Spain: March 1529, 21-31 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

'Spain: March 1529, 21-31', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529, (London, 1877) pp. 936-965. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no2/pp936-965 [accessed 13 April 2024]

March 1529, 21-31



21 March.	656. Lope de Soria to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 44, f. 66.	Wrote from Genoa on the 10th and 15th inst. His business then being at an end came to Piacenza, where he met Nicolas de Cavanillas, present bearer, on his way to Spain on a mission from Leyva. As the messenger will no doubt inform the Emperor and his Council of the state of affairs in Lombardy and elsewhere, he (Soria) need not allude to it further than to say (cipher:) that such is the state of penury and want in Leyva's army, that were an attack to be made against Milan, that city, and indeed the whole of the Duchy, would easily fall into the hands of the enemy. For it appears that Leyva is not so well provided with money and men as he made us believe at first, in proof of which he no longer talks of sending reinforcements to Genoa, and, therefore, the 30,000 cr. destined for the pay of his men must needs be returned to Count Lodovico Belgiojoso, who, in lieu of the 2,000 men promised by Leyva, is to raise other troops, as the Genoese desire by all means to strengthen themselves against the French and the rest of the confederates.
	The majority of the Genoese seem pleased with the new government, though some who dislike Andrea Doria, and the authority he has lately assumed in the Republic, are no doubt in secret correspondence with the French. As long as Doria holds the supreme power in that city there is no danger; but should he die, or abandon his post, there is fear of discord arising among the citizens. For this reason it is advisable that His Imperial Majesty appoint a governor for that city, who may keep people in order, as well as an Imperial ambassador to send advices from time to time. The former is much desired by the citizens themselves.
	Leyva is now sending a gentleman of his suite to the Prince [of Orange] to ask for reinforcements in men and money, because, he says, if the army of Naples do not come to his assistance the whole of the Duchy may be conquered by the confederates. It is said that the King of France has agreed to pay 10,000 ducats monthly to the Duke Francesco Sforza, and as many to the Venetians, that they may recruit forces and undertake the siege of Milan. The French, themselves, expect considerable reinforcements from Germany.
	The Duke of Urbino [Francesco Maria della Rovere] has retired to his estates on no very good terms with the Venetians, as it is rumoured. Hears, however, that he and the Florentines, besides Malatesta Ballon (Baglione), who is, as it were, lord of Perugia, are about to annoy the Pope somehow, and that the Duke of Ferrara secretly helps them.
	(Common writing:) The news from Rome is that the Pope had recovered his health, and that Andrea del Burgo was suffering from an attack of gout, which had prevented his waiting upon His Holiness.
	The Prince of Orange was soon expected back from Aquila, after taking possession of La Matrice.
	In Puglia the enemy was waxing stronger every day, so that in fact the subjection of the country is not expected to take place soon.
	The news of the great preparations being made by the Turk is confirmed.
	The Marquis of Mantua (Federigo Gonzaga) is about to repudiate his wife, a sister of the Marquis of Monferrara, (fn. n1) and to marry a sister of Monsieur de Labret.
	Andrea Nayagero, once Venetian ambassador in Spain, has arrived at Lodi, on his way to France, whither the Signory is now sending him. Also Miçer Galeazzo Visconti, whom King Francis is sending to comfort and encourage the Duke Francesco Sforza and the Venetians. At the same time as these two, one Domenico Venero, (fn. n2) who resided in London for the Venetians, has made his appearance at Lodi.
	Since the above was written, he (Soria) has been told that the Duke of Urbino has made it up with Venice, and that he will soon come to Lombardy to help the rest of the confederates in the undertaking against Milan.—Piacenza, 21st March 1529.
	Signed: "Lope de Soria."
	Addressed: "To the most Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
	Indorsed: "To the King. 1529. Soria"
	Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet (fol. 70). pp. 3¼.
22 March. S. E. Leg. 848, f. 58. B. M. Add. 28,578, f. 125.	657. Miçer Mai, Imperial Ambassador in Rome, to the Emperor.
	After my despatch of the 26th January, which went by Balançon, I have written twice, on the 7th and 13th of February, by way of Genoa. I am, however, afraid, having received no answer, that these two last despatches have been intercepted, (cipher:) especially as the Florentines are known to stop all couriers passing through their territory, for it appears that one of the measures adopted by the ambassadors of the League, now assembled at Florence, is to intercept all correspondence between Rome and Spain. Moreover, as the Venetians, the principal promoters of these political intrigues, are taking similar precautions on their frontiers, I cannot say for certain whether my letters to the King of Hungary, to Madame [of the Low Countries], and to Don Iñigo de Mendoça in England, have reached their destination. I hope, however, that very soon the Emperor will come [to Italy] and crush both Venetians and Florentines, who are now the only stumbling-blocks in the way of peace. Indeed, they and the rest of the confederates (estos diablos le la Liga) are doing everything they can to cast disrepute on the Emperor by circulating all kinds of lies and absurd rumours. Found, on my first arrival at Rome, that a report was in circulation that the Emperor was not on good terms with his brother Ferdinand, the King of Hungary. In order to contradict so malicious a report, I begged the Austrian ambassador [Burgo] to take rooms in the "Cancellaria," the largest palace in all Italy, that we might both live together, though in separate apartments. Burgo's household is considerable; my own consists of no less than 30 people, not including many Spanish prelates and other learned men (hombres doctos), most of whom dine daily at my table, and yet the palace of the Embassy is large enough to contain us all.
	The ambassadors of the confederated powers being no longer able to maintain the above malicious assertion, have now hit upon a new plan. They say, "Since the Emperor loves his brother so much, he must, for fear of the Turk, now about to invade Hungary, and perhaps Germany also, forsake all other enterprise, and make any sacrifices to obtain peace."
	The probable loss of my despatches of the 7th and 13th of February obliges me to insert here a summary of the news contained in them, as well as the progress of negotiations since my arrival in Rome.
	Shortly after my landing at Naples, news came that Aquila had revolted, and soon after the whole county. The Germans, not having been paid, refused to serve, and Julio di Capua with his Italians did not consider himself strong enough to compel them into obedience. (fn. n3)
	Seeing that the delay caused by the insurrection of the Aquilans might mar the enterprise of Barletta, and that the confederates were promoting these little wars (estas guerricas) for the sole purpose of distracting us from our principal object, a council of war was held at Naples, wherein it was resolved that the Prince [of Orange], though still slightly indisposed, should at once march towards the Abruzzi, which he did the next day, and that I should leave for Rome the day after, as the news concerning the Pope's death were rather alarming.
	Once at Aquila, the Prince made short work of the rebels. The city surrendered at discretion, and the inhabitants compounded for 100,000 ducats, which they paid down, not to be sacked. Sixty of the principal inhabitants were taken prisoners, from whom 100,000 more are expected; the ringleaders were hung, and 170 soldiers sent to the galleys.
	At the beginning of this rebellion, one Count of Montorio, who styles himself Count of Aquila, hastened to the spot with some men from Spoletto; but no sooner did Muxetula, who was then at Rome, hear of it, than he went up to the Pope, and remonstrated strongly against any aid from the estates of the Church being given to the rebels. It was in consequence resolved that Fabio Petrucci, son of Pandolfo Petrucci, of Sienna, a good servant of His Imperial Majesty, should go to Spoletto, accompanied by a Papal commissary expressly appointed for the purpose, and publish there, as well as at Norsia and Perugia, a, proclamation forbidding under heavy penalties any help being given to the rebels of Aquila and La Matrice. The proclamation had due effect, for several people who had received money from a French general, or from the ex-Abbot of Farfa, kept it and did not go; Count Montorio was obliged to quit Spoletto with his wife and children, and the whole conspiracy fell to the ground. The Prince writes in very grateful terms of the Pope (mill amores), praising his behaviour on this occasion.
	Count Montorio went to Florence, where money was supplied to him for the purpose of raising 1,000 more troops to succour La Matrice; but the Prince having heard of it has sent five companies of infantry to occupy the passes, so that we expect to hear soon of its surrender.
	Whilst writing the above the news has come of the taking of La Matrice. I hope that the Prince will make an example of it, for although I am by no means fond of spilling blood, yet, seeing the malignity of these people (la vellaqueria de estos), any punishment the Prince may be inclined to inflict will appear to me quite just and mild.
	Shortly before my arrival at Rome the Abbot of Farfa [Napoleone], eldest son of the late Jo. Jordano (Giangiordano) Orsino, was deprived by the Pope of all his ecclesiastic benefices and revenues. The abbacy itself was given to a half-brother of his, son of Giangiordano's second wife, Madame Felice, (fn. n4) daughter of Pope Julius [II.]. In consequence thereof Napoleone has become a regular condottiere. It was he who, after the departure of the Imperialists, entered Rome, and perpetrated all manner of cruelties on the Spaniards he found there or outside. He went afterwards to St. Pol's camp, but perceiving that he could do nothing in favour of the Aquilans, owing to the Prince of Orange being already inside the city, he came to Bracciano, one of his father's estates, where, as well as here at Rome, he enlisted all manner of scoundrels, with whom he is actually doing all the harm he can, making inroads to the very gates of this capital, seizing cattle, robbing passengers, especially Imperialists or Spaniards, and committing atrocities of all kinds. Hearing this I went to the Pope and cardinals, and threatened that unless they themselves put a stop to the ex-Abbot's doings, I, with my own retainers and the Spaniards at Rome, would go and stamp out the nuisance. I must say that my demands were immediately complied with, and two captains appointed to march against him; one was Count Delia Anguillara; the other, Francesco Orsino, a brother of Napoleone. However, as the cardinals of the French party would not hear of the ex-Abbot, their friend, being thus treated, a messenger was secretly despatched to the French ambassador with the request that he should prevail upon him to quit this neighbourhood, which he has promised. (fn. n5) We shall see whether he is in earnest or not.
	(Cipher:) The truth is that the cardinals attached to the Empire are but few, and do not serve with the zeal and ardour displayed by those of the opposite party. It was on this occasion that La Valle sent to say that he wanted to retire to Castro, an estate of his in the Campania, intimating that he was afraid of the ex-Abbot suddenly entering Rome. The same cardinal loudly expressed his discontent on this occasion, saying that those who ought to show visibly their attachment to the Emperor's service deserted him at the most critical moment, &c. This he (La Valle) is known to have said in allusion to Cardinal Santa Croce, who, it appears, has lately become the intimate friend of Monte and other French cardinals, stating in public that unless the fortresses are immediately restored, he will follow the dissenting cardinals to Avignon, Bologna, or wherever they may choose to go. This being a most dangerous move, and one likely to produce the worst possible consequences, I have made every effort to persuade La Valle to remain, and think that I have succeeded. I have also written to the Prince of Orange to send me Ascanio Colonna as a counter-balance to the ex-Abbot. I have spoken to Santa Croce, &c.
	(Cipher:) Yet as the ex-Abbot, with the troops he had enlisted, and is now paying with French money, still threatens to go to the Abruzzi, I have hit upon another plan to stop his mischievous career. As in the event of his going to the Abruzzi he must needs pass through Spoletto, I have secretly arranged with the governor of that city, Fabio Petrucci, to do his utmost to arrest him. Jacopo Salviatis here has promised to do the same if he should come to Rome. I attach no great faith to the promises of these people; but as both are personally interested in his capture, they may perhaps accomplish it; for, in reality, the Pope is most interested in putting down this nuisance of the ex-Abbot, whom he fears most tremendously, especially when he sees me (Mai) affecting indifference about his raids. Only the other day the governor of Rome (Jacopo Salviatis) came to me to say, in the name of the Pope and conservatory that in case of any tumult or disorder occurring, I had nothing to do but send instantly for him. He would see that the Spaniards and Imperialists in general were protected within the city walls. And he added that some time before my arrival at Rome a conspiracy had been detected, the object of which was to murder all Spaniards and Germans in Rome. He (Salviati) had defeated it by giving early information to Muscetula (sic); he would now do the same with me, if there was any need for it. I thanked Salviati very much for his attention, and exhorted him to fulfil the duties of his office as befitted a person of his rank and authority. (fn. n6) If anything happened I would assist him [with all my people]; when he would have occasion to learn that the Emperor's good servants are never found at fault when called upon to aid the Pope, (Cipher:) The truth of this matter is that, notwithstanding all these protestations and offers of help, we Spaniards are on our guard, and quite prepared should the ex-Abbot's people come and attack us. It is true that in order to induce the Romans to do penance for their sins in this forthcoming Lent, these devils of preachers are in the habit of reminding them of their past sufferings [during the sack], and foretelling that greater evils are still to come, and otherwise exciting them to such a degree that Rome is ripe for any tumult; but he (Mai) has taken his measures and stopped their tongues. (fn. n7)
	The first news received at Naples of the Pope's dangerous illness was conveyed in one of Muxetula's despatches to the Prince of Orange, relating how some of the cardinals had tumultuously (se amotinaban) risen to propose that in the event of the Pope's death they should all go out of Rome. The city, they said, was without wheat, Ostia and Civittà Vecchia still in the hands of the Imperialists, three of the cardinals prisoners at Naples, and the remainder had no liberty to deliberate. Such was the alarming news sent by the Imperial ambassador (Muxetula),in consequence of which, and in order to avoid a schism, which appeared imminent, the three cardinals were immediately liberated, the Prince having sent Balançon to tell them that they were free to go. Two of them went at once; Triulzio left the next morning in great haste, and without taking leave of the Prince, as he ought, though in point of fact he is to be excused, for there was at the time a rumour of the Pope's death, and he (Triulzio) not being an Imperialist, as are the other two, he was perhaps afraid of being detained in confinement.
	This was not all; it was resolved that two or three ships laden with wheat, and which had been previously embargoed at Naples for the necessities of that kingdom, should be allowed to sail for the Roman estates, thus removing, as far as was in our power, every cause or pretence which the malignity of the confederates might turn into a plot for creating a schism in the Church.
	Besides the above resolutions taken in Council, it was decided that I should come [to Rome] in haste for the purpose of immediately restoring the fortresses (las rocas) to the Pope if he was still alive, and if dead, to the College of Cardinals. And as it was rumoured that these latter were greatly afraid of the Imperial army, and wanted some sort of pledge, Muxetula was instructed by the Prince to assure them that he would not move one step without the consent of the sacred College and Consistory, and to say likewise, that in coming as far as Aquila, it was not with the intention, as they said, of approaching nearer to Rome, but in order to put down the rebellion of that city and of the Abruzzo. These same statements I confirmed on my first arrival in Rome, and I must say that they had the effect of soothing the passions of the cardinals, the more so that the Pope was then getting better every day.
	This business of the fortresses the cardinals have so much at heart, that one day, because I did not answer Jacopo Salviati as warmly and categorically as he expected, he went away rather offended (resentido), and I have since heard that the cardinals threw the blame of the affair on the Archbishop of Capua (Schomberg), with whom I had been talking that very morning. But the truth is that neither had the Archbishop spoken to me on the subject, nor had I used since my arrival any expression at which the said Salviati might take umbrage; on the contrary, I voluntarily offered in the first instance to send for the governors of Ostia and Civittà Vecchia and deliver to them the Imperial warrants commanding them to obey the Prince's orders, as well as his letters delegating his authority to me.
	(Cipher:) During these transactions I received a letter from Cardinal Medici, advising me, in case of the Pope's death, not to give up the fortresses. The proposal seemed to me so startling and dangerous that I consulted Cardinal Santa Croce, Bauri (Waury), and II Muxetula, and we decided to follow the instructions of the Prince and Council, which were to give up the fortresses to the College of Cardinals unconditionally, rather than expose Christendom to a schism. Bauri (Waury) and Il Muxetula, however, leaving next day for Naples, were to acquaint the Prince with Medici's message, and with our own impression of it, and send me fresh instructions how to act in this particular; but as those ministers remained in Naples, and the Prince is still in the Abruzzo, I never got a definite answer, though I received two letters referring the matter entirely (cipher) to me, but intimating that in case of the Pontificate becoming vacant it was advisable to retain the fortresses. (fn. n8)
	(Common writing:) Meanwhile the Pope had a relapse; the cardinals met, and sent to request me to give up Ostia and Civittà Vecchia. (Cipher:) Cardinal Santa Croce, though he well knew that we were waiting for an answer to the message sent by Bauri (Waury), sent also a secretary of his with the cardinals' messenger to join in the prayer that I should at once give orders for the restitution of the fortresses, and I was thereby thrown in great perplexity, for although I knew well Your Majesty's intentions in this particular, which I have lost no opportunity of proclaiming in public and in private, yet I disliked to see so much activity and zeal on the part of Cardinal Santa Croce, when a few days more would have been quite sufficient to allow of an answer from Naples. However this may be, in order not to increase their mistrust, and that these people might see that we were in earnest, I sent .for the governors, and as I suspected that my orders would be reluctantly, if at all, obeyed, I begged the Prince to send me a commissary who might see them carried out in case there should be a hesitation to obey them. The Prince sent me Rodrigo de Ripalda, who has behaved in a very gentlemanly way in this affair, for having taken him with me to the congregation, he assured the cardinals that his brother, who held Ostia for the Emperor, was willing to give it up as soon as I sent him the order. His brother (he added) had certain just claims [against the Pope and the cardinals], but that would not prevent him from surrendering the fortress, when so commanded, for he (Rodrigo) and his brother, the governor, were ready to stake their fortune and their lives in Your Imperial Majesty's service.
	Don Alonso de Cordoba, the governor of Civittà Vecchia, came also, but though a true gentleman (buen cavallero) in every respect, he is somewhat high tempered (rezio). He brought forward certain claims which, in my opinion, are neither good nor just enough to warrant his retaining the keys of that fortress. Had the answer from Naples come in time, I would then have pressed him more warmly (le apertara mas caldamente), though I failed not to tell him, in the presence of cardinals deputed by the Sacred College, and in my own house, many things conducing to Your Majesty's best service. I did more; I commissioned Rodrigo de Ripalda to treat of the matter with him. (Cipher:) Don Alonso has been staying with me for a fortnight, but being in indifferent health, has now returned to Civittà Vecchia, without coming to an agreement about his charge (fn. n9) I confess that I am not sorry, for that will give us time to wait for the answer [from Naples], for Don Alonso was continually raising obstacles and creating disputes which might have spoilt the whole negotiation. Upon one or two occasions, and whilst the cardinals were disputing his claims in ray presence, he was so intemperate in language that had I not interfered and put a stop to the quarrel by saying that the case was not one to be argued with Don Alonso, but with me alone, there is no knowing how the conference would have ended, huvo de venir á malas con estos cardenales. "Civittà Vecchia (I said) had a Spanish governor and garrison, but it was not held for the Emperor, but for the Pope." This I said with a view to calm the suspicions of the cardinals, and I flatter myself that I succeeded to a certain extent, for they now begin to own that Your Imperial Majesty had nothing to do with the sack of this city, but, on the contrary, was really grieved to hear of it. This tardy confession of the cardinals is not so much based upon their own conviction as it is upon the result of their investigations in Spain, for I hear from a very reliable and secret source that soon after that deplorable event most minute inquiries were made to ascertain the truth of the matter, and find cause or pretence for depriving Your Majesty of the sacred Roman Empire, as well as of the fief of Naples, and dictate other equally preposterous measures (locuras).
	Meanwhile, the ambassadors of the League, and the cardinals attached to them, perceiving that there was some delay in the delivery of the fortresses, began to publish a report that they would never be restored. This rumour assiduously spread coincided with the ex-Abbot of Farfa's arrival in Rome, and produced some agitation among the populace. I tried to counteract the evil by assuring them that the restitution would take place almost immediately, and I prevailed upon a secretary, Don Alonso, who had remained behind, to present his master's bill, begging the cardinals to examine it attentively, and, if found correct, to settle it at once, as I could not conveniently bring an execution on Don Alonso, and oblige him to give up Civittà Vecchia without his claims being acknowledged. Since the sum was not considerable, they ought, in my opinion, to redeem their pledge at once. This declaration had the effect of appeasing the fears of the cardinals, the more so that, happening to meet on the same day Salviati and Monte, I said to them, "You may be sure that the Emperor is Very well disposed towards the Pope and towards you all. Had he been otherwise, by merely stopping the importation of wheat from Sicily and Naples, you would have been compelled to surrender Sanct Angelo, your own lives, and that of your children." (fn. n10) The cardinals agreed that I was right.
	At Easter, Cardinal Santacroce visited his colleagues, as is customary to do at such times. All mentioned to him the affair of the fortresses, as they had done to me, but finding, as it has been ascertained since, that Santacroce's answer was not as explicit as they expected, they again began to announce that should the Pope, who had had a relapse just then, really die, they would certainly quit Rome, and proceed to the new election elsewhere; and I was told at the time that Cardinal Santacroce not only approved their determination, but said he would be the first to go. I confess that I was astonished when I heard this, and could not believe the report, until the Cardinal himself came and stated the case to me. Nor was this all; as if a declaration of this sort were not sufficient to encourage the cardinals of the opposite faction, one day, as I was in the church attached to this embassy, under the patronage of Sant Lorenzo in Damaso (sic), he and Cardinal Monte came in on the plea of hearing a sermon, took me apart, and related to me several malicious reports, invented no doubt by the ambassadors of the confederated powers, or, perhaps, by the cardinals themselves, who wished to quit Rome in the event of the Pope's death. Then in the very presence of Cardinal Monte, who is no friend of Your Imperial Majesty, Santacroce added, "I cannot help thinking that the cardinals are in the right; if they go I will follow them" I replied to him as well as I could, and when Monte went away I told him in plain terms what I thought of his conduct on this occasion. His answer was that he had already written to Your Imperial Majesty about this, and that he wished to behave in all these matters as a good ecclesiastic. If he did not serve God first, he could not serve the Emperor afterwards. At last, as I could not convince him, I begged he would not mention to his colleagues that I was waiting for an answer from Naples. Though I expect it every day, I could not take upon myself to have the fortresses restored without positive orders from the Prince [of Orange]. I had not lost my time in the meanwhile, knowing Your Majesty's interest was at stake. I had so arranged matters that as soon as the answer came the restitution of the fortresses should take place, I was anxiously waiting for the answer, which, in my opinion, could not be other than what had first been proposed in Council, and consulted upon by Waury, Muxetula, and myself. I, therefore, entreated him to try and persuade the rest of his colleagues that, should the Pope die, I would upon my own responsibility, and without further waiting for an answer from Naples, give up Ostia and Civittà Vecchia at once. His answer was, "I really believe the cardinals will quit Rome even before the Pope's death, and that the very moment they hear of his being near his end they will pack up and go."
	Such is the state of this affair at present. I spare no trouble or fatigue to procure an answer from Naples. Every day and almost every hour I write for it, and were the state of the roads such as to allow copies of my despatches to the Prince and to the Collateral Council to be forwarded to Spain, Your Imperial Majesty would see that I omit nothing towards the settlement of this delicate affair.
	A few days after, the Pope growing very ill, the cardinals assembled and endeavoured, as I afterwards learned, to draw out a bull whereby they might, in opposition to settled rights, make their election out of Rome; and it seems that there was a discussion about the place of the meeting, whether it should be Bologna, Verona, Civittà-Castellana, or Avignon. (Cipher:) On the night of the same day, the most Reverend Cardinal of Tortosa (Enckwort) and Santacroce came to me in disguise, announcing that unless the restitution of the fortresses was immediately accomplished] there would certainly be riots in Rome. I dared not say before Tortosa that I was waiting for an answer from Naples, as I thought such declaration might, at the present juncture, do more harm than good. I, therefore, told them they might rely upon it, if the Pope died the restitution should be accomplished forthwith. Again, two or three days after this, as some of the cardinals, among whom were Capua, Monte, and others, were trying to intimidate me, I told them resolutely that the fortresses would be given back. It was no fault of the Emperor's or of his ministers that the restitution had not been accomplished already.
	There remained now no cause for the disturbances which the cardinals apprehended, though I was pretty sure that in the event of the Pope's death the wicked suggestions of some of them would ultimately prevail, and that, with or without motive, they would do their utmost to promote a schism in the Church, by quitting Rome and holding the election elsewhere. I said as much to Monte and Santacroce, adding that I would still try my utmost to avert such an unjustifiable proceeding. If unsuccessful in my attempt I would let them goy for certainly neither the Christian faith nor Your Imperial Majesty's greatness could be affected by the fact that 12 or 15 cardinals, more or less party-spirited and selfish, chose to withdraw from the College and make the election out of Rome; for if the said cardinals neglected their duty towards God and man, Your Imperial Majesty could soon reform them and set them right in a Catholic and religious sense. The fortresses would be restored without loss of time, but if after that the cardinals did not do their duty, it was only a matter of five or six days for our troops from Naples to come and seize them again.
	Certain protests drawn out by me are ready to be entered in the College of Cardinals in the event of the Pope s death, the substance of which is to summon them in Your Imperial Majesty's name to remain at Rome, and make the new election here. Should they disregard this injunction, the cardinals shall be proceeded against as authors and originators of a schism in the Church, their temporalities occupied, and they themselves subjected to the penalties they may have incurred. Several copies of the protest are already [in print?], to be distributed in case of need among the cardinals who wish to absent themselves; one will be sent to Santacroce, who, notwithstanding my friendly advice, still persists in his idea.
	Whilst on this subject of the fortresses I must not omit to mention that Santacroce said once to me, "If the fortresses are not quickly given up, people will begin to entertain doubts respecting the friendship and affection which the Emperor professes to the Pope. I have often been called upon to return the articles of the treaty which I myself took to Spain, as proposed by the Pope to the Emperor. Those articles, I am told, are merely conditional; if the fortresses were not previously restored there was to be no treaty at all." This objection being one of some importance, I asked him (Santacroce) who was his informant. He hesitated, and answered: "I have not been told so in Rome by the Pope, or by anyone coming from him, but in Spain." This, however, was said in a manner that convinced me that either he shunned to give the name of his informer, or else that the rumour had no solid foundation. My reply was that the story seemed to me highly improbable. No Papal functionary or minister could speak in that manner now, for if the Pope, unfortunately for me, refused to declare in favour of Your Majesty, still I was sure that he would not, under present circumstances, declare for the League. I concluded by again asking him, since he knew that I expected daily an answer from Naples, not to push matters as he did, but to have patience. (fn. n11)
	Having so far accounted for my proceedings in the negotiations which Your Imperial Majesty has been pleased to entrust to my care, I will now state my candid opinion as to the qualities and views of each of the cardinals, whom I have had occasion to visit since my arrival in Rome, and especially during the Easter week.
	And first of Pope Clement VII. I could not visit His Holiness until nine days after my arrival at Rome. As I was impatient to begin the negotiation, and so were the Cardinals, an appointment was made for the evening of the Purification of our Lady. (fn. n7)
	I went to the Quirinal, accompanied by most of the Spaniards then at Rome, perhaps a little earlier than .the cardinals might have wished, for I was told at my entrance into the Papal chamber not to speak too loud or too long, as His Holiness was not well. Kissed his foot, made my reverence, and delivered my credentials. Without, however, delivering the Latin oration customary at such times, and prepared beforehand, I contented myself with extolling the Emperor's devotion to and respect for the Holy See (devotion y observantia). The Pope then spoke for more than a quarter of an hour in complimentary terms about the Emperor and his good wishes, begging to be excused if, owing to his ill health, my reception was not so solemn and splendid as he might have wished. Replied that all the Imperial ministers were exceedingly sorry to see him in that sad condition, and were praying day and night for his speedy recovery. The Emperor also begged to be excused for, owing to the difficulty of the roads, his ambassador not having been sent before.
	On leaving the room both the Archbishop of Capua (Schomberg) and Jacopo Salviati, who were present at the audience, took care to mention incidentally the affair of the fortresses, upon which I and Cardinal Santacroce, who happened to be with me, assured them that orders had been already issued for their immediate restitution. What has since happened on this particular point I have already stated in the former part of this despatch.
	After visiting the Pope, I went to call on the cardinals one by one, beginning by Farnese, who is now the president (decano) of the College. Told him the affectionate regard which the Emperor entertained for him, and how much he trusted in his good offices, assuring him that if ever he wanted the Emperor's favour and assistance he might count upon them. The Cardinal, who is a wise and well-spoken man, answered in a long complimentary address, which lasted nearly two hours, praising the election which the Emperor had made of my humble person to represent him at the Papal Court. There remained such good memory at Rome (he said) of Mossen Vich and of Don Luis Carroz, both natives of Aragon, that he had no doubt I should be equally acceptable as coming from the same kingdom. He then made all manner of offers, assuring me that he was personally attached to the Emperor, and a good ecclesiastic. If he ever had said or done anything disagreeable to the Emperor, it was in fulfilment of his own duties as a churchman, and not in any way with a view to annoy or hurt the Emperor, whom he respected and loved above all princes. He had once been appointed Legate in Spain, but had been prevented from going thither. (fn. n12) Two or three more allusions did the Cardinal make to facts of no great importance, but which were entirely unknown to me. I answered that His Imperial Majesty had always considered him a friend of his, and certainly his acts proved him to be such; (cipher:) for his son Piero Luigi, now at Naples, is a staunch Imperialist, and has always served well, though the eldest, (fn. n13) now dead, was a thorough Frenchman. The Cardinal was no doubt flattered by this observation of mine, for he replied "I am delighted to hear from you that the services of my son, Piero Luigi, are held in such esteem. I have no doubt that his sons will inherit his devotion to the Emperor; that has always been and will be my constant desire."
	Though the Duke of Sessa (D. Luis Fernandez de Cordoba), and perhaps also Don Juan Manuel, had some idea of making him Pope after the death of Adrian, he has now rather moderated (reducido) his aspirations, and does not approve of the opinions and plans entertained by his colleagues (fn. n14). His eldest son, whom he loved the most, being dead, and Piero Luigi being, as he is, so good a servant of Your Majesty, I imagine that if elected to the purple, he (Farnese) will be more of a churchman than of a Frenchman, though he professes to be Imperialist.
	Called next on Cardinal Monte, who has hitherto been a staunch partisan of the French, though very lately, having become one of the principal members of the College, and holding, as it were, in his hands the reins of government, he has relented, and gives himself out as an Imperialist, making much public demonstration in our favour. I was told so by Muxetula, and by Pero Ruiz de Alarcon, and therefore addressed him in almost the same terms as Farnese, which he answered with equal courtesy. Most likely he makes similar professions to the League, for, like Farnese, he aspires to the Pontificate.
	I saw Sancti-Quatuor (Pucci) and spoke to him one night before the others; he professed to be .the Emperor's friend. So did the Cardinal of Sienna (Piccolomini), and in saying so he spoke truth, for he has actually suffered personal injury through it (que es lisiado por ello). As Sienna is a good man, and an excellent lawyer, I did not stand upon much ceremony with him, as his help, when required, is sure to be forthcoming.
	Held similar language to Trani (Joannes Dominicus de Cupis), and was answered in the same courteous strain. Though he has hitherto been a partisan of the French, his sister Madame Felice is now wishing to become an Imperialist, as she was formerly, and intends making her sons enter the Emperor's service. As she is known to exercise great influence over her brother, the Cardinal may, perhaps, be trusted, though this must be said of him, that in this last affair of the ex-Abbot of Farfa (Napoleone Orsino), as well as on the threat of his colleagues to quit Rome, the said Trani did not behave at all well.
	As to La Valle (Andrea) he is so staunch an Imperialist that there is no necessity of further alluding to him, or referring to his words and professions, which are sincere.
	The same may be said of Cardinal Tortosa (Enckwoert). Cardinal Perosa (Perugia) is now the Pope's chamberlain, but as he has always been mercenary (mercader), it is necessary to wait for his deeds; his words at present cannot be better.
	He of Naples (Caraffa) is a confidential and trusty friend. The same may be said of Palmerio (Andrea Matheo).
	Grimano, when visited by me, answered in nearly the same terms as the others, protesting his devotion to Your Imperial Majesty, whom, he said, he considered as the head and protector of the Holy Catholic Church, he himself being, as Patriarch of Aquileia, a vassal of the Empire. He added that whenever his services were required he would be glad to receive the Emperor's orders. May they never be wanted!
	Cardinal Orsino spoke in the same strain; and apropos of this family, it must be observed that many of its members, whose services have been lost to us for want of care, might have been gained over very easily. The Catholic King Ferdinand made use of them at very little cost; and certainly with one fourth of the sums lately lavished upon persons whom nobody knows, several members of the Orsini family might have been secured for the Emperor. This is a point well worthy of consideration, (cipher:) for the French fury with which the Imperialists of this city are continually being threatened has no other foundation or support than from the discontented members of that influential family. The evil might be remedied by gaining over some of them. I have been told by Alessandro Colonna, the brother of Stephano, the lord of Palestrina, (cipher:) that if he and his brothers are now partisans of the French it is merely owing to the Cardinal [Pompeo] and Ascanio having made them such, but that, now that he is free from bonds, he is ready to serve Your Majesty. Fancies that they would be contented with little. I will communicate with the Prince [of Orange] on this subject, for hopes are also entertained of the other brother, who is at present in the service of the French, coming over to us.
	Cesarino made very good professions, and there is reason to think he is in earnest. (Cipher:) Cardinal Colonna, whilst at Naples, reported things about Cesarino likely to raise suspicion. I have investigated the matter, and find nothing yet to justify the accusation. Will have my eyes upon him.
	To the three cardinals who were kept as hostages in Naples a different and fuller declaration was made by me. Besides telling them how sorry His Imperial Majesty had been at the occurrence, and how, upon learning their arrest, he gave immediate orders for their release, I assured them that though Your Imperial Majesty had nothing to do with their arrest, he was ready to compensate them for their losses and troubles.
	Pisani being ill in bed at the time, I did not call on him, but sent him a courteous message, which that cardinal returned with many thanks. Trivulzio is another sort of man. I called and addressed him in the same terms as the others. His answer was that he was particularly thankful at the Emperor having ordered his release. He was born a French subject, and felt a natural attachment for that country. There were matters, however, in which he could serve the Emperor without doing violence to his sentiments, and for those he offered his services. Replied that if such were his sentiments he was quite right in speaking thus. The Emperor would never ask from his friends anything but what they could honestly give him. I expressed hopes that his attachment for France would not last long, for experience had shown that the staunchest partisans of that country had finished by deserting her (se reconocian), or had ended in total ruin.
	The above-mentioned Cardinal (Triulzo) is quick, and does not proceed by halves. (fn. n15) The day that I went to the College and delivered Your Majesty's letters to the cardinals, Farnese, who presided, rose and said that he and all his colleagues knew the Emperor's sentiments towards them, and that was the reason why God had granted him so many signal victories over his enemies. Many other flattering expressions did Farnese utter on this occasion, which so much shocked the worthy Cardinal (Triulzo) that he could bear it no longer, and, rising abruptly from his chair (alçose en seco), went out of the Hall, and never returned until I was gone. Yet, notwithstanding all this, he came the other day to me, and begged I would forward to Spain certain claims he had, or pretends to have, in consequence of various ecclesiastical revenues unjustly withheld from him, as he says.
	Some five and twenty days after, this same Trivulzio sent me a message by a bishop of his suite (obispo familiar) to say he was highly displeased at hearing that the people of Naples murmured at his departure from that city, and made me write to the Prince about it.
	Cardinal Gaddi is an Imperialist to the backbone (Imperial issimo) and held as such both here and at Naples. The Prince of Orange, who esteems him as he deserves, told me at Naples that if Annibale Pignatello could only be persuaded to take another bishopric instead of that of Cosenza, for which he has been presented, this ought to be given to Cardinal Gaddi, on condition, however, of his acknowledging the favour (con que lo conosciesse de .,. Magd.) and showing his gratitude by his acts. This was afterwards confirmed by the Cardinal himself in a private conversation I had with him. Answered that I could do nothing in the matter save fulfil the Emperor's orders; but that as soon as the Pope recovered I would ask him to interfere, so that Pignatello should content himself with the pensions of the bishopric, and leave him to administer the see. If unsuccessful, I could do nothing but obey the Imperial commands, and again present Pignatello for the archbishopric. Since then I have had letters from Naples offering me a large sum of money if I would only prevail upon Pignatello to give up his claim, but I have refused, because my wish is that the Cardinal and the rest of his colleagues should understand that this and similar favours are derived exclusively from the Emperor, and that no personal influence of my own will ever be employed in forwarding the views of ecclesiastics riot directly recommended by my lord and master.
	Spoke to Cesis in similar terms. His answer was satisfactory. He is quick and learned, as well as high-spirited and fond of command (presume de que manda). Pero Ruiz de Alarcon having assured me that this cardinal was a staunch Imperialist, I addressed him as such, and showed confidence in him. Hitherto, however, he has given no signs of being as good as he is represented.
	The same may be said of Ridolfi. Though we bestowed upon each other mutual caresses, he has not yet done anything to prove his attachment to the Empire. The said Ridolfi is a man of merit and high-spirited (tiene espiritu).
	Cornaro is the man who was Papal Nuncio at Barcelona when Your Majesty left La Coruña. He and all his family are staunch Imperialists; he himself boasts of being the Emperor's servant (criado). Fancies that in all matters not immediately connected with his own personal interests some trust may be placed in him.
	There is no need of passing judgment on Grimaldo, who, even if he chose, could not be anything but an Imperialist. (Cipher:) In fact Your Imperial Majesty may be thankful for the services of all this family, for Ansaldo Grimaldo is sincerely attached to the Empire.
	Cardinal Cavem (fn. n16) says the same. The Duke Lorenzo [de' Medici] told Muxetula," at the time when the Pope was dangerously ill, that if he were to die, he and the rest of his family would place themselves under the Emperor's protection, and leave immediately for Naples. This Duke Lorenzo I have flattered in a thousand ways, and I think have him entirely in my power, though after all he and the rest of his family depend entirely on the Pope, and as long as Clement VII. is alive they will naturally follow his steps.
	Sanseverino protests of his friendship for Your Imperial Majesty. I spoke to him as to the rest of the cardinals. He replied in the same strain. He did more, he complained to me that at the time of the first agitation (alteraciones), and when the cardinals threatened to quit Rome, he uttered expressions which Muxetula had totally misrepresented. He had always been sincerely attached to Your Majesty, and, though his brothers might at times have shown hostility to the Empire, it was entirely against his will. If his professions be sincere, there will be in future plenty of occasions to test him.
	Cardinal Mantua (Hercole Gonzaga) is very high-spirited for a young man of his age, and as he belongs to a princely family (presume de señorico), he wishes to domineer over his uncle (Federigo Gonzaga), and will certainly accomplish it in time. The cardinals who threatened to go away took him for their chief, arid so when I arrived in Rome, and called upon the Mantuan ambassador, he was the first to mention the fact and excuse the Cardinal for being at the head of his dissenting colleagues. (fn. n17) Knowing, as I did, through Muxetula's letters, the part taken by Cardinal Mantua in these intrigues, I did not hesitate, when I called on him, to allude to his past conduct in the affair. He dissembled, and assured me that we could place implicit reliance on him, and that he would never be in fault when the Imperial service could be done. Your Imperial Majesty may believe me when I say that one of the severest trials I have encountered in my life has been this hearing of lies, and patiently listening to false protestations of fidelity and attachment to the Empire; but after all we must accommodate ourselves to the times.
	The above are the cardinals I called upon; the rest were absent. My visit to them was in private and one by one. I had besides seen them all, or nearly all, at the College, when presided over by Cardinal Farnese, I presented to them Your Imperial Majesty's credentials.
	(Cipher:) Cardinals Mantua, Cesis, and Ridolfi, as above stated, though hostile to Your Imperial Majesty, presume to be of weight and authority at this court. (fn. n18) I learn from a very good source that it is they who brought back to Rome the Bishop of Verona [Gianmatheo Giberti]. They say that the Pope did not actually write to him to come, but that they themselves, counting on the Pope's good-will, despatched one of his chamberlains with the message. This incident has given rise here to many conjectures; some people asserting that the Pope really sent for him, whilst others maintain that he did not, and that the above-mentioned cardinals sent the message. However this may be, there can be no doubt that, invited or not, he has come to Rome with the Pope's consent, that he is actually at the head of the government (lo manda y lo mandará todo), and that absolutely nothing is done without his consent.
	(Cipher:) In my opinion, three are the objects of the good bishop's presence at Rome. The first and principal is fear of the confederates, for the Pope, having, as he has, treated me so kindly ever since my arrival, may one of these days be persuaded to forsake the League entirely, and become the friend and affectionate father of Your Imperial Majesty. Indeed so terribly afraid of this are the confederates that they have hitherto done, and are actually doing, everything in their power to prevent the Pope from carrying out his determination, especially now that Your Majesty's journey is no longer an uncertainty.
	The second object is, that the cardinals are afraid that, if the Pope be left to himself, the Archbishop of Capua (Schomberg) will be created cardinal. They fancy that Gianmatheo, who certainly is no friend of Capua, will prevent his nomination, or at any rate will be appointed conjointly with him so as to counterbalance each other's vote in the College.
	The third object of Gianmatheo's visit is to arrange certain domestic broils in the Papal household, such as Ridolfi's jealousy of Jacopo Salviati, and other petty quarrels not worth mentioning in this despatch. The last-named would, perhaps, make a better cardinal than the former. (fn. n19) However this may be, certain it is that Gianmatheo is a greater favourite than ever. Since his arrival in Rome the Pope's health has considerably improved, so much so that he has had no further relapse, whereas formerly he had one every two days.
	On Capua's recommendation I waited upon Gianmatheo on the very day of his arrival. He had already sent me Secretary Sanga to offer his excuses, and say that he was very much fatigued from his journey, but would soon call Two days after this, as I was coming down from the Pope's apartments, I heard that he (Gianmatheo) was visiting Capua. I went thither as if I wanted to see the latter, and we met, he (Gianmatheo) saying many kind things to me, as on our first interview.
	Three days after this Gianmatheo returned my visit, when, after the usual courteous and complimentary phrases of which these Romans are so lavish, he said to me that one of the greatest misfortunes in his life was to have been unjustly held to be a wicked man. That was the reason why he had left the Papal Court, and retired to his see. He had now come to Rome only to see the Pope, and intended to return [to Verona] very soon, though he could not tell whether the Pope would let him go back. He placed himself entirely in the hands of God, for now he led a quite different life, away from the bustle and temptations of Court. He could not deny that he might, when young, have been guilty of some peccadilloes (liviandades), yet he had never intentionally wronged anyone (cometidobellaqueria), much less Your Imperial Majesty. If he had ever done anything which did turn out more profitable to others than to Your Majesty, he was not responsible, having done it in strict obedience to superior commands, and as a faithful servant should act towards his master, that is to say, to be a white tablet for the master to write upon, whilst he holds the sponge in his hand to efface the writing, and write again as desired. (fn. n20)
	Hearing this, and knowing him to be quick of understanding, and as capable of good as of evil, I thought it was full time to beat the red-hot iron upon the anvil. I, therefore replied to all his civilities, and said, as coming from Your Majesty, that not knowing at my departure from Spain that he (Gianmatheo) had returned to Court, I could not possibly ascertain what opinion Your Imperial Majesty had of him. I had since heard at Rome that he was not (cipher:) reputed to be the Emperor's friend, but as I sincerely wished him to become such, I did not hesitate to state the fact. I knew him to be quick and learned, a man of great tact and experience in affairs, who therefore could not take offence at such avowal of my sentiments concerning him. Concluded by begging him to tell me frankly in what light I was to consider him, whether the friend or the enemy of Your Imperial Majesty; for if the former, I would immediately write home to the Emperor; if the latter, I should not be greatly shocked, because, after all, men, as he had very properly said served their masters, and nothing was more natural for him than to obey implicitly the Pope's commands.
	At this point Gianmatheo interrupted me, and, with a great change in his countenance, exclaimed (muy demudado), "I really imagine myself in Paradise, and thank God for my coming to Rome, since I have had the felicity of hearing your very kind words. I declare at once that I never intended doing harm to the Emperor. Had it been otherwise I should not, now that my habits of life have been completely reformed, wish and hope so ardently as I do, that with God's help I shall be able to do much service to His Imperial Majesty." After which very handsome words, he went on to say that his wish was to go to Spain, and throw himself at the Emperor's feet, sure as he was that with his innate benignity and discretion he would, after listening to his explanation, accept his excuses, and hold him in future for what he really was and wished to be, namely, the Emperor's best friend and humblest servant. If he could not succeed in persuading the Emperor of this, he had better be put to death at once, or thrown out of the windows of the Imperial palace; that would be a better fate for him than to live at Rome under the stigma of being the Emperor's enemy.
	(Cipher:) The conference at an end, I begged Gianmatheo to prove his good intentions by helping in the present negotiation, which he promised to do. Two were my reasons for binding him in this manner: the first and principal, that I risked nothing by it; for having spoken in my own name, and told him expressly that, owing to his return to Rome not being known before my departure, his name had not been mentioned at the Spanish Court, Your Majesty's authority and reputation could nowise be affected by my avowal. The second, that were I to disdain and reject Gianmatheo's offers of service, we might make a declared enemy of him; whereas in this way, without attaching more confidence to his words than they deserve, we may still make use of him.
	I have already said above that Miçer Andrea del Burgo had arrived, still in bad health, and that he begged me to go to the Pope and to the cardinals, and present the letters of credence of his master, the King of Hungary, which I did, asking the Pope to help and assist him against the Turk, and send a Nuncio to the Diet at Spires. My impression is, that the help will turn out moonshine, for the Pope, they say, has not a "carlino" but there is every reason to think that the Nuncio will be appointed and sent. Miçer Andrea [del Burgo] having asked that the person appointed should be a layman, learned, and of gentlemanly aspect and bearing, the Pope thought of sending Gaspar Argellense, but Burgo and I having objected (cipher:) on account of these late rumours about his person, Luigi Gonzaga was named and accepted by us both, as we know him to be sincerely attached to the Empire. The Archbishop of Capua had also spoken in favour of one son of Count [Pico] della Mirandola, now residing here, a gentle knight and a good scholar, but Gonzaga was preferred.
	Soon after his arrival in Rome, Burgo said a good deal to me about general peace, and the best means of bringing it about; but though no servant of Your Imperial Majesty can do else than advocate it, provided it be advantageous to the Empire, and come from a good quarter, I answered that my instructions were of a different nature. Should the proposition be openly made elsewhere, I had no doubt that His Majesty the Emperor would do his duty towards God and man, thus ensuring the tranquillity of Europe and the utter destruction of the infidel Turk; but it was not for Your Majesty to make advances on that score. I had been expressly told not to talk or treat about general peace; that was no business of mine. Burgo's reply was that his instructions were to conform himself on every point with my opinion; besides, being the Emperor's servant, he had been commanded to do so by the King of Hungary. "Our two embassies" he remarked, "though different, were only one and the same."
	Matters being in this state, I have not the least doubt that Your Imperial Majesty's wishes (cipher:) will be properly attended to, though, perhaps, with reluctance; for, after all, the injuries sustained by the cardinals on a previous occasion are still fresh in their memory; besides which, the incessant intrigues and instigations of the confederates, and, above all, the dread and panic lately spread over Italy on account of Your Majesty's intended journey, may prove an obstacle. For although these people cannot fail to have observed our good behaviour towards them, and how we have generously supplied a quantity of wheat, for want of which Rome might have been entirely depopulated, and they have seen the Prince's forbearance after his victory in the Abruzzo, yet the cardinals of the opposite faction still persist in their determination. Though I have told them several times that the Prince of Orange might, if he chose, have occupied Spoletto, Norsia, and. Perugia, the inhabitants of which cities invited him to come, and he had refused their offers out of respect for the Pope and for them, (cipher:) they still obstinately persist in their wicked purpose, though it must be said that they dissemble as much as they can.
	(Common writing:) Though these cardinals have news, as I have also, from Lombardy, purporting that when the Pope was dangerously ill, the confederates formed the design of seizing on Parma and Piacenza, just as the Venetians have occupied, and still retain, Cervia and Ravenna; though they know from their own Vice-Legate, as I do know from some of Your Majesty's ministers [in Italy], that about this time Antonio de Leyva sent to offer them all the succour they might wish or want, certain it is that the majority of the cardinals are hostile to our views, for no other reason, in my opinion, than the wanton ravages of the Imperial soldiers all over Italy, beginning by Piedmont and ending in Puglia. This is a truth which I dare say Your Imperial Majesty would be the first to acknowledge, were the amount of plunder taken, and the atrocities committed to obtain that plunder, known in all their details. Your Majesty may believe me when I say that one of the greatest laurels of the Imperial crown will be the reformation of the armies, as I had the occasion to say to the Prince and to Alarcon whilst at Naples. Otherwise Your Imperial Majesty will never be the master [of Italy]; for although a thousand worlds may be conquered in this way, they will never be good for anything, if the raw recruit, when he sets foot in Italy, becomes as perverted and wicked as the veteran soldier. It is a wonder to me that, with the impunity they enjoy, the Germans, Italians, and Spaniards are not a hundred times worse.
	This despatch, commenced several days ago, (fn. n21) could not be sent as soon as was expected, the messenger who was to take it to Naples not being quite ready.—Rome, 22nd March 1529.
	Signed: "Mai."
22 March.	658. Cardinal Santacroce to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 848, f. 140. B. M. Add. 28,578, f. 109.	Since his last ciphered despatch Gianmatheo [Giberti] has arrived, as the Imperial ambassador (Miçer Mai) must have advised. His presence at Rome has greatly excited the curiosity of courtiers. Many conjectures are formed about his coming, but as the ambassador reports on it, as well as on his (Santacroce's) sentiments respecting him, no further allusion is needed.
	The subject of the Emperor's journey is now in everybody's mouth. Should the Pope completely recover his health, and there is every appearance that he will, that will also furnish matter for general conversation.
	The fortresses, he believes, will soon be restored. The fault lies not with the Prince of Orange, but with those (fn. n22) about whose dealings and claims the Emperor has no doubt been informed. The delay keeps the minds of these people in suspense, although he (Santacroce) takes good care, whenever he goes to the College Hall, to assure the cardinals that should the present Pope die, of which there is no fear for the present, the fortresses shall be immediately restored; and, besides, he (Santacroce) will quit Rome forthwith, not as a cardinal, but as a servant of His Imperial Majesty, and for fear it should be presumed that his intention by remaining at Rome is to influence the election. Told them likewise that, far from wishing to have a Pope of his own, the Emperor's only wish is to have one elected who shall be a "Christian" in the true sense of that word, and to behave towards him in such a manner that he shall become Imperialist of his own free will. Apropos of this, he (Santacroce) repeated to the cardinals the very words His Imperial Majesty told him [at Toledo] whilst discussing this point: "I feel great reluctance at proposing cardinals for the Pope's approbation, because I know not their individual merits; but I dislike still more to recommend cardinals for the Papacy." Whilst writing the above, news has arrived of the restitution of the fortresses, to the great confusion of those who affected not to believe in it.
	The Pope is quite well already, and speaks of going to visit the Emperor, not indeed through France, as before, but direct to Spain by sea. Various opinions are here entertained about this project. His own (Santacroce's) is that there are two sides to the question, God and man, and that both are likely to promote God's and the Emperor's service. (fn. n23) Doubts, however, whether the journey will really take place. There is evidently much talking about it, but no preparations are visible. England has answered coldly (tibiamente) to the proposition, and France is not likely to ask for Doria's galleys to convey him. (fn. n24)
	The draft of the bull of the Crusade is being made. The Emperor would do well to inquire into the state of affairs at Naples, whence most strange reports come daily to us. so many of the nobles exiled (fuorusciti); the disaffected in a state of despair; the friends ruined, and tribunals all over the country trying the rebel barons, whilst those who have appropriated the confiscated estates are appointed to be their judges. Not a few of the latter, actually driven to despair, have renounced their faith and gone over to the Turk.
	Since writing the above Master Avalos has arrived with the Emperor's despatches.—Rome, 16th March 1529.
	Signed: "F. Cardinalis S+."
	Addressed: "To the Sacred, Impl., Cath. Majy."
	Spanish. Original, pp. 5.
23 March.	659. Miçer, Mai Imperial Ambassador in Rome, to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 848, f. 25. B. M. Add. 28,578, f. 148.	The enemy does nothing at present except bragging and intriguing (braverias y fictiones). Hopes that very soon we shall be able to apply to him that saying of old times, .... that "whilst the Romans acted, the Greeks feigned."
	After the surrender of La Matrice it was naturally supposed that Perosa (Perugia) and Spoletto would soon follow their example, and that the inhabitants would be punished as they deserve. However, as the people of those cities were divided in opinion, some being Imperialists and some French, and all in common feared the consequences of their rebellion, they formed the design of changing master. This could not easily be managed, for neither the Prince at Naples nor he (Mai) at Rome could in any way countenance a project of this kind, as both Spoletto and Perugia were virtually within the territory of the Church; it was therefore referred to Rome. The Pope was pleased at this, and though we did not tell him who had made the request, he showed gratitude at our noninterference. The same answer was given to Madame Felice, the second wife of Jo. Jordano (Giangiordano) Orsino, who, together with her sons, has lately placed herself under the Emperor's protection. Though the ex-Abbot of Farfa is her own stepson, she came to ask our help against him. She was told that we could not possibly interfere with the Pope's affairs within his own estates, but that if he gave us permission a sufficient force would be prepared to expel the ex-Abbot from the Abruzzi.
	The Perugians were frightened at this threat, and as Malatesta, who is now their governor, dreads any change of politics, owing to his rival, Braccio Ballon (Baglione), (fn. n25) having lately implored our protection, he and the Perugians resolutely sent to ask the help of the Florentines. These at first refused to interfere, and tried to undeceive him as to the result of his undertaking, but as the principal object of the confederates is to carve out work for the Imperial army, so as to prevent its leaving Naples and coming down upon them, they assented to the idea of making Perugia, which is strongly situated and very much fortified, the centre of their operations, giving out that 10,000 men, however contemptible (por bellacos que sean), will be sufficient to maintain their ground in the locality, and prevent the advance of the Imperialists. Hears that such is the plan just now of the French and Florentines, and likewise of the Dukes of Urbino and Ferrara. (Cipher:) This about the Dukes, however, is only a report, for the agent of the latter, who resides in Rome, keeps saying to whomsoever he meets in the streets, that although the French still press him very hard to assume the command of the armies of the League, his master has hitherto refused. And as to the Duke of Urbino, he is known to have gone to Pesaro, disgusted with the Venetians. Some people will have it that this is only a feint (cautela) of Urbino, and that he went to Pesaro merely for the purpose of helping the Perugian intrigue. Rather inclines to this last construction, for it is asserted just now that he has again made his peace with Venice. Yesterday one of his relatives made some overtures on the chance of bringing him over to the Emperor's side, and though he (Mai) considers it almost impossible under present circumstances, yet he encouraged the man, and told him that any proposal in that sense would be taken into consideration. The Perugian intrigue in the meantime has lost much of its importance. News has also come that the King of France had made peace (acordado) between Malatesta and Baglione, giving to the former of those lords the command of 200 lances and 2,000 foot, and to Horaoci, (fn. n26) the son of Braccio Baglione, half that number. The Emperor may believe him (Mai) when he says that more lances figure in these French army rolls than there are trees actually growing in the forest of Ardenan (Les Ardennes?). Though Frenchmen are naturally a vain and boasting people, this bragging implies more than vanity; it shows want of wisdom in their councils, for, as the proverb says, wicked people work in a circle (los malos andan in circuitu).
	The Pope, it must be said, was not over vigilant (sobre si) in this Malatesta affair, owing no doubt to his having been formerly a condottiere in his pay. He has since tried to inquire into the ins and outs of the intrigue, but has not yet found the thread. Has also sent a message to Orazio (sic) Baglione, and if Malatesta should be found guilty, or persevere in his plans, the Pope will be glad to transfer Perugia to Baglione's dominion.
	These mad disturbances at Perugia have been greatly encouraged by the ex-Abbot of Farfa, who is now here [at Rome] secretly recruiting men, and presenting petitions [to the Pope] in favour of Malatesta. He (Mai) has already said what steps he has taken to prevent the enlistment. Napoleone, some time ago, brought money from France, though in small quantity, for the purpose of helping the Perugians. Perceiving, however, that the affairs in the Abruzzi did not turn out as he anticipated, he kept the money and prepared no armament. He now boasts that he is about to do wonders for the French cause.
	The Venetians will in all probability send reinforcements to Pulla (Puglia). They have lately imposed a new tax of 200,000 ducats, one half on the property of the nobles, and the other half in a variety of ways more or less justifiable, which shows that they are at their wits' end, and have exhausted all their resources.
	The Emperor has no doubt been informed of the fact that Mr. de St. Pol, having succeeded in winning over the Lord of Saravalle, sent a division of his army thither, whom the Imperialists surprised, taking the place, and slaughtering all the French they found inside, &c.
	The Venetians have again published news of the intended invasion of Hungary by the Turks. This may be true, or it may be only one of the many inventions circulated to make the Pope believe that the Emperor's power is not so formidable as people generally think. In either case it is to be hoped that God will confound the Turk and the Venetians.
	Some days ago, whilst disputing with the Pope, he distinctly said that, if pushed to extremities, the Venetians and the rest of the confederates would inevitably bring the Turk into Europe. My answer was, "If so, the greater the reason for Your Holiness to keep aloof and avoid them as you would a raging fire; otherwise it will be said throughout the world, and recorded in history, that Pope Clement VII. did greatly help towards this evil; for, as Your Holiness knows, it is the fashion of men to attribute to the heads of nations the good or bad of the events of their time." He likewise told me on the same occasion that he feared the Kings of France and England would certainly invade Spain, which threat he (Mai) answered by saying, "How very little those Kings seem to care for the Italian people, who have taken up arms and are suffering so much for them! But let them go to Spain; if they do they will find plenty of brave men to answer their call. In Italy we are not the least afraid of them, for with Your Holiness' assistance and kind help, everything, I trust, will be set right again." This part of his (Mai's) answer made some impression on the Pope, who was much taken aback, and looked as if he would rather not have pronounced the words which provoked it.
	Jo. Joachim has not arrived yet. He is still intriguing (tramando y urdiendo) at Venice, Ferrara, and even there, as it is reported. (fn. n27) (Cipher:) His Imperial Majesty may believe him (Mai) when he asserts that the confederates are doing all they possibly can to keep the Pope on their side. The memorandum of which a copy was enclosed (fn. n28) in another despatch, was given to the Pope. Has hopes that an agreement will soon be made, and that almost every one of the conditions stipulated therein will be granted, the Pope consenting to a defensive, though secret, league. A separate draft of the agreement, if possible more secret than the other, and containing a special clause about Florence, and another relating to the marriage of one of this Pope's nephews, is also to be prepared. Your Majesty knows, no doubt, that Hyppolito de' Medici has been created cardinal. There is still another brother of Giuliano, named Alessandro, of whom some account ought to be taken. With regard to the new tribute to be paid for the kingdom of Naples (fn. n29) there is some difficulty. Has tried to persuade the Pope not to be too exacting, for we all hope that he will soon grant us more, without our asking for it. In fact, the Pope himself promised to do so in course of time, and there can be no doubt that, if we ultimately succeed in separating his interests from those of the League, he will ride post-haste to the Imperial service. Now he perhaps fears that the confederates will say that, by abandoning them entirely, he works his own ruin; but nevertheless, though the ambassadors of the League daily tell him this, there is every probability of our wishes being accomplished.
	(Common writing:) There was a sort of old feud between the Siennese and Count Pitigliano, which the Prince of Orange was able to appease some time ago. Now the Count pretends that the Siennese continue to vex him, and that unless they relent in their persecution he will be obliged to go over to the League. No sooner did he (Mai) hear this from the Cardinal of Naples, his brother-in-law, than he wrote to Sienna begging the magistrates to refrain from this conduct. (Cipher:) Has no doubt that a new agreement will be entered into, entirely similar to that made by the Prince of Orange, to last for four months, and to be extended for four more at the will of the Pope and of the Prince.
	(Cipher:) An anonymous message (un mensaje fingido) has been sent to the Duke of Milan, apparently by the Prince of Orange, but in reality by Moron, for the purpose of sounding him as to what portion [of the Duchy of Milan] he considered sufficient to indemnify him for his losses, and incline him to peace. The Duke, instead of answering, apprised the Venetians of the fact. The intelligence came in a letter addressed by the Marquis of Mantua (Federigo Gonzaga) to a Milanese lawyer here, named Gualterio Corbeta, brother of one of his (Mai's) greatest friends. The last-named person gave him (Mai) the letter to read, and protested that the Duke's intentions are good, but that he is so surrounded by the partisans of the League, that he dares not make or accept overtures. He is so situated that he is not master of his own acts. If he follows the confederates it is through sheer force; in secret his affections are for His Imperial Majesty. He (Mai) replied to Corbeta in general terms; he said that the Duke ought to be grateful to the Emperor for past favours, &c. But as Moron is soon expected in Rome, on his way back to Naples, he will tell us how the Duke has received his overtures, and what his answer has been.
	In case of the treaty of League being made the Pope has given us (Burgo and Mai) to understand that his wishes are that His Imperial Majesty should not treat or make alliance with any of the Italian potentates without his intervention and consent. On this point, however, very potent reasons were given by us for not complying with his wishes. Having since consulted the Prince of Orange and the Collateral Council at Naples on the subject, the Imperial ambassadors have been told to accede to the Pope's wishes in every respect, and are therefore doing so for fear of losing him.
	The Pope has likewise intimated that he intends to limit the defensive league to this side of the Alps, which means that he does not choose to take engagements against the Venetians, Milanese, or Frenchmen [in Lombardy]. He (Mai) is now writing to Naples for the Prince's advice, this being the only difficulty that stands in the way of the treaty, all others having be enopportunely removed. To conclude, His Imperial Majesty may be sure that unless new obstacles arise —of which there seems to be no probability just now—the treaty with the Pope will be concluded and signed very shortly. This is the thing which he (Mai) most ardently desires, nearly as much as his own salvation.
	(Common writing:) About the candidates for the Nunciature enough has been said elsewhere. There are now three new ones; namely, Jo. Antonio Muxetula, the Bishop of Feltre, brother of Campeggio, and the Bishop of Carpentras, who is Sadoleto's secretary. Believes, however, that no appointment will be made until it is definitively settled what the Nuncio is going for, and what mission he is to take. There is also some talk of sending Hippolito de' Medici as Legate; but this seems highly improbable, because though the Pope wishes very much for the advancement of his own nephews, he has frequently been told by him (Mai) and by others that the aggrandizement of his family cannot be obtained except from the Emperor's hands.
	Ecclesiastical affairs; the abbacy of Castel Beltrano. (fn. n30) There are plenty of applications for it. This Cardinal (Santa Croce?) asked for it once, as, I believe, for a nephew of Mediona (sic). Miçer Luis is also about to petition for it, as he is likely soon to enter the Rotta, to which he has been appointed. Luis is a native of Spain, from a town between the kingdom of Valencia and Castille, and was a friend of Phelipe Cervellon, to whom the Emperor gave that abbacy; but when Cervellon was appointed, the former Abbot was living still; he only died here about the middle of Lent, and before dying he resigned his right in favour of Miçer Luis, who besides being now Regent of the Penitentiary, in which capacity he has occasionally done service, is soon to go into the Rotta, where he can be most useful. Mediona, on the other hand, has also some title to it, as his uncle is very much attached to the Empire, and he himself is an excellent man. Both have applied to us to intercede in their favour. Some of the cardinals even have suggested that he (Mai) ought to ask for it for his own brother, but his answer has been that he never will as long as he lives ask a favour from the Emperor, &c.
	The Crusade has been granted at last, without compensation of any sort. Not so the quarta, about which some difficulty is still made, although he (Mai) is confident that it will be overcome at last.
	The Capuano (Schomberg) has shown him the enclosed (fn. n31) paper, the substance of which is that on the first day of Lent the Lutherans of Basilea (Basle) burned all the images of our glorious Saviour, and of our Lady, and of the Saints, and that on the ensuing day a proclamation was issued forbidding mass to be said. He (the Archbishop) is about to go to the waters for his health. Will try to dissuade him from it, for certainly he is at all times a faithful servant of His Imperial Majesty, and be may be soon wanted.
	Respecting the movements of the Turk, letters from Constantinople, of the 17th of January, have been received, advising that the Infidel is really intent upon invading Hungary, and is actually making great preparations.
	(Cipher:) With regard to the English affair, he (Mai) can only say that in his opinion the adjournment of the case to Rome will be accomplished. Has done all he could to discover in the register books a copy of the brief [of dispensation], but in vain. Has found instead two other briefs alluding to the affair. If the case is adjudicated here, there will be a regular suit at law. Has already communicated several times with the lawyer whom Muxetula retained for this and other purposes. He is a consistorial advocate, son of Maestre Ferrando de Aragon, the physician. Has since confirmed him in his post, and held several consultations with him. Finds him to be an able and experienced lawyer, but will nevertheless Keep his eye on him.
	Was to have gone yesterday, Holy Monday, to the pope, in order to prosecute the pending negotiation, but found Cardinal Monte was engaged with him on ecclesiastical affairs in general, and likewise that the English ambassadors has previously obtained audience for that very day. To-day, Tuesday, His Holiness has not been so well, not from a return of his old disease, as was formerly the case, but from heaviness in his head (graveza de testa), as they call it here. But, if possible, will call on him to-morrow, for, though it is Holy Week, he (Mai) thinks that his time cannot be better employed than in the Imperial interests, which, after all, is God's service.—Rome, 23rd March 1529.
	Signed: "Mai."
	Addressed: "S. C. C. Mati."
	Spanish. Original mostly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on the margins and between the lines of the copy by Bergenroth. pp. 13.