Spain: February 1527, 1-10

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

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, 'Spain: February 1527, 1-10', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529, (London, 1877) pp. 48-60. British History Online [accessed 30 May 2024].

. "Spain: February 1527, 1-10", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529, (London, 1877) 48-60. British History Online, accessed May 30, 2024,

. "Spain: February 1527, 1-10", Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529, (London, 1877). 48-60. British History Online. Web. 30 May 2024,

February 1527, 1-10

1 Feb. 16. The Emperor to Don Iñigo de Mendoça, Imperial Ambassador in England.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 224, No. 8.
Was glad to hear by the King of England's courier (fn. n1) of his arrival in that country. He will doubtless have received all his despatches; the two last were sent, one by Chateau, a servant of Beaurain, and the other by a courier of his brother, the King of Hungary and Bohemia. Is anxious for news from England, and wishes especially to know whether the powers and instructions contained in the aforesaid despatches have been taken in good part by the King and Cardinal.
Has already informed him that Paolo de Rezo (Paolo da Reggio) had brought to Spain powers from the Pope, the King of France, and the Venetians for negotiating and concluding a general peace. Since his arrival the King of France also has sent a secretary of his named Bayart, (fn. n2) with powers and instructions to negotiate a private and separate peace between his master and himself Being, as he is, most earnestly desirous of the welfare and repose of Christendom, and that at the earliest possible moment, he (the Emperor) instructed his Council [of State] to examine the said powers sent by the King of France and by the Venetians, and to discuss fully all the impediments that might lie in the way of the said peace, both general and private; also to concert measures for the removal of such impediments, so that it might at once become manifest to every one that the Emperor in no way withdraws from or opposes the said peace.
The Council found the powers for negotiating the general peace satisfactory enough, save in certain articles of the French instrument, wherein it is stated that the powers and consent of the King of England, as well as of all the members of the League already named, are essentially required for the negotiation, seeming thereby to imply that the King of England has joined the League against him (the Emperor). Rembering what an absolute denial the King and Legate have both given to this assertion, the Emperor could not believe it, and so declared to the ambassadors, who offered to send immediately for fresh instructions and powers to satisfy him in every respect. The Pope's Nuncio in par- ticular, speaking in the name of all his colleagues, enlarged upon the extreme desire of His Holiness for a general peace, and how he sought, as the common shepherd of the Christian flock, to bring this desire into effect. Three conditions, however, added the Nuncio, were indispensable for the conclusion of the peace; namely,
1st. That Italy should be left in peace, the Emperor consenting to withdraw his armies thence and restoring the Duke Francesco Sforza to his estate.
2nd. That the sons of the King of France should be given up to their father.
3rd. That the Emperor should repay to the King of England all that was owing to him.
To the above three conditions, as demanded by the confederates, it is the Emperor's intention to answer as follows:—
1st. He desires the peace and repose of Italy more than anyone else. He is quite ready to promote such peace and repose in every reasonable and suitable manner, withdrawing his armies thence, and seeing full and speedy justice done to the Duke Francesco, so that everyone may be convinced that he (the Emperor) would not permit either insult or injustice to be shown him (the Duke).
2nd. The conditions under which the sons of the King of France have been placed in his power as security are too well known to require further commentary. These conditions once fulfilled, he (the Emperor) will gladly restore the King's sons to their father. Can it, however, be proved that any of the terms of the treaty of Madrid have become impossible of fulfilment, he (the Emperor) is quite ready, for the glory of God and the welfare of Christendom, to act with all reasonable forbearance concerning them.
3rd. As regards the payment to the King of England of what is due to him, there exists between the King and himself (the Emperor) so perfect, true, and indissoluble a friendship, so strong a mutual attachment, and so ancient an alliance, that they can quite well arrange this or any other matter in common without the intervention of other powers. He believes this difficulty to have been principally started by the members of the League to gain for their cause the weight and influence of the King of England's name without his approval and consent. King Henry knows quite well that he (the Emperor) has never refused to acknowledge his debt, however considerable, and as a good Christian Prince and Defender of the Faith he cannot fail to labour most earnestly for the accomplishment of this general peace rather than throw impediments in the way of it.
The ambassadors of the League have also been informed that the Emperor would rather give up a portion of his patrimonial estates than be the cause of any delay in the conclusion of this peace, which is so needful, both for the welfare of Christendom at large and the repulsion of the Turk.
This is, in substance, what passed on the subject of the general peace. As to the private peace with France, Secretary Bayart brought with him separate powers, besides those he had for the general one. In virtue of the latter, both the French ambassador (fn. n3) now residing here, and the said Secretary [Bayart] proceeded to state their master's desire for the Emperor's friendship and alliance, and exhibited their powers to treat for the same. But as the powers of those ambassadors are limited to the articles contained in the instructions which they themselves presented in writing, and a copy of which is enclosed, no definite and conclusive answer could be made to their proposals. The Emperor, however, has caused each separate article to be answered in a full and sufficient manner, showing in mild but conclusive terms how unjust, how unreasonable, and how dishonest are the offers made in the said articles; how little conducive to the preservation of the friendship and alliance which their King affects to desire, and how different from any that have been previously made. As far as he is concerned, the Emperor would use every exertion for the accomplishment of a private peace with France, provided the terms were acceptable.
(fn. n4)
This is what passed in the discussion of the French ambassador's private proposals; the negotiations with the Bishop of Worcester (Ghinucci) bore a different aspect The auditor of the Apostolic chamber arrived here by post, the King of France having sent him word from Paris that the best route for him to take was that of Lyons to Narbonne, and thence through Perpignan to Valladolid. He and Dr. Lee, the Bang's resident ambassador, have presented letters, some from the King in his own hand, and others from the Legate, copies of which are enclosed, wherein a good deal is said about the King's and the Legate's great desire for a general peace, and their common efforts to promote the same. The Emperor is requested and entreated, as the best means of furthering this object, to consent to a truce. Has assured them in reply of his great desire, in the common interest of Christendom, for peace, both general and private, with all his adversaries whatsoever, that they may all combine to repel the Turks and defend the Holy Catholic Faith. He rejoices greatly to see how the King of England, acting up to his title of True Defender of the Faith, labours for the accomplishment of this peace. Has, therefore, sent full powers and instructions to his ambassador (Mendoça) to concert with the King and Legate, and decide with all speed upon such measures as may seem most likely to establish peace, both general and private. Has also, for the sake of inspiring greater confidence, communicated to the English ambassadors [in Spain] all that passed with the ambassadors of the League on the subject of peace, and the Pope's offer and evident desire to arrange the peace himself. Has assured them (the English ambassadors) that he should rejoice in whatever measure would most speedily secure the desired object, the need for immediate action against the Turks being, as the King of England has most truly said, so urgent. He doubts not that the King, as a good Christian Prince, will welcome a speedy and favourable result to the negotiations, however or wherever accomplished. Reminded the ambassadors that he (the Emperor) has throughout shown great confidence in the King and Cardinal, and that nothing would give him so great a satisfaction as to see the said peace, both general and private, settled by the King and Cardinal, as stated in the powers sent to his ambassador (Mendoça). With regard to the truce now proposed by the King and Cardinal, were it agreed upon for three or four years or even a longer period, so that all Christendom might immediately unite against the Turks, he (the Emperor) should rejoice in it; otherwise he thought it would be wiser to conclude peace at once, and not waste time over a truce which would simply afford opportunity for the rekindling of still more bitter wars and disputes among Christians themselves.
This is what has been passing here. The English ambassadors are just sending their courier (fn. n5) by land. Has had copies of the French articles and of the treaty of Madrid sent to them, that they may see in what way his (the Emperor's) interests may be best served. Intends to send this packet of letters by the English courier now starting, for greater security of transit. He (Mendoça) is to give the Kang, Queen, and Legate the enclosed letters, and to inform the King and Legate in detail of all that is contained in the despatches. He is to assure them of the entire confidence which he (the Emperor) places in them, and that esteeming them as such good and true friends, he wishes them to be thoroughly acquainted with all his dealings. He is, moreover, to ask for the King's and the Cardinal's advice as to his proceedings in the important negotiations above mentioned, and send their answer by special courier by sea. Should the King and Cardinal wish to negotiate the said peace or truce, as well as the measures to be taken against the Turks, with him in England, he (Mendoça) is to reply in exact conformity with the instructions brought to him by Chateau, in the new cipher, dated December 3rd, and to say to the King and Cardinal that he is expressly instructed to advise with them
on such points as are not contained in the instructions, . . . (fn. n6) and to follow their advice wherever it is not in opposition to the letter of the same.
Thus far touching peace, the redressing of the ills of Christendom, and the satisfying of the King and Legate. Remains to notice what may tend to the renewal and preservation of his friendship and alliance with the King [of England]. He (Mendoça) must try all he can to discover what intrigues are on foot between England and France. The Emperor is informed on good authority that such intrigues are much on the increase; he (Mendoça) must affect entire ignorance of any such dealings, and always assume his (the Emperor's) implicit confidence in the English. He must try somehow, and agreeably with the first instructions sent him from hence, and which he burnt (of which duplicates are now enclosed), to enter speedily upon the said renewal of friendship and alliance, for which purpose good and ample powers are herewith sent him.
A fresh mandate is also enclosed, in virtue of which he may, without any further appeal to the Emperor, as was required by his first instructions, come to the speediest possible settlement with England. He is, however, to represent this new mandate as having formed part of his original instructions.
The following notes are for the ambassador's guidance in the said settlement. In articles three, four, and five of the said instructions, which treat of the renewal of friendship, he (Mendoça) is to agree to all that is needful for the mutual defence of the King's and Emperor's dominions, and the welfare, repose, and quiet of their respective vassals and subjects, the said articles preserving the reciprocal character of former al- liances. In article seven, which treats of the indemnity, he is to follow his instructions implicitly. Should the question arise of the failure of the King of France to pay the indemnity, as settled by the treaty of Madrid, he may say that he (the Emperor) will in such case hold his original obligation to pay the indemnity himself as still in full force, and he must then try and obtain the most advantageous terms possible for the payment of the same. He is to say also that no steps will be taken for restoring the sons of France until the indemnity has been paid in full. In articles eight, nine, and ten, which treat of the Emperor's debts, old and new, he is to pledge the Emperor's word to their settlement, trying at the same time to obtain the longest possible dates for such settlement. He must consult with Madame Marguerite on this point, as we as on the subject of commercial intercouse with Flanders, treated of in article eleven of the instructions. The Emperor will write this week to Madame by sea, and instruct her to send him an able lawyer with whom he may consult on these lastnamed points, as well as on the alliance between England and Spain. A blank space has been purposedly left in the said powers for the insertion of such lawyer's name.
As experience must now have shown him that the success or failure of the above negotiations depends entirely on the Legate, it is very important, and almost necessary, that he (the Legate) should be convinced that substantial good is to be found in his (the Emperor's) service. He is, therefore, as instructed in his (the Emperor's) letters of September 8, to offer to the Legate, in addition to his pension on the estate of Milan, a further pension of 6,000 ducats, and to say to him that the Emperor, trusting that he (the Legate) will preserve the true friendship and good understanding existing between the King of England and himself (the Emperor), and in every way assist these present negotiations for peace, will secure to him (the Legate), not only the punctual payment of these two pensions, but the payment also in ready money, delivered over to him in his own house, at such dates as may be arranged, of all arrears now owing on the annual pension of 9,000 crowns, and of all other moneys in which he (the Emperor) may be indebted to him. Will give the necessary orders for this as soon as his answer stating the Legate's pleasure arrives. Should the Legate accept the further pension of 6,000 ducats, it shall be accredited to him (the Legate) at once. The Emperor would much prefer the payment being settled on one of the bishoprics now vacant in his dominions, instead of on the public revenues, as originally worded. Leaves this, however, to the Legate's choice. Besides these pensions to the Legate, a proper reward must be offered to Secretary Brian Tuke, who, by keeping him (Mendoça) constantly acquainted with all that is passing, and helping to maintain a friendly feeling between England and Spain, may render him (the Emperor) good service at the English Court. Has, therefore, written a letter, which he is to deliver to the Secretary, (fn. n7) expressing his sense of the good offices which he (the Secretary) has in times past rendered him by preserving the friendship between the two countries, and offering him (the Secretary) in acknowledgment of the same a yearly pension of 300 ducats, to be paid through his ambassador (Mendoça,), with the promise of still further acknowledgment in the future. The warrant for this shall be sent by sea, that being safer than the land journey.
If occasion should offer, he may say (as coming from him- self) to the Legate that Rezio, (fn. n8) being now with the Emperor for the better conducting of the negotiations with France and the settlement of the indemnity and ransom, the Emperor will not fail to give him (Rezio) a handsome sum of ready money out of the profit that shall accrue therefrom. He (Mendoça) is also to find out from the Legate what store in this profit he would like to have for his own portion.
He is, moreover, to ascertain whether the King of England and the Legate wish the sons of the King of France to be detained until all that is owing to them, both by himself (the Emperor) and by the King of France, has been fully discharged. He is to inform him (the Emperor) of all this in the new cipher, and at the earliest possible moment. The sooner the information comes, the greater service it will render him. Two vessels are now in English ports waiting solely for his despatches. Has ordered this letter to be stamped with two seals for greater security. Will send duplicates by sea,—Given at our city of Valladolid, 1st February 1527.
Addressed: "To Don Iñigo de Mendoça, member of our Council, and our ambassador in England."
Spanish. Minute. pp. 12.
26 Feb. 17. Secretary Perez to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. D. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 108.
.,. .,. Add. 28,576,
f. 72.
(Cipher:) Wrote on the 26th by way of Ferrara. What he (Perez) has now to announce is that on the 28th the general [of the Franciscans] and Cesaro Ferramosca, in the name of the Emperor; the Datary, the Archbishop of Capua (Fra Nicola Schomberg), and Jacopo Salviatis on the part of His Holiness, came to an agreement under the following conditions:—1st. Abstention from war throughout Italy for three years, all the potentates engaging to maintain the trace themselves and cause it to be maintained by others. 2nd. The payment to the Emperor of 200,000 cr., half by the Pope and half by the Florentines. 3rd. The Pope to place Parma and Piacenza in the hands of a third person, as security for the payment of that sum. 4th. Venice to give the Emperor such money as may be agreed upon between them. 5tn. Each party to hold his own [unmolested] in Italy.
Such are said to be the conditions of the present truce, which is to last three years, during which negotiations for a general peace are to be carried on. His Holiness is thinking of visiting the Emperor in Spain for this purpose; so at least the general of [the Franciscans] tells him, for on these matters Perez has no other information than what he hears Quiñones, (fn. n9) Ferramosca, and others say.
The moment the agreement was made the Venetian ambassador (Contarini) despatched a courier to the Signory asking for instructions and powers to sign the same. It is reported that the consent of Venice has already been obtained, and that the Signory approves the terms accepted by the Pope.
Cesaro [Ferramosca] called the same night upon the Pope, and delivered the message he had brought from the Emperor. What the message was, and what the Pope replied to it, he (Perez) cannot say, but he has heard that the Pope was much pleased with it. (fn. n10) On the 28th, Cesaro left for the Viceroy's camp to acquaint him with the Pope's acceptance of his conditions, and to request that hostilities should be suspended for ten days, to give time for the ratification of the treaty and approval by Venice. He was accompanied by Bishop Cherivato (Cerivato?), one of the Pope's chamberlains, who was the bearer of a similar message to the Papal camp, in case the Viceroy consented. The general's nephew (Peñalosa) went also with them, that he might bring the Viceroy's answer back to Borne as soon as possible.
Such is the state of affairs. Some people fear that the Venetians will not send powers to their ambassador to ratify this treaty; and that if the Pope finds himself eventually stronger than he is at present, he will be glad of that or any other excuse to break off his engagements, and say that he has done all that was in his power to ensure peace. If in the meantime the Viceroy were to gain some advantage, or take Freselone (Frosinone), there can be no doubt that the Pope will accept the terms, and even beg for them, in spite of the Venetians, but when he sees that neither the Imperial army of Lombardy, nor the one which is actually encamped on his estates, undertakes anything of importance, he will lose all fear, and increase his forces so that they may not only be a match for the Viceroy's army, but outnumber it. They are now exceedingly proud and exultant owing to the arrival at Civittà Vecchia of the brother of the Duke of Lorraine (Vaudemont), who is said to have brought money and men for the conquest of Naples, and they are daily expecting the fleet under his command, which they say is now on the Genoese coast.
Letters have lately come from France confirming the news of the King's concerted marriage to the daughter of the King of England [Princess Mary]. The negotiations were very much advanced, and on the point of being closed. The Emperor, on the other hand, had recently sent an ambassador (Mendoza) to England, to treat about the general peace, and it was added that a gentleman of the King of England was also expected here, who was bringing letters [from the Emperor] to Mons. de Bourbon and to the Viceroy, commanding them not to undertake anything against the lands of the Church.
Preparations for defence at Rome; general muster of armed citizens in each of the 13 districts (regiones); sale of offices for the pay of 4,000 men. If the Venetians refuse to ratify, the Pope will try to get out of the engagement. Venice has sent an ambassador to the Turk to try and persuade him to land on the coast of Naples. The grand master of Rhodes (Villiers de l'Isle Adam) has arrived, and is very grateful for the favours received at the Emperor's hands
News came the other day that Freselon (Frosinone) had surrendered to the Viceroy, but it proved false. There are 1,500 men of the band of the late Giovannino de' Medici, of whom these Romans make much, within the place. The Viceroy is before the town, but does not attack it, as he says he is sure of its surrender, the garrison being in want of provisions. Two companies of picked infantry were sent some time ago to the relief of the besieged, but at Rocca di Papa and Paduano they were surprised [by the Colonnese] and completely routed, losing all their baggage, &c. One of the captains was taken prisoner at the latter place; the other one returned to Rome on foot, and without arms, after losing about 150 men of his company at Rocca di Papa.
Hernando de Alarcon was wounded in the leg by a stroke from a pike (picazo) at this engagement. He was reported the other day as dead, but the wound is very slight, being in the soft part of the calf.
Has informed the Viceroy that in his opinion and that of some of the Emperor's best servants the securities offered by the Pope are by no means so good as people imagine. Has stated his reasons for thinking so.
Private advices from France of the 9th of January, and letters which this servant of the Duke of Bourbon, now here, has received from his friends, agree upon one point, namely, that a large fleet is being prepared at Marseilles, and that the King of France sends word that if the Pope will only put off signing the treaty until March, he (the King) will be sure to come [to Italy] in person, or else send such powerful force as will render him (the Pope) master of the field. He also says that his marriage with the English Princess is quite decided upon.
The brother of the Duke of Lorraine (Vaudemont) is stall here. Some of the Pope's courtiers give him already the title of King of Naples. Perchance his fate will be similar to that of the Duke of Albany (John Stuart), who was also called King of Naples, before he got possession of it.
The garrison of Rocca di Papa took the other day a town and castle called Castel Pandolfo, not far from Marino. It is important on account of its situation, which commands the road to the Pope's camp.
It is generally believed that if the war goes on, no less than six cardinals' hats are to be given away, for each of which 35,000 or 40,000 ducats will be paid. There was a talk of making only one each month, upon the payment by the individual so favoured of 40,000, but finding that sum insufficient to cover the expenses of the Papal army, which amount monthly to 90,000 ducats, the other expedient will be resorted to, and six cardinals appointed at once. Meanwhile ecclesiastical property is being sold, and some estates have fetched as much as 36,000 ducats, ready money.—Rome, 1st February 1527.
Signed: "Perez."
Addressed: "Sacr. Ces. Cat. Mati."
Spanish. Holograph entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet pp. 3.
3 Feb. 18. The Marquis del Guasto to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. D. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 115.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 75.
The Imperial army is to meet at Piacenza, which is strongly fortified and has a garrison of 6,000 men. It will be difficult to take it, and his advice is to leave it alone, and let the army to continue its inarch.
Bourbon had sent to Ferrara for gunpowder and ammunition.
Colonel Gaspar [del Mar] and his company (bandera) of German infantry, and Count Beljuyoso (Beljoyoso) with his Italians, remain in keeping of Milan.
Count Lodron has returned from his expedition to Savona, whither he was sent for the purpose of relieving Genoa.
Advices from Rome mention that Cesaro Ferramosca had arrived in Naples. He had not left behind, as expected, the bills of exchange for the army, which was a great disappointment, as the bankers would advance no money without them.
The Duke of Bourbon has been obliged to appoint Annibal de Ayosso to the post of field-master of the Imperial army. Begs the Emperor to confirm the appointment, as Ayosso is a perfect gentleman, and will serve right well.—3rd Feb. 1527.
Addressed: "To His Imperial and Catholic Majesty."
Indorse: "Relacion de las cartas del Marques del Gasto."
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 1½.
3 Feb. 19. The Marquis del Guasto to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. D. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 115.
B. M. Add. 28,576,
f. 75.
The King of France has gone to Lyons, and the confederates are in great glee, thinking that he is about to do great things in their favour, send down Switzers, &c.
Hears that the Turk is about to come to these parts. The news that came some time ago of a formidable rebellion in his dominions turned out to be false, and only a stratagem to deceive the World. If the Christian Princes do not make peace now, and join their forces to those of the Emperor, to repel this new invasion of the infidel, great evils may be anticipated for Christendom.
The Pope is striving to gain his object by delaying the negotiations with the Viceroy of Naples. Needs not remind the Emperor of the very awkward and dangerous position in which the Imperial army in Lombardy has often been placed, merely out of respect for the Pope's character and person and by trusting in his words and promises; how many times they might have brought him to harder terms, had they chosen to take advantage of him. Now all his towns of any importance are strongly fortified, nor does he lack money, for both England and France, Venice and the Florentines send him as much as he can require, whilst the Emperor's dominions are completely exhausted, and his soldiers almost starved. If an honourable peace with the Pope cannot be concluded, His Imperial Majesty should at once procure money for the support of his own armies. That being accomplished, and the Emperor coming over [to Italy], it is to be hoped that with God's help he will carry everything before him (con la ayuda de Dios lo llevará. todo). Otherwise many impediments might arise to thwart future designs, which at the present time, and with so efficient a force as His Majesty has in Italy, might easily be removed.
The Pope's galleys and those of the Venetians are now anchored at Civittà Vecchia, and Liorno (Leghorn), either for the purpose of taking the Pope out of Rome, in the event of his not making an agreement with the Viceroy, or of making an attack upon Genoa.
Indorsed: "Relacion de las cartas del Marques del Gasto de XVIII. de Enero, 3 y 6 de Febrero de 1527."
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
10 Feb. 20. Francesco Guicciardini to Count Guido Rangone.
S. E. L. 2,010,
f. 17.
B. M. 28,576,
f. 78.
Though he might be excused from writing, Micer Bernardo [Navagero?] being privy to all that has passed, he (Guicciardini) yet takes up his pen to say that the Duke [of Urbino] has suddenly been thrown into great perplexity owing to the ambiguous terms of the agreement (partito) proposed; because the Venetian forces are on the other side of the river Pò, and they cannot possibly join the French forces, still very much scattered over the country, without the enemy being apprised of their movements.
The Spaniards, on the other hand, will soon join the German lansquenets (lanzi). to whom they are closer than Borgo is to Ponte Nuro. . . .
(fn. n11)
(fn. n12)
You must also bear in mind that if the enemy take the high road it will be almost impossible for us to attack them with success, for they will probably march in good order, and when we are within two or three miles of them, will detach their light cavalry and skirmishers (genti sbandate) and harass our camp, which must be pitched somewhere, the distance being too long for one day's march on the "strada maestra."
On the other hand, to increase our infantry appears out of the question, for it is with great difficulty that our present force is kept together, and no money is to be expected for some time either from Rome or Florence.
The engagement of the soldiers of fortune (fn. n13) (aventurieri) was well fought; their behaviour on the occasion was excellent Zuchero and Scalonge were taken prisoners.
Has no further advices from Rome. Since the Viceroy's flight from Frusolone (fn. n14) nothing new has occurred.—Parma, 10th Feb. 1527.
Italian. Contemporary copy. pp. 1½.
10 Feb. 21. Martin de Salinas to Archduke Ferdinand, King of Bohemia.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
C. 71, f. 162.
Has heard from Don Antonio de Mendoza, in date of the 15th of January, announcing that he was about to set sail [for Flanders] in company with Presinga and Iualian, (fn. n15) the courier. Hopes that before their arrival His Highness will have received the official despatches sent by another route.
The Cortes (fn. n16) will meet in the college of Saint Paul to deliberate on the affairs of the late King of Hungary, and on the grant of money to be made by the towns, nobility, prelates, abbots, &c., in order to meet the expenses of the Turkish war. Does not enclose the form of the proposal (propusicion). because it has not yet been notified to the deputies, but has no doubt that it will be accepted as it is, for the majority are aware of the danger in which Christendom is at present, and desirous to make any sacrifice towards relieving Hungary and the rest of Germany now threatened by the Infidel. Some few, however, are afraid that the money may be applied to other uses, and the Emperor himself induced to quit Spain, which is a thing they greatly dislike, and which once gave rise to the troubles and wars of the Commons (Gomunidades); but as every care is taken to prevent the recurrence of similar disturbances, and to remove all cause for complaint, it is confidently believed that the grant will be made, and that the Emperor, if required, will attend the expedition in person without any opposition whatever from his subjects.
Mons. de Prat (Praet) is about to start for Flanders on a mission from the Emperor, the object of which seems to be to fix the quota to be paid by those estates for the expenses of the Turkish war.
As soon as the last news from Hungary was spread [throughout Spain] many of His Highness' servants and others started for Germany, anxious to take service against the Turks; among the rest Diego de Guzman, the gentleman in waiting (maestresala) to the Archduke, and Hernando de Sayavedra, both of whom left Seville some time ago, and are to take their departure from court (Valladolid) this very day. They are to be followed by Llanos, the groom of the bedchamber, Salazar, His Highness' foster-brother, and many others.
Chancellor (Gattinara). has lately asked for leave to go home. So great and pressing has been his application, that the Emperor has at last consented to part with him, and ordered that he should be provided with a safe-conduct He is to start on his journey at the beginning of March, unless His Imperial Majesty changes his mind, which is not likely, as things have passed between him and the Chancellor which make their separation a necessity.
His Highness' message respecting Ramiro Nuñez [de Guzman] was duly delivered to the Emperor. His answer was that for certain reasons he could not order his release just now, but that he had been pardoned previous to his leaving Granada. Gonçalo Nuñez, the son of Ramiro, (fn. n17) is still a prisoner, but there is hope of his being released shortly.
Paolo di Rezzo, the Pope's chamberlain, left [for Rome] six days ago. On his taking leave of the Emperor he made very fair promises in his master's name, saying that he (the Pope) intended to go to Barcelona on a visit. Should this be true, His Imperial Majesty might receive the crown from his hands, and pass his over to His Highness, which would greatly increase his reputation, and disappoint France.
A courier has been sent to England by land with despatches for the ambassador [Don Iñigo Hurtado de Mendoza] and instructions to renew the old alliance. If he succeeds, and the Pope is also on our side, Flanders has nothing to fear from the French; King Francis will be called to reason, and obliged to accept the Emperor's terms.—Valladolid, 10th Feb. 1527.
Addressed; "To the King, my Lord."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.


  • n1. Cr. Mores, who arrived in Spain on the 22nd of January. See the ambassador's letter of the 31st in Brewer, vol. iv., part ii., p. 1260.
  • n2. Gilbert Bayart, or L'Eslu Bayart, as called by others.
  • n3. Mr. Jean de Calvimont, president of Bordeaux.
  • n4. Arrived at Medina del Campo on the 15th. The Emperor was then at Thordesillas. He went to Valladolid and gave audience to the ambassadors on the 24th.
  • n5. Mores.
  • n6. A blank in the manuscript.
  • n7. See above, No. 13.
  • n8. Paolo da Rezzo or Reggio.
  • n9. Alvaro do Quiñones, subsequently created Cardinal of Sancta Croce, at time general of the Franciscan Observant friars, frequently mentioned in this correspondence
  • n10. The message, as we are told by Sandoval and other Spanish historians, related chiefly to the sack of the Papal palace by Moncada and the Colonnese, in September 1526. The Emperor expressed his sorrow for that event, &c.
  • n11. This letter 1b in vol. ii., fol. 54, of Porcacchi's collection, ed. Zirletti. Venice, 1581, 4o.
  • n12. The copy at Simancas has "A quali sono piu vicini, che non e dal Borgo a Ponte Nuovo." In the printed copy Ponte Naro. evidently a misprint for Ponte Nuro. a castle close to Piacenza. Borgo is Borgo di San Donnio in same district.
  • n13. "La fattione di aventurieri fu bella." The printed copy, however, has " la fattione di auanti hieri." For an account of this engagement, fought near Piacenza by the light horse of the Prince of Orange, see Brewer, pp. 1292, 1295.
  • n14. Frasolone or Frosinone, as it is now called.
  • n15. Elsewhere called Juliano.
  • n16. Those of Valladolid, which met as usual in the hall of the convent of San Pablo.
  • n17. Some time after the death of Ferdinand the Catholic, and the arrival of Charles in Spain, an attempt was made by some Castilian nobles to set up as King the Infante Don Fernando, who, being a Spaniard by birth (he was born at Alcalá de Henares, 10th March 1503), was more popular than his elder brother. Gonzalo Nuñes de Guzman, High Commander of the Order of Calatrava, two of his uephews arrested at Aranda de Ducro, and the conspiracy defeated. See Sandoval, Hisl. Del Emperador Carlos V., lib. iii.