Spain: November 1528, 1-15

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

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'Spain: November 1528, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529, (London, 1877) pp. 829-839. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no2/pp829-839 [accessed 25 March 2024]

November 1528, 1-15

2 Nov. 577. Cardinal De Gaddis to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 43,
f. 253.
Lost all his property and that of his family at the sack of Rome. Hoped to get some compensation from this kingdom of Naples, but the French invasion so disturbed and destroyed the land, that what little was given him at the time was entirely worthless, and the property required money for repairs instead of yielding a revenue. Begs for some rich benefice to help him in his necessities. Thomas Clarectus (sic), his servant and familiar, will be the bearer of this. Begs credence for him.—Neapoli, ex Castro novo, 2nd November 1528.
Signed: "Cardis. de Gaddis."
Italian. Original. p. 1.
8 Nov.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u. Staats. Arch.
Wien. Rep. P.C.
Fasc. 224, No. 4.
578. Fr. Ambrosio de la Serna to Queen Katharine's Physician in London.
On the day of the 11,000 virgins (the 21st of October) a meeting was held here [at Paris] of the theologians appointed to give their opinion on the divorce case. The Bishop of Lys (Lisieux) and the first President of this Parliament [Jean de Selve] attended. The latter addressed the assembly, and said he had received a letter from the King [of England], complaining of the injuries (agravios) he had received from the Emperor, and so forth. He (the President) had shown no partiality or leaning towards any of the parties; that could be easily proved, as there had been a majority of votes for the conclusion adopted at the meeting, &c. The Bishop then rose and uttered certain complaints and threats, saying that the [Imperial?] ambassadors had been misinformed in this case, and had received letters telling many untruths about him and other members of the University, which false reports had also reached the ears of the King [of France.] (fn. n1) He warmly protested against this, and said he intended having a judicial inquiry into his conduct, and bringing an action against those who had slandered him, especially against the Spaniards, Doctors Garay and Moscoso. The latter, hearing himself alluded to, replied that as far as he was concerned he cared not for the Bishop's threats. He had not written to anyone on the subject, though he had said quite enough in the assembly, irritated as he was, at the injustices which were committed every day. He would now do what he had long thought of doing, namely, use his own influence and that of other persons to obtain from the Emperor a letter to the King [of France]. With that letter he would apply for an audience, and lay before the King a statement of what had passed in the assembly, the passions and self-interest of some of its members, and the glaring injustice that presided over all acts there. He could satisfactorily prove to the King that the majority was in favour of the Queen, and that if the votes had been fairly counted, the preponderance would have been for her. "Thanks be to God," he added, "I am in a country where I think justice will be done unto me, and where I shall not be assassinated because I defend the truth."
Finally, after a good deal of wrangling and disputing, which I had better pass over in silence, the President ordered the scrutiny of the votes to be taken, and also that certain doctors whom he there and then named should be present at it. The Bishop then said, "I will be one of them," but Doctor Bartholomi (fn. n2) interposed and said, "I will not consent to the Bishop being one of the scrutinizers; if he is, I insist upon my being also named for that duty." Upon which the Bishop consented to withdraw his demand to be one of their number from fear of Bartholomi. Other members were then appointed, but the last-named doctor refused either to assist in the scrutiny or write down the number of voters. Next day, however, the President sent for Doctors Garay and Moscoso, and told them that the scrutiny of the votes had taken place as they desired, the majority being in favour of the King [of England]. Upon which Moscoso observed, "Let me and my colleague count the votes, and we shall easily come to quite a different conclusion. Besides His Holiness knows quite well that no theologian who has not put down his name before the commencement of the deliberations has a right to vote, since they cannot be advocates and judges at the same time. (fn. n3) The Dean, among others, has signed and taken his seat for both parties; how can he be judge and president (juez y cabeza) at once?"
Many of those present had come to the following conclusion: Summus Pontifex non poterat dispensare nisi in rebus arduis, and cum sua licentia; Pope Julius had only dispensed mera liberalitate et pro pecuniis. The votes of those who maintained the above proposition had been reckoned [by the President] as favourable to the King's cause, whereas he (Moscoso) could prove that they ought to be considered as having voted for the Queen, for the Pope could dispense in rebus arduis. Even if the adverse party were in a majority, as they pretended, it is prescribed by the statutes [of the University] that in similar cases no decision of the faculty of Theology can be valid or called a "conclusion," unless the two parties and more concur in the sentence.
Then Master Garay asked to see the register book (el libro de las determinaciones), as he said he knew the King had given orders to that effect, and also that the President had been informed of the Royal wish. The President objected, saying he could not, and would not show the register. Then Garay summoned him to give it up, and on his refusal had an act drawn in due form by a notary, in conformity with the advice and orders of the Imperial ambassador residing at the court of England, who wrote about this and other matters.
This last month a Dominican friar, a native of Britanny, once residing at the convent of Victoria (que fue de la licencia de Vittoria), and who is going to Rome on certain business for this King, arrived in Paris. As he had been my preceptor and superior (preceptor y padre), and I knew him to have much credit at Rome, I determined to have him spoken to. The prior of this convent where I am now residing, and another father, to whom he professes much good-will, first sounded him on this particular, and ascertained that he was entirely on our side and shared our opinion, which, after all, is the right one (la opinion verdadera). They asked him whether he would like to give me his opinion in writing, and if, when at Rome, we could make use of his influence and credit. The first demand he at once granted, giving us a, declaration signed in his own hand; and as to the second, he promised to work as if he had no other mission. This, he said, he would do, not so much because friends whom he respected had spoken to him on the subject, but for conscience sake and love of truth. He had seen and heard at the court of the most Christian King of France Madame d'Alençon and other ladies and gentlemen greatly shocked and scandalized at what had taken place. That Princess had even said to him these very words, "If the Paris University had given no other proofs of partiality and violence than those shown in this present case, that would be sufficient for me to look upon its future conclusions as completely erroneous and false."
That this good friar may not forget his promise, or fall back from and retract what he said to us here,—of which, however, I do not think him capable,—I now enclose you, that you may place it in Her Majesty's hands, the very paper he signed whilst in Paris, and the letters which we now write to him. These might thence be forwarded to Rome to the care of the Imperial ambassador, who could thus see the friar and converse with him on the subject. The letters ought to leave by the first post, and if the friar has not readied Rome, which might very well be,—for he is not very active and likes to travel slowly,—let the ambassador keep them until his arrival, &c.
I must not omit to say that this good soul thinks he will be able, when at Rome, to lay his hands upon a Papal rescript, the words of which will oblige the parties to take one of these two courses, either to take the Pope's admonishment and de consensu amborum, live together in perpetual chastity, or incur manifold Apostolic censures if they do not continue in true and lawful union, such as theirs is.
Addressed: "To the Queen's physician in London."
Indorsed: "Copy of what Fray Ambrosio de la Serna writes from Paris on the 8th of November."
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
— Nov. 579. The Emperor to King Henry VIII.
S. E. C. d. C. L. 16,
f. 285.
B. M. Add. 28,577,
f. 308.
Has always preferred the common weal to his own private interests. Has, therefore, neglected nothing to restore peace to Christendom whenever King Francis disturbed it. To oppose the latter he had first recourse to arms; God favoured his cause. The French were beaten over and over again, driven out of Italy, and at last their King fell a prisoner into his hands. When that event took place the Emperor showed the utmost clemency towards his prisoner, and set him at liberty. He thought that his enemy would feel grateful; he was mistaken. When his clemency failed, there remained no other way for the Emperor, if he wished to avoid the effusion of Christian blood, than to provoke a duel between himself and the King of France. A true Prince is not afraid to shed his blood for the welfare of his subjects, but the King of France preferred his own personal security to the interests of Christendom. He liked better to fight with words than with swords, to use strong language, and expose his subjects to the dangers of a war. The King has refused to accept the letters wherein he (the Emperor) designated a fit place and rendezvous where the duel might be fought. The Emperor assembled then all his councillors, grandees, knights, bishops, lawyers, and other persons, and demanded of them whether he had done enough for the satisfaction of his honour, to which all replied that it remained as bright and unsullied as before, and that he could not do more in the matter. It would be wrong for the King not to conform to the advice of his faithful servants and subjects.—Toledo,—November 1528.
Addressed:
Latin. Original draft. p. 7.
— Nov. 580. The Emperor to James, King of Scotland.
S. E. C. d. C. L. 16,
f. 284.
B. M. Add. 28,577,
f. 309.
The same as the preceding.—Toledo, November 1528.
Latin. Original draft. pp. 7.
10 Nov.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 43,
f. 256.
581. The Lieutenant of the Summaria of Naples to Secretary Pedro [Garcia].
Congratulations upon the last victory at Naples. Has written several times to the Emperor, to his High Chancellor (Gattinara), and to many members of the Imperial Council, both by Mons. Colle (Coll) and by the castellan of Castilnovo. Has received no answer. Wishes to know whether his letters have been received.
Has often applied for the office vacant by the death of the son of Hieronymo de Jennaro, and also for the "mastrodatia" of Lucera, which Don Ugo promised him. In consequence, however, of the ruin and destruction of that city and territory by the bands of the son of Cardinal Farnese and the number of people they slaughtered, it will be impossible to gather any taxes (affiti). As remuneration for his services, the Prince has been pleased to grant him the estate of Antonio de Sancto Felice. Begs for a confirmation of the grant.
Since the above was written two letters have been received by Gropen. Both are very old, and must have been several months on the road. In one of them allusion is made to previous ones that have never reached him. Is glad to have had proofs of the Emperor's munificence in the shape of a draft (libranza) on this treasury, which, however, will not be speedily cashed owing to the impoverishment of this kingdom; still it is very acceptable.—Neapoli, 10th November 1528.
Signed: "Hyeronimus de Frantjo or Frantço."
Spanish Original. pp. 2.
11 Nov. 582.
B. Neg. d. Angl.
vol. i.
B. M. Add. 28,577,
f. 308.
The undersigned Gere, (fn. n4) a servant of Count Vismonte (fn. n5) in the island of Ireland, is commissioned to say in his master's name that he wishes to be the Emperor's ally, friend of his friends, and enemy of his enemies.
The Count begs the Emperor to send him two or three pieces of ordnance with their complement of shot and powder, wherewith to defend his estate, which is entirely without artillery; the whole to be at the cost of the said Count. The undersigned will give the names of certain Irishmen, vassals of the Count, now residing in those kingdoms [of Spain], who know the said Count, and who can give the necessary information respecting his qualities and fortune, and the means he has of serving the Emperor. The said Irishmen are now in the province of Guipuzcoa and county of Biscay [in Spain].
Begs the Emperor to send [to Ireland] one of his household, with whom the Count may conclude a treaty of defensive and offensive alliance, and give the required securities.
The undersigned further says that he is ready to take his oath that the letter he has placed in the Emperor's hands is really written by the Count, and he can designate people now residing at San Sebastian who know the Count's signature and seal.
The Count wishes to know what things or objects in Ireland may be agreeable to the Emperor, because he will immediately present him with them.
He is likewise ready to give the names of people [now residing in Spain] who know him and knew his father, and will state what offices they have held, and still hold at the Count's court. He offers besides to give any security that may be asked, that upon the arrival in Ireland of the Emperor's envoy he shall be treated as befits the ambassador of so mighty a Prince.
Begs for a speedy answer that he may return to Ireland— Toledo, 11th November 1528.
Signed: "Ego Galfridius (fn. n6) rogo."
Spanish. Original. pp. 2.
11 Nov. 583.
B. Neg. d. Ang.
vol. i.
B. M. Add. 28,577,
f. 310.
I, Gere, whose name in Latin is Galfridius (sic), hereby declare that my master, the Count of Vismonte, and Macart Mor (McCarthy Mor) are both of the same conformity and of the same league, have always been and will continue to be so, because Macart Mor pays tribute to the Count of Vismonte, my master, and can put in the field eight or nine thousand infantry and 200 horse ; whilst my master, the Count of Vismonte, can at any time put under arms 16,000 foot and 2,000 horse. I take my oath that what I have stated is true, and that the forces under the two lords above named cannot be computed at less.—Toledo, ut supra.]
Signed: "Ego Galfrigidus (sic) rogo."
French. Original. pp. 3.
14 Nov.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 43,
f. 259.
584. The Lieutenant of the Summaria of Naples to Secretary Pedro [Garcia].
Has duly received his letter of the 22nd September, with the confirmation of the "mastrodatia di terra di Otranto," for which, as well as for the acknowledgment of his services, he is much pleased.
The office of secretary to this "Camera" had been first promised, with a salary of 150 ducats a year, to Dr. Quadra, through the influence of Signor Marcon, and then given to a son of the late Secretary Seron. This last having died of the plague, His Imperial Majesty will see who is most deserving of it.
Thanks him for the appointment of his "consocro" to the government of the Capitanata and county of Molise; also for the pension on that bishopric for Secretary Urries.
Shortly after the victory, wrote to recommend a petition of his nephew, Antonio Valquarnera (Valgornera), Baron of Goderano.
Signed: "Hieronimus de Francesco." (fn. n7)
Addressed: "To the most magnificent Sir, Miçer Pero Garcia, Secretary and Councillor to His Majesty."
Indorsed: "From the Lieutenant of the Summaria. 14th November 1528. Answered."
Italian. Original. pp. 4.
14 Nov. 585. Secretary Perez to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 43,
f. 261.
Since sealing the letter that goes with this, the Prince [of Orange], seeing that he is not in a condition to undertake the expedition to Puglia, has decided to send thither the Marquis del Guasto with the Spanish and Italian infantry. It has been agreed between them that the Prince shall do his utmost to persuade the Germans also to leave Naples, that they may march altogether against Barletta and Trani, where the enemy is every day waxing stronger. It is generally asserted that the Prince of Melfi (Caracciolo) and Renço de Cherri (da Ceri) have already joined the French with part of their forces, and it appears also by letters from France, which Antonio de Leyva has intercepted, that the King's Council, after hearing of the defeat of their army before this city, and the retaking of Genoa, have decided to strengthen their army in Lombardy, and also send reinforcements to Aquila, Barletta, Trani, and other places, so as to keep our troops engaged, whilst they [the French] prosecute the war in Lombardy, and endeavour to get possession of Milan and other towns in the Duchy.
News has come likewise that Antonio de Leyva had shut himself up at Milan owing to his men having mutinied for want of pay, which was the chief cause of his being on the defensive. The Prince and the Council [of Naples] have decided to try all possible means to assist him with money. They have requested Tomasso de' Fornariis to deliver what remains in his hands of the former contract, and to accept and sign the second, giving as much as he can in advance. Meanwhile if any means can be found of sending him money from this place, it shall be done, so as to give time for remittances to come [from Spain]. Andrea Doria has been written to to prepare for an attack on Barletta and Trani. Orders have also been sent to Sicily and Sardinia for as much com as they can collect to be brought to this city, as wheat is becoming scarce; for if the war should continue, it would be very imprudent not to have a sufficient store of food in Naples.
There has been a talk of dismissing the Germans, if they persisted in their refusal to march against the enemy at Barletta and Trani. Some were of opinion that they should be sent home, but after a good deal of discussion the Prince [of Orange] and the majority of the Council thought that it would [be] very disadvantageous for the Imperial army thus to part with its auxiliaries in time of war, and that it would be far better, should they refuse to march against the French, to send them to winter quarters, and keep them there until the rest of the Imperial army is enabled to quit the kingdom of Naples. As it is, there can be no doubt that the moment they go back to Lombardy most of these Germans will desert and go home, considering the numbers who have died [of the plague ?], and are still dying.
Lope de Soria sent him (Perez) the other day a copy of his letter to the Prince [of Orange]. Though there can be no doubt that the latter will duly inform His Imperial Majesty of its contents, he has deemed it advisable to enclose the same. (fn. n8)
Alonso Sanchez writes in date of the 23rd of October that he is at Bologna, improving in health; when completely recovered he will set out for Naples. He also writes that Antonio de Leyva was in great distress for want of money and provisions, and that, unless this Imperial army, or part of it, goes to Lombardy to his relief, the whole of the Duchy of Milan will be irretrievably lost, as His Highness the King of Hungary could send him neither money nor troops.
The news that has come here lately from Sienna, to the effect that the Lord of Pomblin (Piombino) and the whole of his family, wife and children, had been slain, has turned out to be a hoax; they are all alive and quite well. There will be no necessity then to send forces thither to take possession of their estate.
The Prince [of Orange], Alarcon, and Captain Juan de Urbina are still at Puzzuolo, whither the Cardinal and other members of the sacred Council went the other clay in order to discuss certain matters relating to the war. One of the points under discussion, as far as he (Perez) can learn, was whether, in the present position of affairs, and considering the great want of money, it would not be advisable to commute some of the sentences already issued against rebels for pecuniary fines proportionate to their rank and wealth; and it was so resolved, considering that in reality very few [of the nobles] are free from guilt on this occasion.
Juan Antonio Muxetula, whom the Prince [of Orange] sent to the Pope, is still with him. He writes in date of the 30th of October that His Holiness, according to the Emperor's wishes, had refused to approve the resignation which the son of the Marquis of Denia proposed to make of the deanery of Jaen and other ecclesiastical benefices, and that the brief relating to Mallorca had been despatched in the very terms the Emperor wished.
According to advices from Sienna, sent to the ambassador of that Signory here, the son of the Duke of Ferrara had returned from France, bringing in his company his future wife [Madame Renée] to be married to her at Modena. (fn. n9) Great preparations were being made there for his reception and for the nuptials that were to take place. The Florentines were trying to make him accept the command of their forces, and offered to put under him 200 men-at-arms and 400 light horse, besides 1,000 foot. The allowance for his table (para el plato) was to be 9,000 ducats. There seemed, however, to be some difficulty as to who was to appoint the captains of the said forces, whether the Florentines themselves or the Duke's son. It was also reported that the Florentines had written to France to say that since the league [against the Emperor] was virtually dissolved, they had no other alternative left than to make their peace with His Imperial Majesty. Such was their wish, and they thought of asking the Siennese, with whom they were now in negotiation, to be the mediators with His Imperial Majesty.
The news from Milan of the 23rd Oct. is that Antonio de Leyva remains mostly inside the castle from fear of the Germans rising in mutiny. They (the Germans) were quite ungovernable; they had sacked some merchant shops, and were seizing provisions wherever they could find them (comen á discrecion). St. Pol was close to Alessandria [della Paglia] with 4,000 men, and had sent to France to ask for reinforcements; the Duke of Urbino [Francesco Maria della Rovere] at Pavia. There was also a rumour that His Imperial Majesty was aiming at a general peace between Christians, and that there was a good prospect of obtaining it.
One of the Emperor's servants, Pedro de Arevalo by name, arrived here [at Naples] on the 10th inst. He left Spain on the 25th of September, came through Rome, and saw at Puzzuolo the Prince [of Orange], to whom he gave the despatches he brought. Is sorry to hear that there were none for him, for he has not heard from Court since lie (Perez) has been at Naples, though he has often written asking for instructions. Should His Imperial Majesty decide on his going back to Spain, which is his most ardent wish, he should be glad to know it before he quits Naples with the army, as he can embark for Spain more easily here than elsewhere.
The death of Secretary Seron, and his having sold his office to the Prince's Secretary, before he died, for a sum of 10,000 ducats, are events of which His Imperial Majesty must already have been informed through other correspondents.
Must not omit to say that, in addition to the advices from Sienna elsewhere mentioned, the report is that the King of France had written to the Duke Francesco Sforza to look out for himself, and have his eye on the Venetians, whence it may naturally be inferred that the King also mistrusts them, and suspects they are about to treat with His Imperial Majesty, as is generally reported.
It is very desirable that the Imperial troops should evacuate, as soon as possible, the kingdom of Naples, for otherwise it will be completely ruined and destroyed, and instead of vassals and servants His Imperial Majesty will only find enemies; such is the ill-treatment to which they are daily subjected by the German soldiers in particular.
Soria, the late Imperial ambassador at Genoa, has sent another copy of the letter he wrote to the Prince [of Orange] on the 30th of October, about Tomasso de' Fornariis and his contract. He was about to return to Genoa, where he thought he might be of more use [to the Emperor] than where he is now.
The Prince [of Orange] and the Marquis Alarcon returned to Naples four days ago, and began immediately to take their measures for Guasto's contemplated expedition to Puglia. The troops and the artillery have left already; the Marquis is to follow in a day or two. May he be successful and expel the French from the kingdom! though, considering the rigour of the season and the strong positions occupied by the enemy, it is to be feared that, notwithstanding the Marquis' experience of war, and the courage of the troops under him, this expulsion of the French will take some time.
Don Iñigo de Mendoça wrote some time ago for a copy of the bulls of dispensation for the marriage between the King of England and Her most Serene Highness Queen Katharine. He [Perez] applied immediately to Juan Antonio Muxetula, begging him to procure them [at Rome]. Muxetula writes now to the Prince [of Orange], saying that he had received similar orders from Alonso Sanchez, and was making inquiries; but if they were, as he thought, in Spain, authentic copies might thence be forwarded to Don Iñigo.
The said Muxetula wrote to the Prince, informing him that a French gentleman, called the bailiff of Bayus, had lately come post-haste to the Pope. His mission was to request His Holiness to persevere in the league, and not to make terms with the Emperor, pointing out to him the danger of acting otherwise. The Pope's answer was that he is quite weary of war, and that he only seeks now to promote peace between the Christian Princes. The bailiff replied that his master will soon send 15,000 men to Italy,—10,000 for Naples, and the remaining 5,000 for Lombardy. May God be pleased that in the meantime all Frenchmen and Venetians may be expelled from this kingdom, and the Imperial army march into France. Indeed nothing would be easier if funds come from Spain, and the Germans were not dissatisfied, for the soldiers of that nation are not contented, like the Spaniards, with two or three months' pay; they will have all their arrears, or else they refuse to fight. The Prince [of Orange] is doing all he can to keep them contented: no easy matter without money.
A servant of Alberto del Carpio (di Carpi) has lately arrived in Rome, who says that his master is dissatisfied with the French, among other things, because, whilst conversing one day with one of the King's secretaries, he (Alberto) said that in this last affair [of Naples] no less than 4,000 French gentlemen had met with their death, and that the secretary had answered, "I can assure you that my master, the King, cares not for them more than if they were cattle (pecoras)," which observation, added to other reasons, had so disgusted Alberto that he openly complained of the want of regard of the King and his ministers.
Don Diego Sarmiento has seen and heard all that is going on here, and will no doubt on his arrival fully inform the Emperor thereupon.—Naples, 14th November 1528.
Signed: "Perez."
Addressed: "Sacræ, Cesareæ, Catholicæ Majestati."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 7.

Footnotes

  • n1. "Que avian escrito á los embaxadores sobre este caso muchas cosas no deuidas ni verdaderas contra él y contra otros, las quales los embaxadores hauian dicho al Rey."
  • n2. Sic. Barthelemi?
  • n3. "Que bien sabia Su Santidad que ninguno de los que deliberaren [no] hauiendo antes firmado, que no podria ser admitida su deliberacion por que no podie ser juez y abogado en un mismo caso."
  • n4. Thus in Bergenroth's copy, I have seen others in which his name is written Gere, Jere, and Xere, but how to make any of these names answer for the Galfridius or Galfrigidus of the signature is more than I can say. Dr. Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. iii., part ii., p. 2135, has Pere or Percit.
  • n5. Thomas Fitzgerald, twelfth Count of Desmond and Kildare.
  • n6. Thus in all the copies I have seen, though lower down he calls himself Galfrigidius (Geoffrey?).
  • n7. This name is written in a manner that makes it very doubtful whether the true reading "be Frantço, Frantjo, or even Francesco, for it has at the end a sort of contraction which admits of various interpretations. I believe, however, that the last reading is the best.
  • n8. Not in the volume.
  • n9. "Habia traydo su esposa de Francia y que se venia á casar á Modena"