Spain: April 1529, 16-30 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

'Spain: April 1529, 16-30', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529, (London, 1877) pp. 980-994. British History Online https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no2/pp980-994 [accessed 8 May 2024]

April 1529, 16-30



16 April. K. u. K. Haus- of-u.Staats Arch. Wien. Rep. P. C. Fasc. 225.	668. Don Iñigo de Mendoza, Imperial Ambassador in London, to the Emperor.
	His illness has so increased of late that the physicians, after many consultations and experiments, strongly recommend change of air as the only possible cure. As, moreover, he has been informed that ever since October last, more than seven months ago, His Imperial Majesty has been pleased to grant him leave of absence, he had almost decided to make use of that permission and visit his native country, when he heard that those who bring the Emperor's despatches have already landed in Flanders. Will, therefore, wait in London until he receives instructions respecting what he is to say to the King and Cardinal. Their answer he, himself, will bring to Spain, if God grant him health.
	This King, as the Cardinal assured him the other day, has decided that Dr. Lee is to remain as ambassador at the Imperial Court, and the Bishop of Worcester (Ghinucci) to return to England. Begs the Emperor to have him closely watched (que esté á buen recabdo) until he, himself, reach the frontier [of France], whence he (Mendoza) will announce his coming, if he has not done it beforehand. The Cardinal has offered to procure him a safe-conduct [through France]. As soon as it comes, he (Mendoza) will start for Spain, so as to pay his respects to the Emperor before his departure for his Italian journey, which, according to the news received here, is now considered certain.
	(Cipher:) King Francis sent last week an ambassador to ask for the assistance of this King in the invasion which, he says, he intends making on Spain. But as these people must have observed how little they have profited by their advances in money, and how badly the Neapolitan expedition has turned out [for the French], it is to be supposed that they will not be very ready for such a negotiation. Still, as the King and Cardinal are greatly vexed at the famous Italian League being dissolved, or nearly so, it is possible that some sort of help in money may be granted to prevent the Emperor's aggrandizement. However this may be, his (Mendoza's) opinion is that if immediately after Lautrec's defeat and death before Naples some sort of pressure had been put on this King, he would have left France to its fate. But as such was not the case, it is not likely that he will now so dishonour himself as to forsake his ally publicly and without any profit to himself. (fn. n1)
	(Common writing:) These people, however, are waiting impatiently for the signature of the truce, and, as they observe the delay, are afraid of some change in the Emperor's politics. That is perhaps the reason why they are still making some show of military preparations, and profess to wish for a continuation of the war, both in Italy and elsewhere, (cipher:) though it must be said that in reality the people of this country are not in favour of it; indeed, had their want of resources been as great as their aversion to war, we should not have had to regret the loss of their friendship. (fn. n2)
	The good issue of the Queen's case depends entirely upon the suit being heard in Rome. The Imperial ambassadors in that Court write confidently that this will be done, and that the only thing required is that the Queen herself should inform His Holiness of her wishes. She has since done this by a letter written in her own hand, and if powers of attorney are needed, they will also be granted and sent, though the Queen is so surrounded by spies, and so afraid of offending her husband, that she hardly dares defend her own right.
	(Common writing:) Encloses advices from Home just received from Miçer Mai, and at his particular request, though if the Emperor is already at Barcelona, as reported, there will be more recent news in that locality.
	(Cipher:) Knows from a reliable source that if His Imperial Majesty were only to listen to the overtures of the Scots, the King of that country (James) would send a numerous embassy (gruesa embaxada) for the purpose of asking the hand of the Queen of Hungary, (fn. n3) and would forsake the alliance and friendship of France. Any negotiation of this sort carried on with the King of that country would be a regular thorn (torcedor) in the side of the English, and considerably improve the situation of affairs.—London, 16th April 1529.
	Signed: "Don Iñigo de Mendoça."
	Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
	Spanish. Original partly in cipher, pp. 4.
19 April.	669. The Emperor to the Pope.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 44, f. 85. B. M. Add. 28,578, f. 172.	Has received his letter of the 23rd December last; cannot describe what grief its contents have caused him, seeing that human perversity is such that it rejoices in calumny and misinterpretation of the best sentiments. All that is done for the love of Christ and of his Church is immediately traduced by malignant people into so many attempts against the Holy See and the Catholic Faith. All their efforts, however, will, We trust, prove vain, as Your Holiness will gather from what the Bishop of Traietto (Utrecht) has done in our name, "pro publica tranquillitate, proque Ecclesiæ dignitate."
	We cannot but lament having lived to a time, when instead of our strenuous efforts for the increase and support of the Catholic Church being successful, We are sometimes compelled, much against our will and with sorrow at heart (gementes), to help to the detriment of the said Church in order to avoid greater evils. Hence it is that very often the common weal, the good of the state, the affairs of the Faith, and in general the temporalities (bona) of the Church are in such plight, and with such opposing interests, that either these last must make way for the Church, or else the Church must do without them ; and as We think it wiser to seek God and the welfare of Christianity before temporal good of any kind, We shall not hesitate for the glory of Christ and the common welfare of Christians to despoil ourselves of all our kingdoms, and dominions, which, after all, we received from Him. This idea being fixed and immoveable in our mind, We could not but approve and confirm the alienation of the temporal goods of the Church of Utrecht, inasmuch as We considered it advantageous for the affairs of the Faith, and for the promotion of public peace, "ut alioqui incommoda multa, multaque damna à nobis nostrisque subditis, ac clero et populo Traiectensi toleranda ferendaque fuissent" for the city of Utrecht is so situated that if the people of Ghelders, with whom We are always at war, (diuturnum bellum a Geldrensibus teneretur) were to take possession of it, the whole of Belgian Gaul would be disturbed, "cumque superiori auto (aucto?) Traiectum à Geldrensibus caperetur, quod reliquum erat eius dominii facilè occupaturi. Nos tum ab episcopo, tum à præfectis atque proceribus eius Provinciæ suppetias efflagitantibus admoniti," took up arms against the people of Ghelders, and not without considerable expense and risk, put them to flight, and recovered the city and greater part of the country occupied by the enemy. The citizens, however, when matters being pacified and arranged, "de rependenda nobis pro eo officio gratia agerent, viderentque se neque Dominum à Geldrensibus deffendere, neque parem nobis gratiam rependere posse ut totum dominium in potestatem nostram traderent id nobis ultro, neque rogati neque admoniti, obtulerunt." We, therefore, accepted the sovereignty of Utrecht, and joined that province to our other estates, as it seemed to us far more desirable that a bishop should lose his property "quod ipse ultro ac libentissime fecit" than the whole province be exposed to the evils of war. We have purged the province from Lutherans and other disturbers of the peace, "atque nostra opera, nostroque beneficio clero et populo Traiectensi in pace vivere concessimus, ecclesiamque suæ dignitati, atque auctoritati restituimus, profligatis his qui in Lutheranam factionem eam pertrahere conabantur; quod si Lutheranam pestem fovere, aut Lutheranis rem gratam facere est, quid, obsecro, erit eos persequi è medioque tollere?" Our aunt of the Low Countries will further explain the causes of what is called by our enemies Church spoliation, "neque verè neque rectè de his admonita illas litteras ad nos dedit quasi factum veluti impium detestantes, ita nunc, facti ratione perspecta, id idsum veluti pium, sanctum, atque necessarium vehementer laudet et approbet."—Çaragoça, 19th April 1529.
19 April.	670. The Same to Don Iñigo.
K. u. K. Hans- Hof-u.Staats.Arch. Wien. Rep. P. C. Fasc. 225.	Reverend Father in Christ, &c,—Three of your letters have lately come to hand, dated respectively the 16th of January, 4th of February, and 15th of March. We thank you for the zeal which you display for our service, as well as for your assiduity in informing us of events in that country, and the progress of the negotiations intrusted to your care. We did not expect less from your wisdom and discretion.
	Respecting the business of the Queen of England, our aunt, about which you write, you must know that a protest has been entered on her behalf by one of her chaplains, and that she herself has written to us, the English ambassadors having asked at the same time that We should transmit to her the original brief of dispensation in our possession. Our answer to such application and protest you will see by the enclosed papers and instruments drawn up for the purpose, in conformity with justice to the Queen, and with her right to have her case tried at Rome, and not elsewhere, by our most Holy Father, &c.
	The English ambassadors at first showed discontent at this our answer, alleging that it might perchance be the cause of provoking and irritating the King, their master, more and more; but having replied to them that We deemed this the fittest course to pursue, not only for the preservation and defence of the Queen's rights, but also to prevent future generations from saying that We refused without legitimate cause to surrender or send the said brief, or that We otherwise neglected to defend her so just cause, they (the ambassadors) being satisfied with our answer, and apparently desirous that the matter should be peaceably discussed, observed that the King, their master, yields much sooner to good and friendly treatment than to rigour and fear. We told them that it was our wish to deal in this manner, and that for that very purpose We were on the point of selecting a person to go to England as our ambassador, which measure, as it would appear, has not been unpleasant to them.
	The said ambassadors having also made a request to have the brief privately shown to them, this was done, and an authentic copy of it made, properly revised and collated with the original, in order to show that We omit nothing that is likely to preserve the friendship of their King, and that if he will but attend to the letter of the brief his scruples will at once vanish.
	We also told the ambassadors that We were about to send [to England] a special ambassador who might persuade the King in the mildest and most friendly terms to desist from his purpose, and replace you in case you were in a position to depart and come to us.
	Your last despatch was duly received, and agreeably with your suggestions We told the English ambassadors the means proposed for your return [to Spain], provided the Bishop of Worcester (Ghinucci) still decided to go back, and good security was offered that you should not be molested on the way. This they promised to procure by their next despatch. You will do the same on your side, and ask for a safe-conduct for your passage through France, as We are about to do for the person whom We intend sending to England.
	We are sorry to hear of the bad state of your health, and although your presence in that capital is still very useful, We consent to your leaving and coming to us as soon as you can, for We much desire your complete recovery.
	We hear that the English ambassadors would like to follow our Court. This, however, We have declined to grant, and are about to send them to Valladolid under some good plea (con buenas palabras); there they may reside, and shall be well treated, until We hear from you, and see how things turn out in England and France.
	(fn. n4)
	The said ambassadors have often spoken to us concerning the prorogation of the truce, and importuned us to give them an answer. We have replied that We shall always be glad to treat of truce or peace with the King, their master, individually, and of general peace with all; but that truce with the King of France alone does not in any way suit our purpose. Their reply is that they have no mandate to treat of peace or truce in particular, but merely of the renewal of the present one, and they have again pressed us to send our powers to that effect. Our answer has been that We are about to enclose to our aunt, Madame [Margaret], of the Low Countries, copies of all the papers relating thereto, that she may act in that business as she thinks most convenient for our interests. Should she require special powers from us, they shall be transmitted in due course, as well as a memorandum of our wishes and intentions in a business naturally mixed up with commercial and other affairs, on the subject of which We have already written to her, and now write again by Rozimboz and secretary Des Barres. The Princess, therefore, will inform you of what more is requisite for our service and for the good issue of the negotiation in general, which We have no doubt you will conduct with your usual prudence and discretion.—Saragossa, (fn. n5) 19th April 1529.
	Indorsed: "Minute of letter from the Emperor to his ambassador in London, Don Iñigo de Mendoza."
	Spanish. Original draft. pp. 5.
19 April. S. Evt. P. de Italia. Leg. 1,454, f. 106.	671. The Same to the Marquis of Mantua, Leyva, and Caracciolo.
	Empowers Federigo de Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua, Antonio de Leyva, commander-in-chief of the Imperial army in Lombardy, and Marino Caracciolo, president of Milan, to treat of peace with the Venetians.—Saragossa, 19th April 1529.
	Latin. Original draft. 1.
21 April. S. E. Rom. L. 848, f. 35. B. M. Add. 28,578, f. 175.	672. Miçer Mai, Imperial Ambassador in Rome, to the Emperor.
	A Lutheran friar was lately arrested at Sienna, on whom papers and correspondence with his comrades of Germany were found. As he had friends in Sienna who wished to shelter and protect him, he (Mai) did, at the Pope's own request, write twice to that city to have him arrested or expelled therefrom. Has lately sent thither, on the same errand, Villaverde, a very worthy man, once secretary of the late Archbishop [of Saragossa], Don Alonso [de Aragon]. Cardinal Cortona died yesterday without confession. (fn. n6) The Pope has given all his moveable property (spolio), amounting to about 20,000 ducats, to his nephew (Giulio?).—Rome, 21st April 1529.
	Spanish. Original. pp. 1½.
22 April.	673. Lope de Soria to the Emperor.
M. Re, Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 44, f. 92. B. M. Add. 28,578, f. 176.	Since his last despatch of the 26th ulto. news has come that the confederates, after holding a sort of joint parliament (parlamento) at Lodi on the 15th inst., have resolved to attack Milan with their united forces. In consequence thereof, Leyva and Doria have ordered the four companies (banderas) of Spanish infantry under the command of Count Lodovico Beljoyoso to come from Genoa. They arrived on the 3rd, and encamped at certain villages called Armato and Castell San Joan, three leagues from Milan, on the river Pò, where barges and boats had been prepared for their crossing. Though this was done as secretly as possible, both the Duke Francesco Sforza and Mons. de St. Pol, who were in the neighbourhood, got intelligence of it, and the consequence was that some of the barges were taken, and others burnt by the enemy, there being no force near them to prevent it. It must be said that he (Soria), to whom this service had been intrusted, had previously inquired from the Papal officers whether any force was required to guard the barges. Was answered that as the barges were in the territory of the Church it was not likely that they would be seized by the confederates, and therefore he (Soria) only sent thither one of his own servants, now a prisoner in the Duke's hands. Meanwhile St. Pol, hearing that a number of Spaniards were marching to the relief of Milan, detached about 200 men-at-arms and light horse, besides a strong body of foot, to prevent their crossing the Pò. He (Soria), ignorant of all this, had gone to visit Count Beljoyoso, and prepare provisions and shoes for the Spaniards, most of whom were barefooted. He was at a village called Castell San Joan (San Giovanni), when a company of St. Pol's horse came up suddenly under a captain named Mussiur Dambre, who, they said, was soon to he followed by the whole force. Had, however, time enough to despatch a messenger to Belgiojoso, to prepare him for an attack of the confederates. And so he did, for though the French began skirmishing with our Spaniards, so as to allow the Venetians and the men of Francesco Sforza to come up and occupy the fords of the river, they could not accomplish their object, for after an engagement which lasted nearly three hours, night came on, and the enemy returned to the suburbs of Castell St. Joan (San Giovanni), where he (Soria) actually was; whilst Belgiojoso, who had fortunately found a few of the barges that had escaped the enemy, was enabled to cross the river during the night, and meeting on the following morning some troops detached by Leyva to his relief, entered Milan without losing one man.
	Intends remaining where he is until further orders come from Spain, for although Leyva wishes him to go to Milan, the Prince of Orange has written to say that he had better remain at Piacenza, a neutral ground just now, and a place where he (Soria) can be of more use.
	Now that His Imperial Majesty's journey is officially announced, it is important that the state of affairs in Italy, the forces of the confederates and their plans of campaign, should be properly estimated and described. Count St. Pol is at Alessandria. His forces muster 300 horse, and about 3,000 foot only, the men-at-arms scarcely amount to 80. They say that he expects 2,000 Germans, but whence these are to come, and where to join him, is not stated. As it is, he has neither money nor provisions to give them. Though he is continually urging the Venetians and Sforzini to attack Milan, they refuse, and require him to go first. Meanwhile, although each of the leaguers pretends to have his contingent of troops in good order, neither has one half of the men he is bound by treaty to keep, and as money and provisions are generally deficient, the probability of their joining in an attack upon Milan is very doubtful. Should they, however, attempt it, Leyva is likely to prove a match for them.
	(Cipher:) The Duke Francesco [Sforza] is at Lodi with about 2,000 infantry and 200 horse, but as his revenue must now be very scanty, and he cannot possibly have saved money, he will be unable to accomplish, great things. He, himself, is not over active in body, though in much better health than he was; in addition to which, some people suspect that he is now secretly treating with the Emperor's ministers. He (Soria) knows nothing about this; all he knows is that the Duke is not an Imperialist at heart, and that if he and the rest of the Italian potentates court the Emperor's friendship just now, it is only out of fear of his intended journey. Let this take pace as soon as possible, this very summer, and His Imperial Majesty will find nobody strong enough by land or sea to oppose his landing; the League will be broken up, Italy pacified, &c.; otherwise the confederates may have time to fortify themselves, for the report is that the Venetians are fitting out galleys, and threatening to bring the Turk to Puglia and Friuli, which may well be believed, considering their proverbial want of faith (inconsequencia), their dread of the Emperor, and the ill-will they have always manifested towards him. They are, moreover, thinking of fortifying their frontier towns against an attack from the Imperialists, and fancy that it will be long ere they are dispossessed of such places as Crema, Trezzo, Verona, Padua, and Treviso. But if at any time before next harvest the Venetian territory were to be vigorously invaded by a body of Germans, he (Soria) has no doubt that all their boasting would vanish in smoke. As it is, the Signory is in want of money, though when pushed to extremities they know well how to find it among their citizens and merchants.
	(Common writing:) Their forces at present consist of 500 men-at-arms, and as many light horse, besides 4,000 foot. These are at present commanded by Janus Campofragoso, as it is believed that the Duke of Urbino will no longer serve under them, No sooner did they hear of the arrival of the Spaniards at Milan than they ordered the bridge they had on the Adda to be cut.
	(Cipher:) Most people think that the Venetians are not at all anxious for the taking of Milan, and that, on the contrary, they are glad to see it in its present state, in order to keep off the war from their own territory. On the other hand the King of France himself does not wish Milan to be very closely invested, that he may in the meantime negotiate for peace, turn to his own profit St. Pol's military operations, and flatter the confederates by making them believe that he has a powerful army at his own disposal, and is about to increase it for their profit. In short the confederates distrust each other, though everyone of them boasts and brags to the utmost individually.
	(Common writing:) On the 17th inst. Teodoro Triulzio passed through this city (Piacenza) on his way to Venice. He goes thither on a mission of the King of France, the object of which is to persuade the Signory to restore Ravenna and Cervia to the Pope. Most probably he will be as unsuccessful as those who have preceded him.
	(Cipher:) The same Triulzio has announced here to a confidential friend of his that the Pope is in treaty with the King of France to retire to Avignon, in the event of the Emperor coming in force to Italy. But as Ostia and Civittà Vecchia have been lately restored to him, it is not likely that he will now follow that advice unless it be for the sake of getting the French King to help him in the recovery of Ravenna and Cervia from the Venetians.
	(Common writing:) Another gentleman of the King of France, named Catellion (Chastillon), passed through Piacenza at the beginning of this month on his way to Venice. He is reported to take with him 20,000 ducats, which, added to a similar sum from the Signory and some more from the Florentines, is to be employed in strengthening that part of Puglia which the confederates still hold.
	The news from France is that King Francis has actually engaged 12,000 Germans for the invasion of Spain, and that great stores of provisions are collected for their supply. The King, moreover, has, they say, applied for 3,000 Italian hackbutiers; but should the money be forthcoming, which is very doubtful, there is no means in Italy at the present moment for recruiting such force, most able soldiers of these parts having died of pestilence and famine, without counting the thousands slain in battle.
	About the Duke of Ferrara there is not much to be said. The King of France and the rest of the confederated powers wish him to take the command-in-chief of their armies, but he refuses. His son, Don Hercules [d'Este], has lately sent to Florence some bands he has enlisted. He, himself, remains at Ferrara. His wife (Renée de France) has recovered from her illness. The Marquis of Mantua is in his capital, looking on and listening to all those who choose to speak to him, but without deciding one way or the other (sin ningun pensamiento de guerra). The Duke of Savoy (Carlo) and the Marquis of Monferrara wish for peace, or at least to see the war removed from their respective territories. The Marquis of Saluzzo enjoys his patrimonial estates in peace and without opposition; his brother, Mussiur [de Saluzzes], a thorough partisan of France, stays away in that country.
	Count Galeotto della Concordia has become a "condottiere" in the service of the Signory, and Count Annibale di Novellara has also taken service under the French.
	(Cipher:) The two last-named noblemen being vassals of the Emperor, they ought to be punished as they deserve.
	Genoa has a force of 2,000 foot and 100 light horse, quite sufficient at present for its defence.
	Since writing the above, news has come from Venice that four of the Signory's galleys, sent to the relief of Monopoli in Puglia, had foundered at sea with all their crews, and that the Venetian proveditor had been drowned among the rest. No less than. 24 other vessels belonging to the Signory, which had sailed for the same coast for the purpose of revictualling Barletta, Trani, and other cities, had met with a similar fate. The Signory had lately appointed as their proveditor-general of the sea Miçer Hieronimo Pesaro, who will shortly leave for Corfu to fit out the Venetian fleet.
	Has this moment received detailed news from Milan. It appears that Leyva, having secretly left that city at the head of some infantry and artillery, took on the 20th inst. the castles of Binasco and Charela (Ciarela), and sent a trumpeter to Reguardo summoning the garrison to surrender. The Duke Francesco and the Venetians had in consequence of this movement reinforced the garrison of Pavia, Advices from Naples of the 8th inst. state that the taking of Monopoli was expected every hour, and that the Imperial army would very shortly leave to come to these parts.—Piacenza, 22nd April 1529.
	Spanish. Holograph. pp. 8.
23 April.	674. The Emperor to the Queen or England.
K. u. k. Haus- Hof-u.Staats Arch. Wien. Rep. P. C. Fasc. 225.	Most Serene Queen, our dearest and most beloved Aunt,— We have received your letter of January last, brought by your chaplain, who will also be the bearer of this our answer.
	Respecting the protest entered into in your name by the said chaplain, and seconded by the ambassadors of our dearest and most beloved uncle and brother, your husband, We have acted and replied as you will see by the enclosed papers drawn up and prepared for the purpose, and in the manner which common reason and justice, as well as the protection and defence of your own rights, dictate. As a case of this sort must needs be referred to our most Holy Father and his Holy Apostolic See, We have earnestly requested him not to allow it to be tried elsewhere than at his Court, inasmuch as your honour and that of all our relatives and friends, is deeply concerned in the issue. (fn. n7) You may be sure, most Serene Queen, our dearest and most beloved aunt and sister, that I shall not fail in what I consider to be my duty.—[Fraga], (fn. n8) 23rd April 1529.
	Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.
23 April.	675. Don Iñigo de Mendoza to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 806, f. 27. B. M. Add. 28,578, f. 183.	The permission given him to quit a country where his health is so bad, has come just in time to save his life. The Emperor's orders shall be faithfully executed before his (Mendoza's) departure [for Spain], which will take place soon, as there is scarcely anything left for him to do in England.
	His most Serene Highness the King wishes very much to see one of the two ambassadors residing at the Imperial Court, the Bishop of "Worcester (Wigorniense). If the Emperor be pleased to send him to the frontier of Perpignan, he (Mendoza) will go thither and be exchanged for him.—London, 23rd April 1529.
	Signed: "Don Iñigo de Mendoza."
	Addressed: "To the most Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
	Spanish. Original. 1.
27 April. K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u.Staats.Arch. Wien. Rep. P.C. Fasc. 225, No. 42,..	676. The Protest presented by the Imperial Ambassadors to the Pope.
	Dr. Michael Maius, knight of Barcelona, the Emperor's ambassador at Rome, and D. Andreas de Burgo, count of Castelleoni, (fn. n9) also ambassador from the king of Bohemia and Hungary, Archduke of Austria, &c., in the presence of the undersigned notary and witnesses summoned for the purpose, drew out and presented to [Pope Clement VII], in behalf and in the name of their respective sovereigns, the following protest, requisition, intimation, &c.
	Go on to state the futility of the reason alleged for the divorce. Beg the Pope to have the case adjudicated to his Court, since, were it to be tried in England, Queen Katherine would never obtain justice. "Acta fuerunt hæc Romæ, in palatio Apostolico, in camera Sanctissimi, D. N. Papæ, Presentibus ibidem Magnificis et nobilibus viris Dominis Jacobo de Salviatis, patritio Florentino, et Gasparo Marradas Valentino, milite Militiæ Sancti Jacobi de Spata, testibus ad premissa vocatis et rogatis. Notarius Alfonsus de Cuevas Cæs. sacerdos et sollicitator."
	Indorsed: "Copia del protesto Angliæ." (fn. n10)
	Latin. Contemporary copy. pp. 9.
27 April. K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u.Staats.Arch. Wien. Rep. C. Fasc. 224, No. 4.	677. Petition presented to the Pope by the Imperial Ambassadors respecting the Divorce Case.
	At Rome, on Tuesday, the 27th of April, Richard Mai, Knight, doctor in law and theology, and Andrea del Burgo, Count of Castel Leone (Comes Castrileonis), councillor and orator to His Serene Highness Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia, humbly petitioned His Holiness the Pope [Clement VII.] to summon (advocare) the divorce case to be tried at his Papal Court.—Rome, 27th April 1529.
	Latin. Contemporary copy. pp. 1½.
	Indorsed: "Demande faite au Pape par les ministres de l'Empereur d'evoquer à, Rome l'affaire du divorce."
28 April.	678. James, Earl of Desmond, to the Emperor.
Arch. d. Royme. de Belg. Negot .'Angl. vol. i. B. M. Add. 28,578, f. 194.	Has received the Emperor's letters brought by his ambassador [Gonçalo Fernandez], who landed, and was honourably entertained at the port "villæ nostræ de Firma." Thanks God and the Emperor for the attention he has promised to give to his affairs. Places entirely at his disposal his own person and landed estates, as well as the persons and estates of his relatives and adherents. Trusts that His Imperial Majesty will take them all under his protection. "Valeat Vestra Sacratissima Majestas, et non valeat qui eam valere non desiderat, &c. Scriptum apud villam nostram de Firma (Fermoy), XXVII Luce Aprilis (Sunday), anno Domini Mo. VC. XXIX (sic).
	Signed: "Vester humilis et fidelis servus et subditus Jacobus, comes Desmondie, dominus Desie et Ogonill, ac libertatis Kyerrigie, &c."
	Addressed: "Invictissimo ac Sacratissimo Domino Karolo Dei gratia, et augusto domino nostro, cedula cum summa reverentia et subjectione se tradi jubet."
Arch. d. Roy^me. de Belg. Negot. .'Ang. vol. i. B. M. Add. 28,578, f. 194.	679. The Same to the Same, reporting on his available forces and the causes of his enmity towards England.
	In the first place, I, James, Count of Desmond, am of Royal blood, as descended from King Brito, who conquered and subdued both great and small Britain, as likewise Ireland and Scotland.
	The causes of my hostility to the King of England are as follows:
	1. The first is an old prophecy, to which the English attach faith, namely, that the whole of their country will be conquered and subdued by one count of Desmond. This prophecy is recorded in the old chronicles and other writings of England, but by whom made I, the Count, have been unable to ascertain.
	2. The second cause of my enmity towards them is that, from fear of the above-mentioned prophecy, the King of England gave my predecessors, who had already much power and great estates in Ireland, the government of this country (potestatem suam); but as Thomas, Count of Desmond, my grandfather, was peaceably attending the Royal Parliament of Ireland he was arrested, and without any crime whatsoever being imputed to him, and merely out of fear of the above-mentioned old prophecy the King had him tried and beheaded.
	3. The third cause is, that when Richard [the Third], King of England, heard of the old enmity existing between his predecessors and mine, he came to Ireland with a large fleet, when my father helped him to subdue the whole country with the exception of a few towns.
	4. The fourth, that the King of England, by reason of the above enmity, had Gerald, Count of Kyldare, my father's near relative, shut up in prison for a certain period of time, and when my father by force of arms rescued him, he gained his purpose, and obtained for his own kinsman the lieutenancy of Ireland. (fn. n11)
	5. The fifth cause of enmity is, that just after the conclusion of the peace between my said father and the King of England, the former, was suddenly struck by a fit of paralysis, which incapacitated him to bear arms, I being at the time eight years old. No sooner was the King of England informed of this than he succeeded, owing to his great power, in forming a league between the English and the Irish for the purpose of attacking my paralytic father, which he did, waging incessant war upon us during four and twenty consecutive years, though by the grace of God unable to gain any advantage.
	6. The sixth cause of enmity is, that peace being again concluded between me and the King of England, as I, on account of the said peace, had sent some of my own servants across the seas to the ports of Flanders and France, for the purpose of trading with those countries, the attorneys (attornatores) of the King of England robbed my men of 9,000 livres, and had them incarcerated, &c
28 April.	680. Petition of the Earl of Desmond.
Arch. d. Roy^me. de Belg. Negot. .'Ang. Vol. I. B. M. Add. 28,578, f. 194.	Follows the petition (supplicatio) of the said Count [of Desmond].
	I, the aforesaid Count, beg and entreat that in consideration of the above stated facts, of the wrongs and injuries inflicted upon me and mine by the kings of England, His most invincible, sacred, and august Majesty the Emperor be pleased to provide opportune redress, and I will faithfully place myself, with all my estates, vassals, relatives, and adherents, under the protection of the mighty Prince, chosen and appointed by God and men to be supreme lord of all the world, and to redress the wrongs of mankind.
	To revenge the injuries inflicted by the kings of England upon my predecessors and upon myself, I possess the following means: I can bring into the field 16,500 infantry and 1,500 cavalry. I have besides several relatives and adherents, whose names are: the Prince Oberayn, who will also assist me, and can raise 600 horse and 1,000 foot; Theobald de Burgo, who can bring into the field 100 horse and 600 foot; Lord Richard Goer, Knight, with 400 horse and 200 foot; Lord Thomas Butler, with 60 horse and 240 foot; John Gerald, knight, with 80 horse and 440 foot; Gerald, junior, knight, with 40 horse and 200 foot; Thomas Comitis (?), knight, who can make up 60 horse and 200 foot; Andidus knight, with 40 horse and 300 foot; Lord Odonyll, Prince Ulidie, who can raise 800 horse and 4,000 foot; Knight de Walle, with 40 horse and 240 foot; Captain Ocunachuyz, 30 horse and 200 foot, besides some others not named.
	I, Count James [Desmond], announce and declare to Your most Sacred and Imperial Majesty that there is a league and alliance sufficiently solid and firm between me and the King of Scotland, to whom all of us have frequently signified our intention by means of letters and embassies.
	My present intention is, with God's favour and mercy, to employ all my resources, and those of my relatives and friends, and indeed my own person, against Peter Butler, the King of England's deputy in Ireland, and against those cities and towns which take part with the King, such as Lymerick, Waterford, Dublin, and others, whose names I omit for brevity's sake, as well as against their partisans and adherents.
	With regard to the assistance which I shall be glad to receive from Your Imperial Majesty, I can name, firstly and above all, certain war material, and principally large guns, with which to batter walls and breach castles. (fn. n12)
	Should like to have them as soon as possible, that I may the better serve Your Majesty.
	I promise under my faith duly to observe the commands and orders of Your Majesty, be friend of friends, and enemy of enemies, like a true and loyal subject. Should I ever do or attempt to do, anything displeasing to Your Majesty, I place myself beforehand under correction and punishment. "Scripta sunt in oppido meo, videlicet villa de Firma, XXVIII. Luce Aprilis (Sunday), anno Domini Mo. Vc. XXIX. præsentibus Gundisalvo Ferdinandus (sic) Magistris Dionisio Mitdonle (sic) Artium et Medicinæ doctoris, Dionisio Cather, Mauricio Herly decano."
	Signed: "Jacobus comes Desmoniæ."
	Latin. Original. pp. 2.
29 April.	681. The Emperor to Pope Clement VII.
S. E. L., 1,555, f. 16. B. M. Add. 28,578, f. 196.	Is ready to follow his advice, and to commence war against the Infidel.—Zaragoza, 29th April 1529.
	Latin. Original draft. 1.