Spain: February 1529, 1-15

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

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, 'Spain: February 1529, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529, (London, 1877) pp. 883-894. British History Online [accessed 30 May 2024].

. "Spain: February 1529, 1-15", in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529, (London, 1877) 883-894. British History Online, accessed May 30, 2024,

. "Spain: February 1529, 1-15", Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529, (London, 1877). 883-894. British History Online. Web. 30 May 2024,

February 1529, 1-15

2 Feb.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 44,
f. 26.
619. The Emperor to the Constable of Castille [Don Pedro Fernandez De Velasco]. (fn. n1)
Constable, our cousin, &c.,—Your letter of the 28th ulto. has been duly received. Secretary Cobos gave us an account of what you had done respecting the French Princes. We approve of all the measures proposed, with the single exception of that which concerns the household of the Princes, for although We wish them to be as well served and entertained as possible at our own expense, yet We object to their having so many titled officers (oficiales con titulo) about their person as come daily from France for the purpose of attending on them. Three or four gentlemen to serve at table and minister to their wants are a sufficient household for them. — Burgos, 2nd February 1529.
Signed: "Yo el Rey."
Spanish. Original draft. 1.
2 Feb. 620. The Same to the Same.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 44,
f. 26. v..
In addition to our letter of yesterday respecting the household of the Princes, We command you to attend to the following directions:—
You shall not allow anyone, of whatever class or condition he may be, even if he were a Grandee of Spain, or Knight of the Orders, to approach and speak to the Princes, for although We have no reason to distrust the visitors who are in the habit of going thither, or to doubt your fidelity, yet We do not wish the Princes to fancy that We consider them to be of such extreme importance (que se haze de ellos tanta cuenta).—Burgos, 3rd February 1529.
Signed: "Yo el Rey."
Addressed: "To Don Pedro de Velasco, Constable of Castille, and to his brother, the Marquis de Berlanga." (fn. n2)
Spanish. Original draft. 1.
4 Feb. 621. Don Yñigo de Mendoza to the Emperor.
S. E. Div. Desp.
L. 1,553, f. 304.
B. M. Add. 28,578,
f. 16.
Up to this day, the 29th of January, the zabra (fn. n3) has not entered this port, where, as well as in Flanders, she is anxiously expected, owing to the despatches that are said to be coming by her. Really believes that had she been at Pasages (en el passage), as she is at Vermeo (Bermeo), she might have sailed, for all those acquainted with sea matters say that the same winds that take vessels out of Bordeaux would have enabled her to come. Several have arrived here since the Nativity, and, therefore, the non-appearance of the "zabra" is both disappointing and suspicious. To avoid delay in these times, vessels might be stationed at La Coruña, whence they may reach this English coast with almost all winds.
Has now written by almost every [Spanish] vessel that has left England, and as he knows that all his despatches have been received, will only refer slightly to the substance of them. Announced in his last of the 16th January that the Queen was about to send one of her own servants, and the King, her husband, another, to ask conjointly for the Papal brief which the Emperor has in his possession. The Queen's servant was to be the bearer of a letter to the Emperor, begging him to comply with her wishes. All this, however, the Queen had done under compulsion, the King having previously made her swear a most solemn oath that she would do his pleasure in this matter. He (Mendoça) had entrusted the Queen's servant with a verbal message for the Emperor. Dared not give the messenger a ciphered letter from fear of his being closely watched and searched (estrechamente catado) on the road, the more so that before his departure he (the messenger) had been particularly warned not to take letters from the Queen, and had promised obedience. To obviate this difficulty, and that the Emperor might be properly acquainted with the King's intentions, he (Mendoza) had made the messenger learn by heart all that was required. He was to tell the Emperor confidentially that neither the Queen's own letter, nor the protest to be entered in her name, were to be relied upon, as they were not free acts of her will. The Queen's servant, Francisco Philippo, (fn. n4) had to come back to London, having fallen ill on the road. Owing to this circumstance, and unwilling to deliver the message to the King's own servant, in whom she placed no trust, the Queen appointed a Spaniard of the name of Montoya, who might also retain by heart the above message, which it was calculated would release her from her oath.
Though it might be inferred from the Emperor's wisdom and usual prudence in these matters that the messengers would return [to England] without the brief in question, yet to make sure of it a verbal message was given to Montoya to learn by heart, besides which his (Mendoça's) last despatch [of the 16th] contains the same warning. Of this brief in His Majesty's possession these people think much more than of the dispensation bull itself, and that is the reason why they are trying all they can to get hold of it, and put it out of the way, having, as he (Mendoça) believes, received information from Rome that, owing to some oversight of the clerks, it was not properly entered on the registers at the time. If so, the original in the Emperor's hands must be kept most carefully; though authentic copies of it, made in the presence of the English ambassadors, might be offered to those who have now gone for it. This would be rather advantageous than otherwise for the Queen's case.
A copy of the protest entered by the Imperial ambassador (Muxetula) reached him (Mendoça) in due course. He had already made every possible effort to have the suit referred to the Roman court, but the opposite party alleged that the Queen herself had not asked for this arrangement, but was, on the contrary, glad that her case should be tried here [in London]. It was important (wrote the Imperial ambassador in Rome) that the Queen should send powers to decline this privilege (foro) in her name, or at least write a letter in her own hand, acquainting His Holiness with her wishes.
The powers of attorney could not be granted, for the Queen is surrounded by so many spies, even within her own apartments, that it would have been impossible to grant them without the King hearing of it. The letter, however, the Queen did contrive to write, though with great difficulty, and the Pope knows by this time what little liberty of action the Queen has, and also that she and the Emperor approve and sanction all that the Imperial ambassador at Rome has asked in her name. Believes that this letter of the Queen will be sufficient to impose silence on these judges, and refer the cause to the Pope's consistory. Hitherto Cardinal Campeggio, notwithstanding the commission given to him, has persisted in his opinion that the case ought by no means to be tried here [in London] without a new and express mandate from His Holiness. This the King knows well, and he has, therefore, despatched to Rome a gentleman of his chamber, and a Doctor [in Theology], (fn. n5) to press the Pope for an order to begin the trial here. Is confident, however, that the justice of the Queen's cause will ultimately prevail.
The lady who is the cause of this King's misconduct (desorden), perceiving that her marriage, which she considered as certain, is being put off, begins to suspect that the Cardinal of England is preventing it as much as he can, from fear of losing his power the moment she becomes Queen [of England]. This suspicion [of the lady] has been the cause of her forming an alliance with her father [Viscount Rochford], and with the two Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, to try and see whether they can conjointly ruin (desbaratar) the Cardinal. Hitherto they seem to have made no impression on the King, save that the Cardinal is no longer received at Court as graciously as before, and that now and then King Henry has uttered certain angry words respecting him. It is not likely, however, considering the King's condition and temper, that his displeasure will take any other form for the present.
A person of great authority informs him (Mendoza) that the King of France, as well as this King and his Cardinal, are actually urging the Pope to go to Avignon in France, where they may all meet and concoct measures to prevent the Emperor's journey to Italy. Has not been able to ascertain what the Pope has answered to such overtures, but has written in cipher to the Imperial ambassador (Muxetula), begging him to ascertain the truth of the report, and if the news be correct, to inform the Emperor immediately.
Every day the Queen's case presents a new aspect, which would render it necessary for her to despatch couriers to Rome; and yet with the little liberty she has, and her great awe of the King, she dares not send a messenger or take a step in the matter. For this reason, whenever she can write a letter she sends it to him (Mendoça) to forward; and as he, himself, has no other means of transmitting them to Rome or Spain except through Mons. de Hoochstraten [in Belgium], this minister ought to be written to to use great caution about his correspondence and have his letters forwarded to their destination. Is certain, however, that when the Queen's application reaches Rome the Pope will have the case brought before his own court, and recall his Legate (Campeggio), who, they say, is very sorry that he ever came [to this country].
With regard to the prorogation of the truce, the Cardinal is making every effort to induce him (Mendoça) to sign it at once; so is the King of France as regards the Cardinal, and the French ambassadors are doing their utmost to bring it about anyhow.
Firmly believes that the answer from Court will arrive at the same time as his congé to go home. Should it not be so, he (Mendoça) will not move a step in this affair except by the Emperor's express orders. It is said that the principal object of the French King in procuring the prorogation of the truce is to secure safety in his rear (espaldas), in case he should decide, as it is generally believed he will, to cross over to Italy, and prevent His Imperial Majesty's journey thither.
The Spanish vessels which, as announced in a former despatch, the French attacked and captured within one of the ports of this kingdom, and which were officially detained until it should be ascertained who had been the aggressors, have been released at last, and proceedings are now being instituted to have the stolen property restored to the owners. Has been assured that everything belonging to Spaniards shall be given back to the owners, but is much afraid that very little, if any, of it will make its appearance, divided as it has been, and hidden in many places.
Has already informed His Imperial Majesty how in consequence of the report drawn up by the Collector, (fn. n6) who came last from Spain, the Cardinal had announced publicly that it was the Emperor's intention to inflict all possible injury on this kingdom. His Imperial Majesty is reported to have said in the presence of many of his courtiers that the very English would help him in dethroning their King (hechar á este rey fuera deste reyno), by which threat the assembly was so terrified that they could not well disguise their fears. The Cardinal then, to gain the good-will of the people, gave orders that no foreign artizan or merchant should be allowed to open a shop here on the plea that English-born operatives and workmen were thrown out of employment by the great numbers of foreigners resident here. The truth is that, finding the Flemings so numerous in London and in other parts of the kingdom, and wishing to become popular with the people, the Cardinal has thought of this expedient to get rid of them. Hitherto very few have left, but has been told that if the Cardinal's orders are strictly carried out, no less than 20,000 or 30,000 of those called Flemings will leave this country. Up to this day the order has been enforced only with one craft; cannot say whether the rest will be dealt with similarly.
Whilst writing the above, he (Mendoza) has heard that the King has pressed so hard upon (apretado tan estrechamente) these two Legates to have the Queen's case tried in London, that they have determined upon sending to Rome their two secretaries, and have held out hopes that His Holiness will grant his application. Although it is not to be supposed that the Pope will ever grant so unreasonable a request, yet this King is so blind with passion that there is nothing he will not do or promise to attain his object. Should he get what he wants, and have the case tried here, the Emperor may at once give up the Queen as condemned. In his (Mendoça's) opinion no more reliance is to be placed on the new Legate (Campeggio) than on the old one (Wolsey), and, therefore, it is for the Emperor to do his utmost at Rome to have the cause adjudicated there. This is the only way to ensure success, as until now there has been no "lite contestada," the only steps taken by Cardinal Campeggio having been limited to try and persuade the Queen to enter a convent, the answer having been such that he must know by this time how fruitless his attempts, and those of the King, are likely to be in this respect.
Hears from the ambassador at Rome (Muxetula) that a protest and petition (suplicacion) have been entered by him on this affair of the Queen's. Three days ago one of the Pope's chamberlains, and a servant of the English ambassador at Rome (Casale), arrived in London. What their mission may be is not stated. He (Mendoza) conjectures that the Pope is unwilling to allow his Legates to try the case and pronounce sentence here. Owing to which the King is beginning to complain of the Cardinal, who, he says, has not fulfilled the promises he made thereupon.
Hitherto the proceedings against the Queen have been limited to obtaining, if possible, her voluntary seclusion in a nunnery; the Pope likewise joining in the attempt, though lie is known to have secretly ordered his Legate (Campeggio) not to make use of the commission he brought to this country, in case the Queen refused, as she has done.
The [Imperial] ambassador writes also, that had the Queen sent her powers to some one in Rome, explained what she wants His Imperial Majesty to do for her, and what her real wishes are, the case would already have been called before the Papal Court. This, however, the Queen will not and dares not do. That is the reason why he (Mendoza) no longer insists upon her sending her powers to Rome, though she consents to let the Pope know her will by a letter in her own hand. That being done, and His Imperial Majesty helping, he (Mendoza) has no doubt that His Holiness will recall his Legate (Campeggio], for both parties to plead at his court. Has also mentioned in his former despatch the great displeasure which this Cardinal showed at hearing that the English ambassadors [in Spain] did not follow the Imperial Court, and that he would be glad to hear of their being again invited to it. He (Mendoça) thinks that in this, as well as in other things, the Emperor has done what was most suitable to his authority and reputation. The fact is that the said ambassadors from Valladolid, where they reside, do nothing else but report to the Cardinal by land and sea on Spanish, affairs. (fn. n7) —London, 4th February 1529.
P.S.— The above was written seven days ago. The reason is that the ship (navio) has not sailed as early as it was thought.
On the 3rd two couriers arrived from France, one after the other, with despatches for this King. Though he (Mendoça) has been unable to ascertain their contents, he has been told that they announce the Pope's death. If true, His Majesty must know it already. It is to be presumed that the news will be unpalatable to these people; firstly, on account of the contemplated marriage, (fn. n8) and the negotiations that were being carried on about it; and, secondly, because they were greatly in need of the Pope for the divorce case, though it is not probable that he would have ever consented to it. They had already, on this foundation, come to some agreement, and incurred some expense, the whole of which will be utterly lost if the Pope [Clement VII.] is really dead. This consideration, and their belief that the future Pope, whoever he may be, cannot be favourable to their views, must be the cause of the sorrow and disappointment at the news. It is generally feared that this King, together with that of France, will try to prevent any election that is not decidedly in their favour, and that a schism may spring up, for certainly so strong are the passions and envy of those two Kings that anything may be apprehended from them.
The above news of the Pope's death he has learned through the Queen herself, who has sent him a secret message thereupon. Should it not turn out true it will be the fault of the French, who are always in the habit of spreading false rumours, whenever it suits their purpose, though in the present case the circumstance of the King of France having written to this one, and of its not having been made public, makes the thing more probable.—London, ut supra.
Signed: "Don Iñigo de Mendoça."
Indorsed: "Copy of a deciphered letter from Don Iñigo to the Emperor. 4th February 1528."
Spanish. Original. pp. 4.
6 Feb. 622. The Emperor to Don Iñigo.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 44,
f. 28.
Your despatches of the 17th and 19th November, and 2nd of December, have been received by way of Bilbao, but those which you mention as having been sent by Sancho Martinez de Leyva have not yet come to hand. We answer them briefly and hastily, as the present messenger is to start this very night for Bilbao, where Monforte and Moqueron are already waiting for his arrival.
By the letters which the said messengers will put into your hands you will be made fully acquainted with the measures that have been taken, both here and at Rome, in behalf of Her most Serene Highness the Queen of England, our aunt. We have letters of our ambassadors (fn. n9) at Rome, advising the receipt of our instructions, and their having already applied to the Pope, in our name, for a revocation of former commissions, as well as the calling of the case to his Papal Court. They (the ambassadors) by the last accounts entertained hopes of success. The Pope had answered, that should the Queen, our aunt, allege fear or suspicion of any sort, and ask for the suit to be tried at Rome, her petition would be granted.
Since this we have heard that the Pope has been attacked by so severe an illness that his life is despaired of. However this may be, We think that you ought still to insist upon the case being referred to Rome, as contained in your instructions, informing us, as often as possible, of all the incidents of the affair, as well as of all other matters concerning our political relations with that country.
The enclosed letter is not in cipher, in order that you may, if you consider it proper, show it to the people about Court. By so doing, the people of England, both nobles and plebeians, will be informed of our determination to take up the Queen's cause as if it were our own. A Latin translation of the same is annexed, that you may likewise use it for that purpose.—Toledo, 6th February 1529.
Spanish. Original minute in cipher. pp. 2.
6 Feb. 623. The Same to the Same.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 44,
f. 27.
B. M. Add. 28,578,
f. 21.
Most Reverend Father in Christ, Bishop of Burgos, of our Council, and our ambassador in England,—Through various ways we have been informed of the great and urgent endeavours (instancias) which in many and strange ways His most Serene Highness the King of England is making to dissolve the legitimate marriage between him and the Queen, his wife, our most beloved aunt. We are sadly grieved at an affair so scandalous for Christendom at the present time, (fn. n10) so nearly affecting the honour and conscience of His most Serene Highness the King [of England], and one from which so many evils might spring up in that kingdom [of England], the matter being so injurious to the honour of the said Queen, our aunt, and of the illustrious Princess, her legitimate daughter, and our most beloved cousin.
We firmly believe this conduct to emanate not from the King's own free will, but solely from the sinister persuasions and intrigues of some persons who, for the sake of their own private interests and wicked purposes (dañados fines), and from their lust of power (codicia y ambicion), have deceived him. We are sure that all the good people of that kingdom, prelates as well as knights, and indeed the nation in general, who respect our Mother, the Holy Church [of Christ], and her authority, will share our pain and grief in this matter, knowing, as they do, that this marriage has been most solemnly made, and celebrated with the authority and express permission of the Holy Apostolic See, and that it has been maintained and continued for many years without scruple of any sort, and with great love and harmony between the parties; knowing also the kindness, honesty, and virtues of the said Queen, and prudently weighing in their minds the inconveniences and evils which might result if the divorce were to be accomplished.
The above reasons, as well as our respect for the authority of the Holy Apostolic See and the welfare of Christendom at large, our close relationship with our aforesaid aunt and cousin, besides the good-will, affection, and friendship which we profess to the King and his subjects, the English, oblige and compel us (estamos obligados y aun forçados) to hinder the said divorce, and strenuously to uphold and maintain the rights of the Queen. To this end our ambassadors have in our name requested and besought our most Holy Father, the Pope, to have the cause summoned (avocado), tried, and sentenced at Rome in his own consistory and Holy Apostolic See, not elsewhere, in order to avoid hostile influences and corruption (por evitar favores), and that the case may be proceeded with juridically, without fear, as common right requires, as it is one which so nearly concerns the Apostolic See, and is so important of itself that it could not well be tried in those parts, considering that the King has shown so violent a desire for this divorce, and his ministers made use of such devices, passions, and wicked intrigues, and the Queen herself been treated in so strange a manner.
We hereby then charge and expressly command you to ask and demand in our own name and in that of the Queen conjointly—though she herself may declare through intimidation, or force, persuasion, fear, and other like intrigues that she is opposed to the measure—that the trial be immediately referred for judgment to the Apostolic See. This you will propose and request in the presence of any persons whomsoever, of whatever rank and authority in that kingdom [of England], who shall take part themselves or interfere, in the said trial. And you are moreover to request and summon the said persons to desist therefrom, and have the case referred to the Holy Apostolic See; protesting, of course, of the nullity of the action, and appealing to Rome, (fn. n11) and if necessary to the next General Council, citing and summoning each and every one of them individually and by their own names to appear at the court of Rome, or before the said General Council, as it may be. You will besides employ, for the better prosecution of this object, all other means and remedies pointed out in our former letter, (fn. n12) and generally use all diligence and discretion (buen recaudo) in a matter which We take so much to heart, determined as We are to uphold and defend to the utmost of our power the rights of the Queen, our aunt, as We have no doubt the rest of her relations will do also. In this manner We hope for the sake of Christendom at large so scandalous a divorce as the one proposed by the King [of England] shall not take place; one of such weight to his conscience, so shameful and injurious to the parties concerned, and out of which so many evils might result to that kingdom of England, with which, owing to the old and inviolable friendship maintained by our predecessors and by ourselves, and owing also to the circumstance of our said aunt and cousin being the King's wife, We are as closely bound and connected as with our own.—Toledo, 6th February 1529.
Indorsed: "The Emperor to the Bishop of Burgos."
Spanish. Original minute. pp. 4.
7 Feb. 624. Andrea Doria to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,362,
f. 103.
B. M. Add. 28,578,
f. 23.
Encloses a despatch from Leyva, and also copies of two letters from France, which have been intercepted in the Duchy of Milan. Has no news to report either from Naples or Rome.
From the contents of the latter (fn. n13) the Emperor will be able to judge of the plans of the confederates. They are actually terrified at the idea of His Imperial Majesty coming over, because they know very well that, when once the Emperor has set his foot in Italy, every chance is irretrievably lost for them. In his (Doria's) opinion, if the threatened invasion of Navarre and other points of the Spanish frontier by the French is not a mere bravado, it shows how hopeless they consider their cause elsewhere.—Genoa, 7th February 1529.
Signed: "Andrea Doria."
Italian. Original. pp. 1½.
15 Feb. 625. Cardinal Santacroce to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 848,
f. 114.
B. M. Add. 28,578,
f. 24.
Has written two letters since his arrival at Rome. Doubts whether they have reached their destination. This, which is the third, goes by the same route.
And first will write about the Pope's illness. He has been 24 days in bed, and although somewhat better now, is not yet considered out of danger. Some say that he pretends to be worse than he really is, that he may, if the wind changes, sail in another direction (por esperar lo que hará el tiempo para girar la vela). He seems still very determined, should God give him health, to undertake the journey to Spain, for the sake, as he asserts, of the peace of Christendom. Such, indeed, was his declaration before the whole College of Cardinals when he thought he was going to die.
His projected journey to Spain some attribute to mundane and secular motives rather than to a desire for the increase of the Papal dignity (mas á humanidad que y la dignidad). He (Santacroce) thinks that both motives have been at work. However this may be, the Pope wishes for the journey because he says it cannot but result in God's glory and the Emperor's. The project has been communicated to the King of France, who, they say, highly disapproved of it at first, though lately he has somewhat relented [. amaynado].
Respecting the English business, positive orders have been sent to Campeggio not to deliver sentence, but bring the case to Rome to be tried by the Sacred College of Cardinals; but this is a great secret. It was a pity that the Queen never appealed [to Rome] or sent anyone to do it in her name. Whoever advised her committed a great mistake. The English are still stirring the fire, and this very day a new ambassador (fn. n14) has arrived from London.
As the Pope fell ill two days after his (Santacroce's) arrival at Rome, not much has been done. Yet both [Juan] Antonio Muxetula and he have managed since, though with the greatest difficulty, to obtain an audience for the purpose of reminding him of his promise about the Crusade (para la egecucion de la cruzada y quarta). Everything was immediately granted in the same form and manner applied for, but the expedition of the "quarta," as it had to be made fresh, could not be ready so soon owing to the Pope's illness. The bulls for the crusade, however, having been drawn before his (Santacroce's) departure, an order was given for their delivery, though they will not be considered valid until after the fortresses are restituted, &c.
Meanwhile the liberation of the cardinals kept as hostages at Naples, and the explanation which he (Santacroce) gave respecting the fortresses, are looked upon as a great testimony of His Imperial Majesty's Catholic intentions in this affair, as the Pope saw that we gave him facts, not words. We might indeed have had the glory of it, had not the soldiers taken away all merit from the thing, by not being satisfied with having their arrears paid, but insisting upon other gains. (fn. n15) It is, however, no fault of theirs, but of those who instigate them, saying there is delay in the fulfilment of the conditions. Indeed, had he (Santacroce) done what the Prince of Orange recommended, when the Pope was in danger of death, a schism would have immediately sprung up in the Church, for which His Majesty the Emperor would have been made responsible, because out of 15 cardinals then at Rome, eight wanted to go out of the city and elect a Pope on the plea that they had no liberty for the election, as the fortresses were not in the possession of the Church. The cause seemed very bad, and the effect still worse. (fn. n16)
Many of the Emperor's servants at Rome were disgusted with the manner of conducting affairs at Naples, where the rigour is such that three fourths of the nobles will be declared fuorusciti, and emigrate to escape punishment. The officials who govern that kingdom seem intent upon following the example of the Samnites in the times of Rome; but this ought not to be tolerated, for the whole of the kingdom will be destroyed without profit to the Emperor. The confiscated estates are now given to soldiers, who will sell them the next day, and as they have begun to do this eagerly (á cebar en esto) it naturally follows that most frequently the just pay for the unjust.
Here in Italy it would seem as if His Imperial Majesty had three capital enemies, namely, 1st. Lack of money. This, however, is a common evil which at this moment afflicts all parties. 2nd. Incautiousness in sending or receiving advices; and 3rd. License and insubordination among the soldiers. The Emperor's journey is here given out as certain. The King of France was the first to announce it to the Venetians, telling them that he himself contemplated coming [to Italy] in person, upon which the Signory speak of arming 60 large galleys. Recollects having told the Emperor, when the journey was first thought of, that its announcement would be detrimental rather than otherwise; but since the affair has become public he (Santacroce) explains the journey in a different way, saying that the Emperor does not come to Italy [to subdue it], for the whole country may be considered as being already in his power, but only on his way to a more distant destination. Cardinal Sanctiquatuor showed him the other day a memorandum in three sheets, the substance of which was to relate many abominations which, the writer says, are committed in those kingdoms [of Spain], not only against the freedom and privileges of the Church, but in the manner of preaching the Crusade. As the paper came when the Pope was ill, more attention was paid to its contents than at any other season. It had the effect of somewhat disturbing the concession, though in the end the Pope granted it as aforesaid. Cannot conceive who was the author of the paper. It was written in Spanish and in Spain, and it was forwarded by the Bishop of Pistoya.—Rome, 15th February 1529.
Signed: "Fr. Card. Sancta."
Spanish. Original. pp. 5.


  • n1. Don Iñigo having died some time before, his son, Don Pedro, succeeded in the office of Constable of Castille.
  • n2. Don Juan de Tovar, Marquis de Berlanga, and brother of the Constable, Don Pedro Fernandez de Velasco.
  • n3. Zabra was a sort of light vessel, much used then on the coast of Biscay.
  • n4. The protest was entered at Viterbo by Giovanni Antonio Muxetulla, "Patritius Neapolitanus," and ambassador of Charles, on the 20th of July 1528. A copy of it is preserved in the Imperial Archives at Vienna (Rep. P Fasc. C. 224, No. 21), thus docktted, "Copie de l'acte de protestation faicte de la part de l'Empereur par devant le Pape á Viterbo contre tout ce que se faisait en Angleterre en la cause du divorce."
  • n5. Dr. Stephen Gardiner.
  • n6. Sylvester Dario.
  • n7. The paragraph stands thus: "Pero en esto paresceme que V. Mt. ha guardado su auctoridad como en todas las otras cosas: De alli, de Valladolit, sé que los dichos embaxadores no entienden en otra cosa sino en avisar á este Cardenal, assi por mar como por tierra, de todo lo que allá passa."
  • n8. "Bien creo que aqui les ha pesado a causa deste matrimonio que pensaban con los tratos que con él trayan, y con la necessidad que del Papa tenian de acabar con él lo que quisieren, aunque no es de creer de Su St. que lo hiziesse." It is to be supposed that the marriage here alluded to is that of Princess Mary to King Francis, for which a special dispensation must have been required.
  • n9. Quiñoens, the General of the Franciscans, and Muxetula.
  • n10. "De la qual nos ha pesado mucho, especialmente en este tiempo en la republica Christiana muy escandaloso."
  • n11. "Protestando de nullidad y appelacion para la dicha Sede Apostolica, y syno fuere, para el futuro Concilío, y de emplazarlos á ellos y á cada uno dellos en su proprio y particular nombre."
  • n12. See above, No. 622.
  • n13. The copies of Leyva's despatch and of the intercepted letters are not to be found at Simancas.
  • n14. Gardiner?
  • n15. "Pero esta vanagloria nos quitan los soldados que no contentos con pagarles lo que se les debe piden otras ganancias."
  • n16. "La causa me parecia muy mala y el efecto aun peor."