chancellor, will put a stop to it. Your Majesty will understand that haste is required, and that the articles must afford Winchester no opportunity for criticising them, for he would ask for nothing better. And your Majesty will consider whether it would not be well to send letters with the addresses left blank, to be used with persons who may need them.
After the Queen had informed me of the French ambassador's audience, I presented to her your Majesty's most affectionate commendations and told her that you had sent for the chief lords of the Low Countries to set about taking the first steps preliminary to the alliance, and that in a few days' time she should see deeds bearing witness to your Majesty's great affection and sincere regard for her position and merits. As for what she had said to Paget about a desire to see the Queen Dowager of Hungary, I trusted that an opportunity might arise later, either before or after the alliance took place, but she must consider whether it would be suitable before a definite agreement had been arrived at. She answered that she Was unworthy that the Queen should take so much trouble for her, but it was true that she greatly desired to see her, and believed that the sight would cure all the natural melancholy from which she had constantly suffered, never having known what it was to be happy; and besides the trouble the Queen would be taking, she would do the kingdom, too, great honour. I replied that it was not so much the trouble as the expense this country would be put to, for the Speaker and Chancellor had made a point of that; and it also seemed better that the treaty should be passed before the visit took place. She said it was true that there was no money in the country, and that the late King Edward, her brother, had owed 700,0002. She would consult certain members of her Council and obtain their advice, and as for passing the articles, she considered them passed already, for she Well knew your Majesty would do what was wise, and she desired to leave it all to you as to her good father.
The Queen also told me that Cardinal Pole's man asked her whether your Majesty would allow the Cardinal to go to Brussels, and she replied in the affirmative, as Parliament will soon be over and the Act on religion has been passed. She has asked me to write this to your Majesty.
I hear that crowns are being coined in France, worth under forty sots, and that the pest is raging in Paris in such a manner that all the students have left town, so great is the fear of contagion.
I am also informed that the King of France is again intriguing in Germany with Duke Augustus, and that he has hopes of getting money next year from the Venetians.
Cabot tells me that the Chancellor has forbidden him to go over to your Majesty, though he had granted him leave to do so.
London, 20 November, 1553.
French. Signed. Passages in cipher. Printed by Gachard from a transcript at Brussels, Voyages des Souverains des Pays-Bas, Appendix to Vol. IV.
Nov. 20. Simancas. E. 807. Simon Renard to the Emperor.
Sire: Cabot has asked me to enclose a letter in the one he has written with his own hand to your Majesty, to inform you of the secret he had desired to impart by word of mouth, in order that it might remain unknown to others. But as illness prevents him from going, he has given his instructions to the present bearer, Francisco de Urista, who has taken all possible trouble and pains in connection with this matter. He therefore wishes to recommend Urista to your Majesty, and to tell you that he is taking over charts and a plan to explain questions of navigation of which I made some mention in former letters. And I was unwilling to refuse this favour to Cabot, because he says that the letter contains very important matter.
London, 20 November, 1553.
Holograph. French.


  • 1. i.e. Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester.
  • 2. The author of the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary says (p. 32) that “in the beginning of November was the first notice among the people touching the maryage of the quene to the king of Spayne.”
  • 3. Sir Jacques Granado (?), see p. 357 note.
  • 4. The Abbé Vertot (Mémoires, II, p. 273) asserts that the Emperor spent 1,200,000 crowns in gifts to the Privy Councillors, and that the sum passed through Gardiner's and Paget's hands.
  • 5. i.e. November 13th.
  • 6. Albrecht Alcibiades of Brandenburg Culmbach.
  • 7. Noailles reported that the Queen was fond of finery: adonnée a la pompe et gourgiaseté. See the Mémoires II, p. 211.
  • 8. This is certainly a scribe's error. Courtenay's own father was Marquis of Exeter, and the title was under attainder at this time.