Spain: Supplement

Pages 865-889

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1, Henry VIII, 1529-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1879.

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3 July 557 Miçer Mai to the High Commander.
S. E. L. 848,
f. 21.
B.M. Add. 28,579,
f. 282.
Unless the Emperor, our lord and master, come soon, all will be lost; but he must come with peace, or else with a powerful army, so that he may not put himself in jeopardy. Meanwhile the Papal Nuncio is to be caressed and indulged in every possible way, &c.—Rome. (fn. n1)
Spanish. Original. pp. 1½.
7 June 558. The Same to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 851,
f. 39.
B. M. Add. 28,580,
f. 128.
On the receipt of the Emperor's letter of the 22nd May he (Mai) sent for Dr. Martin Roman, and put into his hands the royal warrant ordering him to go to Naples, and there fill the place of Jacopo di Bologna. At first he was rather upset, for he is a good sort of man, is honest and has no ambition; (fn. n2) he begged him (Mai), if it were in his power, to choose another man to fill Jacopo's post, as he said he wished to go home, and that only a few days ago the Pope wanting to send him to the Emperor's court on the Ferrara affair along with auditor Aragonia, he (Roman) had refused. Persuaded him at last, and he left for Naples last Monday.
Spoke to the Pope on the business of bishop Solis.
Nothing has been done yet in the affair of Isabella Colonna owing to Luigi Gonzaga not being here, nor having produced his papers. The Pope sent him (Mai) a message five days ago (on the 2nd inst.) to draw out a summons for the said Luigi to appear here at Rome within the term of eight or ten days at the most, and bring with him his deeds and papers, for after that time, he said, would not be heard. Declined to do this. "It was not for him (Mai said) to summon Luigi Gonzaga; His Holiness might do it if he liked. If he could be of any use he would willingly help." However Luigi arrived last night, as it appears, and therefore this matter of his marriage will soon be decided one way or other. The girl (Isabella) had some days ago high words with Don Diego [de Sotomayor] and did not behave properly to him. Sent for the Bishop who takes care of her (que la govierna), and told him to scold the young lady well in his name. She positively sent to thank him (Mai) and to ask his pardon, offering, at the same time to obey the Emperor's orders, though still complaining about Don Diego, who, she said, had offended her. Knowing very well that all this originated in Don Diego not speaking to her as she wished, he (Mai) paid no attention to her complaints (sus quexas las rebuté).
The Pope asked him (Mai) one day whether he thought that in the event of Isabella Colonna marrying Luigi Gonzaga the estate she owned in Naples would be preserved to her. Answered that he knew not, but that from what His Majesty had told him, and now writes, he was inclined to think it would be. The Emperor had no objection to her marrying Luigi; if she did not he would not give his consent to any other marriage but that to Ferrante Gonzaga.
The bishopric of Huesca not yet given away owing to cardinal Campeggio not having sent powers to "consentir las pensiones."
The law-suit between the sees of Salamanca and Santiago not yet decided.
Acequia (fn. n3) Imperial, or the canal of Aragon.—Brief for a new militia (fn. n4) to be created at Granada.
Bull of Adrian granting the patronage of all the churches in Castille and Aragon to the Emperor. The question to be decided is whether those of Sicily and Sardinia are comprised in it or not. The minute of the bull is in the hands of cardinal Ancona. The cardinals seem to think that these countries are not comprised. As the three bishoprics now vacant of Catania, Mazara, and Monreal are within that territory, he (Mai) wishes to know whether it would not be advisable at once to apply for "a presentation" for them, and then obtain a declaration specifying that Sicily and Sardinia are really comprised in the said bull of Adrian.—Rome, 7th June 1530.
Signed: "Mai."
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
7 June 559. The Same to the Same.
S.E. L. 851,
f. 41.
B. M. Add. 28,580,
f. 132.
Received on the 29th ulto Your Majesty's letter of the 22nd, and delivered to His Holiness the one that came for him, entirely written in your own Imperial hand. Told him the news you had had from France; the assistance in money which the king of that country had sent to the "fuorusciti" of Naples, now refugees in Venice, and last, not least, the report that a number of Germans and Italians at the instigation of the admiral of France (Brion) were to come to the camp before Florence in order to promote sedition and mutiny among the Imperial troops, &c. The Pope was glad to hear that Your Majesty had written to the Prince [of Orange], acquainting him with all these reports, telling him to be on his guard, and keep the thing a secret. The news about Florence has lately been confirmed in a letter from the Imperial camp sent by Jorge Val Spercal, count of Lodron. (fn. n5)
The Pope, on the other hand, had reliable information that levies were being made by Renzo de Cherri (da Ceri) at Ferrara and in the whole of the Romagna, as well as in Padua and in the Venetian territory. The Duke (Alfonso d'Este), moreover, was secretly furnishing provisions and ammunition of war to the Florentines. His excuse was that they paid for them in cash, and therefore he could not refuse. The president of Romagna had succeeded in disarming and scattering some infantry that had been enlisted at Luco, a place in the Ferrarese. The Duke, however, was on his road to Venice, &c.
It was agreed between His Holiness and me that he should write to his Legate [at Venice], and I myself to the Imperial ambassador near that Signory (Niño), and besides that I should address a letter to the duke of Ferrara remonstrating, &c. I did so, and more particularly to his prime minister (factor), who governs all the Duchy in his name. I have had no answer yet, but I sent yesterday for his ambassador, the bishop of Comacchio, (fn. n6) who is an excellent man. I related the whole affair to him, and told him what our impression was. Both, the bishop first and the Duke after, by letter, have assured me that there was no truth in the report. I feigned to be convinced, but I cannot help thinking there must have been some cause for all these rumours.
Pisa and Liorno (Leghorn) ought to be attended to whilst it is yet time. It would be very awkward if those cities were to fall into the hands of the French through some intrigue of the Florentines, who are said to be just now so short of provisions that Malatesta, who commands the garrison, has lately proposed to send the old men and women and all the useless mouths out of the place.
Relates a conversation which Tarbes had with the Pope on general politics, at .which Sancti Quatuor, cardinal D'Osma, and himself were present. The whole peroration of that Bishop, which was a very long one, might be reduced to this: "The Most Christian is a true friend and brother of the Emperor; the money for the ransom is quite ready. If any obstacle still intervenes it is entirely the fault of the Spaniards, and would be soon removed, &c."
Arrival in Rome of Miçer Andrea del Burgo. His conversation with the Pope respecting the Vayvod.
Advices from Naples state that the Albanese of La Chiamarra (Cimarra) had cut their way through 18,000 Turks.
Things are looking very black at Siena according to Soria's reports.
The ex-abbot of Farfa (fn. n7) and his marriage.—Rome, 7th June 1530.
Spanish. Original. pp. 12.
7 June. 560. Muxetula to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 849,
f. 44.
B. M. Add. 28,580,
f. 123.
Things at Florence seem to me to be prospering. If Volterra falls, as there is every reason to suppose it will, and then the besieging army, the same that took Empoli, marches on Pisa, the Florentines will give up the defence and capitulate. Has written to the Prince [of Orange] entreating him to do his best to invest Florence on all sides so as to prevent the entrance of provisions into the city. Anything is preferable to an assault, because the Pope would not like to see his native city sacked and destroyed. —Rome, 7th June 1530.
Signed: "Gio. Ant. Muxetula."
Spanish. Original. pp. 2.
7 June 561. Micer Mai to High Commander Covos.
S. E. L. 851,
f. 41.
(Cipher:) Count Miçer Andrea del Burgo (fn. n8) arrived here three or four days ago. He (Mai) is exceedingly glad of it, for the count is a very honest and wise old man, and very active. Both go together to the papal palace as they used in former times; they tell each other their affairs; in short., he (Burgo) makes a very good colleague in every respect. The Portuguese ambassador has not yet spoken a word to him (Mai), nor to the cardinal of Osma either; nor has he yet visited the cardinals, as it is customary to do, at which they are, it appears, rather shocked, nor does he attend chapel; in fact, he is never seen in public. He (Mai) is trying to set him going (ponerle en camino) were it for no other purpose than to promote the English matrimonial cause; in the success of which his master, the king of Portugal, (fn. n9) is also interested, &c.—Rome, 7th June 1530.
Indorsed: Copy of a paragraph from a ciphered letter of Miçer Mai to the Emperor.
Spanish. Contemporary deciphering. p. 1.
10 June 562. Rodrigo Niño to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,306,
f. 52.
B. M. Add. 28,580,
f. 165.
With regard to the English cause I have nothing new to report, save that I am told that the bishop of London (Stokesley) intends coming here [to Venice] to see whether he can induce this Signory to allow the doctors and canonists to meet here, and those of the Paduan University to counsel in this business of the English King. But let him come; he will get neither one thing nor the other if I am to judge from what those of the Signory tell me.—Venice, 10th June 1530.
Spanish. Original. pp. 2.
6 July 563. The Same to the Same.
S. E. L. 1,308,
f. 63.
The bishop of London (Stokesley) has now come back from Padua. The Signory has been informed that he could get nothing there from the doctors and professors of the University. All his negociations here, since his return, have been conducted with the Jews, about whom I wrote to Your Majesty, and with a certain prior of St. John and Paul (San Joan y Polo) of the Order of St. Dominic, with whom I have since had a conference, and explained to him the inconveniences and dangers of such dealings; I have told him that he ought to consider what engagements he takes, and how very disrespectful and irreverent it is for him to question the power and authority of the Pope. He frankly owned to me that he had been deceived, and that the bishop of London had positively declared to him that the Pope wished the matter to be discussed. I assured him of the contrary; I told him that far from wishing it His Holiness had positively forbidden such discussions. The Prior then ended by saying that as soon as the Pope's intentions were duly signified to him he would willingly retract.
The Signoryt (fn. n10) has sent for the other friar with whom these English agents were in treaty, whose name is Francisco Jorge. When he comes to Venice I have no doubt that he will say and do the same as this prior of St. John and Paul and the rest have done.
Venice, 6th July 1530.
Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
30 July 564. Miçer Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,553,
f. 365.
P. M. Add. 28,578,
f. 412.
Writes in favour and commendation of bishop [Paolo] Jovio, bearer of this present, who, besides being in His Holiness' service, is now writing a history of his time. (fn. n11) The said Jovio is rightly considered to be sincerely attached to the Emperor.— Rome, 30th July 1530.
Signed: "Mai."
Spanish. Original. p. 1.
29 Aug. 565. News from Cambray.
S. E. L. 1,362,
f. 32.
B. M. Add. 28,578,
f. 388.
The ambassadors of the confederated powers (England, Venice, Ferrara, &c.) having asked that the projected treaty of peace between France and Spain be communicated to them, they were accordingly summoned to a conference, when the articles forwarded in the Emperor's name to France were read to them.
It was the wish of the Emperor after coming to an understanding with the French and settling the conditions of the peace, to discuss afterwards the terms on which a general peace might be concluded with England, Venice, and the rest of the confederates. It was, however, decided to settle at the same time the conditions for a general peace, including in it France and its allies.
Venice and Ferrara to restore to the Pope everything that has been taken from him, and pay the Emperor besides a heavy sum of money for the expenses of the war.
Duke of Bari (fn. n12) —Florence.
Some of the ambassadors consider this demand of the Emperor moderate, others do not, and widely different opinions prevail on this subject. Most people think, and some hope, that the negociations will lead to nothing, especially as the Emperor insists upon the king of France restituting the duchy of Burgundy which he has usurped.
Indorsed: Memorandum of Figueroa respecting the peace said to have been concluded at Cambray, enclosed in his letter of the 29th of August.
Italian. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
4 Sept. 566. The Emperor to Miçer Mai
Sandoval Hist, del
Emp. Carlos V.,
vol. ii., p. 116.
With regard to the matrimonial cause of England you must have already seen and spoken to the servant (criado) of the most serene Queen, our Aunt, who went thither [to Rome] by our directions, and was also the bearer of our letters to you. From him you will hear what has happened in that country, and what is wanted from you. In accordance with the Queen's wishes you will do whatever is needed with all possible diligence and zeal.
You were right when you wrote that the English ambassador residing at the Court of France tried to delay the consummation of the marriage of her most serene Highness the Queen, our sister; and that perceiving that all his endeavours were in vain he departed in haste and returned to his master shewing great discontent. The king of France, on the other hand, shews considerable satisfaction, he has already fulfilled all the conditions of the treaty with the single exception of one discharge (quitanze) which he has promised to furnish instead of another in which an error was discovered. (fn. n13)
Spanish. Cipher. pp. 3.
11 Sept. 567. Miçer Mai to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 850, f. 97.
B. M. Add. 28,581,
f. 100.
As I was about to send off the other despatch that will go with this I received a letter from Naples of the 2nd, informing me that at night of the same day a courier would start for Germany. That is the reason of my having delayed so long the sending of this.
On the very same day the servants of the French cardinal (the bishop of Tarbes) besieged the palace of the Portuguese ambassador in the manner and for the causes specified in my letter to the High Commander (Covos). Your Majesty may be certain that as long as Giovan Paolo [da Ceri], who always was an impetuous and self-willed youth, is out of service, and poor—especially now that he has to pay his ransom to Marramaldo, (fn. n14) —disturbances of this kind will occur. He it was who suggested to those who surround him—a set of knaves and scoundrels—that since they could not get into the Portuguese embassy they had better set fire to the doors. I am told however, also, that on the appearance of the governor of Rome on the spot, he (Paolo) was the first to obey orders.
(Cipher:) Although in this business of the Portuguese ambassador it is not my province to interfere officially, I failed not to remonstrate with His Holiness. Until now, not one of Tarbes' men, who were the assailants, has been arrested or punished, and I really believe that as the Cardinal himself is going to France in a week, no prosecution of the delinquents will take place for fear of causing him annoyance. I told the Pope on the occasion that Giovan Paolo had always been Your Majesty's enemy, he had fought under the banners of Lautrec and St. Pol, he had lately served under the Florentines, being present at the engagement in which the prince of Orange fell, &c. It would have a very bad effect to see him here at Rome and in the Papal Chamber, scarcely 25 days after his discomfiture and capture at Favignana. "Wise people," said I, "would disapprove of his being placed on so intimate a footing. If it be true, as reported, that Your Holiness is about to entrust to him the keeping of Bracciano, I do not hesitate to say that I would much rather see the abbot of Farfa in possession of it." Such was my language to the Pope, and he promised not to give him the castle, but to expel him from Rome altogether.
Cardinal Tarbes, whether it be from a natural inclination to make mischief, or from some deeper reason, has been telling the Pope all this time that the King, his master, has great interest in this Bracciano affair, and wishes that stronghold to remain in the hands of the Abbot and of the Orsini. No sooner did I hear of this than I went to the Pope and complained. At first he denied the fact, but as the ambassador himself happened the day after to speak in the very same terms to Madonna Felice—who, though the Abbot's step-mother, is opposed to him in this business (fn. n15) —telling her that in old times the kings of France had received succour and great assistance from Bracciano, and that the most Christian King, his master, had an interest that it should remain in the hands of the Orsini, there is every reason to suppose that the report is true. I know besides that the ambassador (Tarbes) said the same thing to cardinal Trani, the brother of Madonna Felice, adding that he did not speak for the Abbot, but for his master, the King, whose interest it was that the stronghold should remain in the hands of one of the Orsini, no matter whom. As I have set my spies upon these people, I have ascertained that the hostages and securities which Giovan Paolo was to give for Bracciano were being procured by Tarbes himself. All this induced me to call again at the Palace and lay my complaint before His Holiness. I told him distinctly that this looked to me very much like an infraction of the treaty of Cambray, of which he] had been the principal author. I have pointed out to him two men who might be arbiters in this Bracciano business, one is the old marquis de Pittilliano (Petigliano), who is an Orsino of pure blood, the other, the marquis della Mirandola, the old one, because the younger, Ms son, has married a sister of the Abbot. These two are of such quality that the Pope and the French ambassador can hardly reject them, and yet I fancy that the former will rather incline to those chosen by the Orsini.
The day before yesterday a Roman gentleman of the family of Tripiani met a Spaniard in the street, and slew him. They say that during the sack of Rome the Spaniard, who was soldier, after making a prisoner of Tripiani, and subjecting him to the payment of a ransom (talla) shot at him with a cross-bow. After that he met him in the street, and said he would beat him to death (que le mataria ápalos) if he ever met him again. The Roman pretends that lately the Spaniard having recognised him after so many years, had continued for a time to walk up and down before his dwelling. I have spoken to the Pope, who sent immediately for the governor of Rome, to whom very stringent orders have been given with regard to this affair. These Tripiani have always been Gibelines. (fn. n16) On Sunday the 4th inst. they armed, and came to see me and offered their services. Today the father of one of them, Miçer Antonio [Tripiani], has sent me a message through Vincentio de Rusticis, another Roman gentleman, to say that I must not imagine that the murder of the Spaniard was at all caused by enmity and hatred of our nation, but merely out of personal revenge for injuries committed during and after the sack. That he (Miçer Antonio) and the rest of the family were very sorry for what had happened. I believe it, for they are all very respectable and well-meaning people, though the one who committed the murder is a regular scoundrel, and served at Barletta, under captain Simon Romano.
Cardinal of Osma (Fr. Garcia de Loaysa) sent me word tonight as I was coming back from the Pope, that the count of Anguillara had told him that the murderer first took refuge in the house of cardinal Tarbes, and from thence was accompanied to the estate of Renzo da Ceri. Should this report turn out true Tarbes must be somehow implicated in the affair, as D'Osma thinks. I will make further inquiries.
(Cipher:) The Italian colonels and Spanish captains, as I have been told, were soon pacified, also the Germans, but Your Majesty must believe me, when I say that no Spaniard or German can travel alone, or be seen at an inn without being attacked by a set of miscreants, which evil, if un-remedied, is not likely to improve our relations with these Italians.
(Common writing:) The inhabitants of Arezzo have sent their ambassador here to protest against the the Florentine rule. Their petition has been rejected, &c.
Yesterday the Venetian ambassador came to me and spoke about the restitution [to the "fuorusciti"] and the settlement of their affairs with king Ferdinand. He also asked me when it was Your Majesty's intention to withdraw your army from Italy. "That was (he said) a moat important question, not only for the Signory but for the duke of Ferrara also." As long as the Imperial troops occupied the best part of Lombardy there could be no security for them. Answered as well as I could, and seemed to give satisfaction, for the Venetian ambassador declared that he needed no further testimony of Your Majesty's rightful intentions than to see you propose your own brother, Ferdinand, for the kingdom of the Romans (cipher), but however flattering the compliment, I do not believe a word of what the ambassador says, for I know these Venetians would much prefer any other prince, no matter whom, to your brother Ferdinand as king of the Romans, for they fear him immensely.
I hear from Marzilla, that the moment it was known at Lucca that the Pope's army was about to invade their territory, they rose in arms and prepared for defence. I went to the Pope and read him Marzilla's letter, but he told me that there was no thought of sending troops thither; the rumour had been purposedly spread that they might pay down the 20,000 which the Pope wants from them, &c.
Lope de Soria, from Siena, sent me this morning two couriers, one after the other, to inform me that the inhabitants of Calle and Poggilonsi, towns belonging to Florence, had got possession of the ordnance which the Sienese had lent us [for the siege of Florence], at the request of the prince of Orange, of Mr. de Praet, and mine, and that the whole city [of Siena] was in great commotion in consequence. I have prevailed upon the Pope to have the ordnance sent back immediately to Siena.
Another cause of discontent among the Sienese is that they fear that on Malatesta and his men going out of Florence, as agreed, they will join the "fuorusciti" and help them. I have spoken to His Holiness about this also, and he has promised that most strict orders shall be given to the authorities at Florence not to allow the Sienese emigrants (fuorusciti) to make a stir, and as the principal among these, and Malatesta himself depend in great measure upon the Pope, it is to be hoped that on that side at least Your Majesty's interests will not be injured.
For some time past Lope de Soria has written to me that he could find no available means of persuading the Sienese to restore the property to the fuorusciti. He begged me to talk the matter over with Maria Brandino, the brother of the archbishop of Siena, who now resides here as ambassador from that Republic to the Pope. I did so, and although at the beginning I found him rather hard, I gave him to understand in the best possible manner that Your Majesty insisted upon the property of the emigrants being restored, only because he considered that measure to be advantageous for his community, not otherwise. Having afterwards amicably discussed together the best means of carrying out the said restitution, I said to the ambassador that the "fuorusciti," who belonged to no recognized party, ought to be allowed to return to Siena. There are some (I said), who have emigrated (por sola tema) out of party spirit, without being guilty of any great excesses, and who are quietly awaiting a change in the government; these I said ought not only to be allowed to come back, but ought to be treated as good citizens in every respect, and have a share in the administration (regimiento) of affairs, places being given to them and past injuries forgotten, &c. Those who had been warm partisans of a political faction ought also to be pardoned and received within the territory of the Signory. Any among these last convicted of murder and other crimes might of course be excepted after sending Your Majesty a list of them, &c. The ambassador approved of my plan, and has (I hear) dispatched this very day a courier to Siena with the proposal.
I delivered Your Majesty's letter to Isabella Colonna, and gave her the message. I took thither Don Diego de Sotomayor ; they talked, there was an explanation, and they became friends again. The girl says that she is willing to comply with Your Majesty's orders in every respect, and even to marry.
Indulto for Toledo.—Cardinal Cesarino and abbot Don Pedro de Urries.—Hackney, or white steed, to be presented at Christmas.
The archbishop of Santiago and his suit with Salamanca.
His Holiness told me the other day that the English wished to prorogue the cause, and although his statement was clear enough, it seemed to me as if he himself approved of that course. Answered that I had no opinion about it, but was commanded [by Your Majesty] to go on with the suit. The Pope also said that they (the English) wished the affair to be remitted to a place free from suspicion. Replied that this was not in my commission, and that if the English objected to Rome, we (the Imperialists) were far from considering this city free from suspicion (His Holiness excluded), owing to the sums of money spent here by them, it being a well known fact that cardinal Trani (fn. n17) —who certainly is not a lawyer, nor a man of much authority—had once been offered 10,000 ducats if he would work in favour of the Bang. Did not say this to the Pope, because I knew it to be a fact, the Cardinal himself having boasted of it, and because if the English act thus towards an ecclesiastic of so little authority and reputation as this cardinal, indeed Your Majesty may well suppose what they will do with those of more weight.
I read the Queen's letter to His Holiness, telling him that I could do no less, and then gave him a memorandum of what our demands were in respect of the trial, adding that I would willingly take whatever was given, and as to the rest Your Majesty and the queen of England would perhaps excuse me if I did not get it. He referred me to Sancti Quatuor, with whom I had a long conversation. In short, the Pope has agreed to grant me a part of my demands, but it was decided that for the rest I was to wait until the return of cardinal Ancona, who is expected back in two days hence. So that I take now what they will give me, and then we shall see about getting the remainder.
The bishop of London (Stokesley) has gone to England, recalled by the King, and I am told that Mr. de Bayonne, who was to have come here, has also taken his departure for that country, whether to consult what he is to do here next, or for some other purpose, I cannot say.—Rome, 11th September 1530.
P.S. —There is at Siena a doctor, called Il Deçio, who has given opinion for the king of England, and says that the Pope could dispense, but that the words in which the brief of dispensation was couched were not sufficiently explicit. As I am well acquainted with him, and know from experience that all lawyers are not of strict integrity, (fn. n18) I have written to him, and tried to obtain a copy of his opinion through Don Lope [de Soria], for such as it is, it happens to be the principal foundation on which the English go. We have so far succeeded that the copy is now being made at our expense, and will be ready in three days. Deçio besides has promised to allegate for us, and although I am not fond of this sort of thing, I am ready for the sake of that poor Queen to pay in this instance as well and perhaps better than the English.
I am also given to understand that when this [present] English king was going to be married, he protested and said that he did not intend contracting matrimony at all, and though an excuse of this sort, as far as Rome is concerned, is invalid (the Church judging only cases when they are public), as regards God it would be equally so, for by the fact of a man paying matrimonial due he really becomes his wife's husband. This very case occurred to me the very first year of my doctorate, with a friend of mine in the household of cardinal Ferrara. I know that when he (the King) became of age, he revoked by an act the marriage he had contracted when a minor, and that is the reason why I have not dared to put it in writing from fear of scandalizing Your Majesty until I should consult over the case with Don Lope [de Soria]. I have since done so, and Don Lope has answered that Deçio says the King was first one thing and then the other, (fn. n19) which, if true, is the greatest piece of rascality that was ever seen among princes, and I very much fear that God allows this for the total destruction of that kingdom. —Rome ut supra.
Signed: "Mai."
Spanish. Original. pp. 2.
14 Dec. 568. Cardinal Loaysa to the High Commander.
S. E. L. 854,
f. 75.
His last despatch to the Emperor has no doubt acquainted him with the lastest incidents of the matrimonial cause of England. The king of that country has since urgently requested His Holiness to create the auditor of the Chamber (Ghinucci) and a brother of Casale, cardinals, and has besides written separately to all the members of the Sacred College. On Friday last the Pope proposed them warmly in Consistory, and seemed quite willing that the Auditor at least should be elevated to that dignity. He [Loaysa] was not present at the session, being unwell at the time ; but when he heard of it he was greatly shocked, as he considers the Auditor to be the Emperor's enemy, and a very wicked man (mal hombre) as far as the matrimonial cause is concerned. Directed the ambassador (Mai) and Muxetula to go to His Holiness separately, and represent to him, as they actually did, what an offence it would be against God, and how discreditable to himself and to the Holy Apostolic See to honour and promote such a man as this one, and what just ground it would give His Imperial Majesty for wonder and complaint. Had the king of England interceded for some prelates of his own kingdom distinguished by their virtues and learning, the Pope's condescension would have been reasonable, but the request having been made for two Italians the King could not complain if his application were refused. These very words he (Loaysa) told the Pope the first time he saw him.
His Holiness' answer both to Mai and Muxetula was that they were right in everything they said. He had not introduced the names of the Auditor and of the Prothontary with an intention to have them made cardinals; that he would never do. (fn. n20) Nevertheless, he (Loaysa) has requested the ambassador (Mai) to speak to some of these old cardinals and request them, in case of the subject being again introduced tomorrow when there will be Consistory, not to vote in favour of the said Auditor and Prothonotary. Your Lordship may believe me when I say that all this and a great deal more is required to thwart His Holiness' plans, for certainly he is in these small matters the most difficult (revesado) man to deal with, and that I have been often tempted to ask for my recall and to go to Naples rather than witness so much duplicity or malice, cowardice and indecision. I fancy that in thus openly favouring the King's application His Holiness has two objects in view ; one that he may resist similar applications on the part of the Emperor, our master, for he is sure to say that the only plausible excuse he has for refusing the King's request is that it does not seem fitting that the Council being on the point of being convoked a new creation of cardinals should be made, as there the most meritorious and deserving prelates in all Christendom may be selected. To-day the English ambassador has called on me and said that the King, his master, insists upon the nomination of the Auditor; the other (Casale) may be left for a future creation.
Ferrante Gonzaga, who has come here from Siena, Mai, the ambassador, Don Pedro [de la Cueva], and Mugetula (sic) met the other day, at this, my house, for the purpose of deliberating where the Imperial army had better be quartered. All are going to-morrow to the Pope, who is willing to have them in Romagna. If, therefore, cardinal Colonna should be true to his word and remit us monthly the money to pay them, this difficulty, which I assure Your Lordship is no small one, may be easily overcome, otherwise they will mutiny, go to the kingdom of Naples, and commit all manner of excesses.
The duke of Mantua (Federigo Gonzaga) has certainly acted very lightly in procuring, as he does, the dissolution of his marriage contracted in the very presence of the Emperor, but in these matters of women the wisest men seem to lose their senses, and particularly those who, like the Duke, have always lived so loosely (livi anamente), and without regard for their conscience. I think, however, that considering that the Duke is the Emperor's friend, and is very sorry for the marriage he made, and that he only wants the case to be fairly looked into, and to have declared whether he is bound by the said matrimonial tie, or free to contract another, that the Emperor ought to dissemble and allow the dissolution, for if the Duke be free there is no reason to marry him against his will, and if he be not free and sentence be pronounced against him he ought perhaps to be excused since he pretends that he did it against his will and merely to please our master. I have said this much in my last despatch to the Emperor, and I repeat it to Your Lordship, because I think that in tendering such an advice, I promote His Majesty's interests, and I cannot see how else they could be benefitted by acting differently.
I again recommend Gonzaga and Muxetula to Your Lordship, Both are doing good service. Nor is Don Pedro de la Cueva less useful and active. He is visiting the cardinals one by one; intends to go to the Pope in company with the ambassador (Mai), and is indefatigable in the fulfilment of his especial charge, the Council.
Monte, Ancona, Egidio, Naples, and Palmer (Palmieri) (fn. n21) ought to be written to in the Emperor's name acknowledging their services, &c. — Rome, 14th December 1530.
20 Dec. 569. The Same to the Same.
S. E. L. 854, f. 77. Last Wednesday an application was made in Consistory on the part of the queen of England for a brief enjoining the King not to marry during the "litis pendentia," and as long as the cause was in the Rota, forbidding him the highly scandalous communication with his mistress, the Lady Anne Boulan (Boleyn), and inhibiting besides all inferior judges to take cognizance of the case. The resolution, however, was postponed until another Consistory, that the cardinals might have time to consider the case and vote according to conscience. Meanwhile, the English ambassador had negociated with the Pope, and with the cardinals, that the auditor of the Apostolic Chamber (Girolamo Ghinucci) should be created one of them ; but although it was feared at one time that the English would carry their point, the ambassador (Mai) and indeed all the Emperor's ministers at this court, worked so energetically that without commotion (sin tumulto) and in the most prudent manner possible the danger was averted for this time, the majority voting for his rejection. I believe that the opposition will continue as long as that wicked king (ese mal hombre) perseveres in his idea of divorcing so virtuous a queen. As I have no doubt that both Miçer Mai and Muxetula have given full account of this transaction, and I myself have mentioned the fact to His Majesty in a former despatch, I need scarcely trouble Your Lordship any further.
The governor of Bologna came here yesterday. He will leave after to-morrow, and four days after the Epiphany purposes being at Colonia (Kohl). Don Pedro [de la Cueva] is urging him to take his departure as soon as possible. — Rome, 20th December [1530].
570. The Empress' Instructions to search [in Spain] for the treaty of marriage between queen Katharine of Aragon and Henry VIII., and other papers relating thereto.
S. E. L. 22, f. 140. The Queen, &c. What you are to do in this journey, which you are about to undertake at our command, is as follows :
1st. You shall go to Calatayud, where Juan Perez de Almaçan, the lord of Maella and son of secretary Almaçan (fn. n22) now resides, and if you should not find him there you shall go to Çaragoça, or wherever he or the rest of that Secretary's heirs may be at present. You shall exhibit to him, or to them, the letters where of you are now the bearer, as well as this present instruction, and try to ascertain from them whether among the papers of the said Secretary, their sire, any of the following papers can be found.
1st. The marriage contract between king Henry VIII. of England, and Her most Serene Highness queen Katharine, his wife, our most beloved aunt, after the decease of Arthur, prince of Wales, (fn. n23) or the treaty made with the King, his father, [Henry VII.] for the said marriage.
2nd. The receipt or receipts given for the dowry of the said most Serene Highness, now queen [of England] upon her second marriage.
3rd. The deed of settlement, or donation "propter nuptias," that was made or promised to the said Queen at the time.
4th. Any other deeds, contracts, or letters relating to that event in Latin, Spanish, French, or any other language whatsoever.
The said deeds and papers to be brought [to this our Court] in their original state, as they may happen to be, and if found in register or other books, to be carefully transcribed there from, under the authority of a judge, and signed by a notary so that the transcripts be duly attested. You shall besides, draw up a report on all other papers that may be found in the same volume relating to the said marriage, describing them most minutely; which report signed in your hand and name, as well as our own warrant or an attested copy of it, you shall leave in the hands of the person or persons from whom you may receive the said deeds or papers by way of receipt and exoneration to the parties.
At Calatayud you shall likewise inquire from the heirs of secretary Catzena, or from any other persons in whose hands the papers he left may be, and after exhibiting the warrant and letters you have for them, as well as these present instructions, you shall look for the above-mentioned deeds or any others relating to the subject, and if found and procured, shall bring the same to us in the manner above specified. Should these not be found at Calatayud, you shall, when at Çaragoça, inquire from Dr. Calvete, the inquisitor, and from Dr. Palacios, the assessor, who are at the Aljaferia, if at the time that the Council of the Inquisition commanded them to examine the papers of the said secretary Catzena, they recollect having seen among them any relating to this matter, and where they can be at present, or who knows anything about them, or can point out the means of your getting at them.
You shall also go to Tarazona, where secretary Pedro de Quintana used to reside, and make similar inquiries from his widow, or heirs, or any others in whose possession the papers of the said secretary may be. You shall likewise exhibit the said warrant and instructions, and if they should be found, proceed at once to Valencia, or wherever the heirs of the said Quintana may be, and do in this case as in the others.
As the high commander, (fn. n24) Martin Cabrero, who has his usual residence at Çaragoça, is now absent in Sardinia as our viceroy, you will inquire for the person who acts as his agent and mayordomo, and after exhibiting your warrant and instructions, request him to shew you his papers, and those of his uncle, Juan Cabrero, the chamberlain. Should any be found relating to the subject, you shall bring them with you, giving receipt for them as aforesaid.
A letter for the governor of Aragon, enjoining him to give you all the help and assistance you may require, accompanies these instructions. You shall apply to him if necessary.
Your commission for Aragon being fulfilled, you shall go to Valencia and deliver the letter you have for Don Luis Carroz, bailiff (bayle) of that city, (fn. n25) and make him give you all the deeds and papers he may have bearing on the aforesaid subject, for We now write to him to have them, ready for you, as well as any other relating to the second marriage.—Ocaña, [October] 1531. (fn. n26)
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 3.
571. Divorce. Statement made by Ruiz de Puebla.
S. E. L. 23,
f. 140.
The Emperor being at Burgos at the time of the challenge, (fn. n27) in the year 1528, he (Ruiz de Puebla) and his brother the archdeacon of Malaga, (fn. n28) gave to His Majesty in his own hand the original brief [of pope Julius II.] dispensing for the marriage of Katharine queen of England, and this present King Henry VIII., as well as the copy of a bull granted by the same pope for that purpose, and besides a letter of acknowledgment and receipt of the dower taken by the Queen on marriage.
After this, (fn. n29) about the time that secretary Lallemand was arrested, the Court being then at Toledo, the above-mentioned parties, by the command of His Majesty the Emperor, gave Mr. de Granvelle, who went then by the name of Nicolas Perrenot, all the treaties (conciertos) that passed between the catholic sovereigns [Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain] and the king of England [Henry VII.] at the time that queen Katharine was married to prince Arthur, besides some other deeds (escripturas) of a later date, among which was as he (Ruiz de Puebla) believes, a treaty of alliance and league between the princes of Christendom. This last fact he does not positively affirm, but he is sure that among the documents he then put into Mr. de Granvelle's hands, there were many deeds, some on vellum, others on paper, besides several letters of the catholic sovereigns [Ferdinand and Isabella] all written in Castillian, and some in cipher.
Subsequently to this, His Imperial Majesty being absent from these realms, the present cardinal of Toledo, at that time archbishop of Santiago (fn. n30) and president [of the Council], asked the said Ruiz de Puebla for all the deeds and papers he might have in his possession relating to the King [Ferdinand]; when he (Ruiz) answered that he had given them all to His Majesty and to Mr. de Granbela (Granville) in whose hands they were actually found to be. Some of which papers were then translated from the Latin into Spanish (romance) by secretary Carate, examined in Council and forwarded to Rome.
Subsequently to this the Cardinal [of Toledo] himself sent for the said Ruy Diez de Puebla and told him that the deeds and papers had been duly received and examined, and that though it appeared from them how much and well his father and ancestors had served [the kings of Spain], yet more evidence was required, and that if he had any more touching on the transactions entrusted to them and principally to the marriage of Katharine with prince Arthur, he was to look for and produce them, as His Imperial Majesty would be much pleased and served thereby. This happened to be at Madrid, where Ruy Diez then was, and therefore he posted to Burgos, at his own expense, and found there more deeds and papers, which he safely brought back and delivered likewise into the hands of the cardinal of Toledo (Tavera.)
After this the said Ruy Diez being away from home and staying at Palaçuclos de la Sierra, not far from Burgos, on account of the plague raging in that capital, received a letter from the Cardinal brought by a courier, whose name, he thinks, was such a one as (Fulano) Gigante, a notary by profession and a native of Madrid, who was going to Burgos on private business of his own. The cardinal's letter was to the effect that he (Ruy Diez) was to search for more deeds (escripturas) among his father's papers, and if he found any, take them to Madrid. He was, moreover, to go to Burgos, to the convent of St. Francis, and see whether in the archives of that community some could be found relating to the English business. And he (Ruy Diez) being provided with a warrant for the Father Provincial, whose name at the time was Fray Bernaldino Salzedo, went thither, searched the conventual archives, and put aside all papers connected with the Queen's case. And having done the same by means of a special warrant (cedula), at the office of Garcia Ruiz de la Mota, delivered them all into the Cardinal's hands.
At Sant Francisco de Burgos this witness saw several other deeds, of which he does not precisely recollect having taken note, or inventory, though he fancies that there were several among them relating to negociations between Portugal and Castille, and to the masterships of the orders, to interchanges of land between the Crown and the nobles, &c., and likewise deeds and papers of the reign of Don John [the Second] and Henry the Fourth of Castille.
He says also that in the hands of Garcia Ruiz there must be deeds. . . . . (fn. n31)
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 3.
572. Divorce. Interrogatory of questions to be addressed to various persons of the household of the queen of England.
S. E. L. 22,
f. 144.
The above persons to be questioned according to the present interrogatory.
1. If they know of any deeds, contracts, or other papers relating to the marriage of the Most Serene Highness the queen of England, and if so, where, and in whose hands they now are?
2. How long did the said Queen live with Arthur, prince of Wales, and whether the councillors of the king of England [Henry VII.] were of opinion that the said Queen and Arthur, her first husband, did not consummate matrimony, owing to his extreme debility, and to the act being exceedingly injurious to his health? 3. Whether it be true that the said Arthur was very young and thin, delicate, and of a weak complexion, and unfit for a woman, and whether he looked as if he were impotent for marriage?
4. Whether it was said at the time, and considered as a fact among the people of the Royal household, Spaniards as well as Englishmen, that the said prince Arthur had not consummated his marriage with the said Queen (fn. n32)
5. Whether it is true that after the death of prince Arthur the Queen was in bad health and crippled, emitting bad humours from the mouth, and that a consultation of several eminent physicians took place respecting her illness, all of whom, after careful examination of the symptoms, and information received from the Queen herself, declared the cause of the complaint to be no other than the non-consummation of the marriage, and that if she were to many another man she would speedily recover her health. (fn. n33) And whether she did not on her subsequent marriage with king Henry recover her health and spirits, and was not stouter and better looking? (fn. n34)
6. Whether it be true that when she was married to king Henry the said Queen was a virgin, and it was so stated among the courtiers, and among people of the Royal household, who believed it, king Henry her husband having also publicly stated the fact?
7. Did not king Henry shew a great desire to marry the Queen, and did he not immediately after his father's death send his ambassadors to the said Queen, urgently requesting her to take him for her husband, and pressing his application until the marriage was effected ?
8. Did not Henry's grandmother and those of the Council of England advise the said Henry, and indeed press him, to marry the sister of the king of France, and not his present Queen ; and did not king Henry, against the advice of the said parties, determine to marry the said lady Queen, as he actually did some time after?
9. Do they know of any person or persons likely to furnish information on such points?
Spanish. Original. pp. 2.
573. Divorce. List of persons likely to give information or evidence on the first and second marriage of the queen of England.
S. E. L. 22,
f. 143.
The persons now away from Court who possess information respecting the first and second marriages of Her Most Serene Highness the queen of England are the following :––
Catalina, once the Queen's slave, who used to make her bed and attend to other services of the chamber, married to a morisco, a cross-bow maker at Valdeyzcarria. (fn. n35) She formed part of the Royal household when the said Queen and her husband, Henry, met for the first time.
Catalina Fortes, now a nun in the convent of Madre de Dios [at Toledo], a niece of treasurer Morales, was lady-in-waiting to the Queen, and much in her confidence.
Doña Maria de Rojas, the wife of Don Alvaro de Mendoça. She now lives close to Najera, or near Vitoria. She used to sleep in the Queen's own bed after the death of her first husband, Arthur.
The wife of Juan de Cuevo, (fn. n36) also a waiting maid to the Queen. She lives now at Madrid.
Fornizedo, the servant of Alonso de Esquivel, resident at Seville, groom-in-waiting to Her Highness.
Tamayo, the notary, before whom the marriage contract between the Queen and king Henry passed, and who attested it. He then lived with the ambassador, Dr. La Puebla, and is now with the marquis of Tarifa, (fn. n37) whom he accompanied in his pilgrimage to Jerusalem.
Fray Diego Hernandez, (fn. n38) who was the Queen's confessor, must be cross-questioned (repreguntado) as to the name and description of the secretary or notary who signed or countersigned the contract and settlements of the marriage with Henry, which contract and settlements, according to the statement of the said Hernandez, were by him delivered to the archbishop of Canterbury, High Chancellor, (fn. n39) to the bishop of Winchester, and to the earl of Soroy (Surrey), by the Queen's command, at the time that she and Henry received the nuptial benediction.
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
574. Divorce. Instructions for the examination of witnesses at Granada.
S. E. L. 22,
f. 142.
The enclosed questions must be put to a female called Catalina, once a slave of the Most Serene Highness the queen of England, whose duty it was to make the bed and attend to other secret services of Her Highness' chamber. The said Catalina was married at Valdarcaray (fn. n40) to a cross-bow maker, named Oviedo. She then went to reside at Malaga, where her husband died, when she (Catalina) with her two daughters removed to Motril, of which town she was a native, and where she is still living.
She is to be looked for at Motril according to the above description, and if not found there it must be ascertained where she is. If within the jurisdiction of Granada the judge will ask her the enclosed questions, and write down her answers. If elsewhere, notice to be given to the judge of the district where she resides. Should the residential judge [at Granada] find it inconvenient to go where the said Catalina is, he may pass over his commission to some of his lieutenants in that district, recommending secrecy above all things. The questions being put to her, the judge or his lieutenant will write down the answers in his own hand, signing his own name, so that the affair may not be divulged.
The said Catalina to be interrogated and cross-questioned (repreguntada) as may seem most fit, so that she may fully declare all she knows on the subject of the interrogatory, for she is said to be well informed of what passed on that score. The questions of the interrogatory to be sent back with the answers to each one in the very words used by her.
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
575. Divorce. Memorandum for the Alcalde Mayor of Toledo.
S. E. L. 22,
f. 145.
The questions contained in the enclosed interrogatory shall be put to a nun of the convent of Madre de Dios, named Catalina Fortes, niece of treasurer Fortes, (fn. n41) now living in the said convent of Madre de Dios, at Toledo. She is not to be sworn (juramentada), but merely requested to state to the best of her recollection what she knows respecting the questions of the said interrogatory. The Alcalde to write down her answer, and then make her sign her declaration, and if unable to write, he is to sign the same for her, that the matter may be kept secret and not divulged. That she may say all she knows on the subject, Her Majesty's letter will be read in her presence, as well as the other of Her Majesty (the Empress) to the abbess of the convent requesting her to give permission for the said nun to be examined. The questions, of course, as in all other cases, to be brought back to us, together with her answers.
576. Divorce. Memorandum for archdeacon Reyna.
S. E. L. 22,
f. 147.
The questions of the enclosed interrogatory are to be addressed to Formizedo, a servant of Alonso Desquivel (sic), late chief waiter to Her Most Serene Highness the queen of England, now residing at Seville.
Also to Tamayo, the notary, before whom Her Highness' marriage contract was passed. The said Tamayo (fn. n42) being at that time in the service of Dr. de la Puebla, the ambassador of king Ferdinand in England, went afterwards to Jerusalem, in the suite of the marquis of Tarifa, at whose house in Seville he may perhaps be heard of.
The above two persons are not to be interrogated upon oath, but merely requested to say what they know respecting the affair, and should Formizedo be unable to write, the Archdeacon (Reyna) to do it for him so that his answers may not be divulged; both questions and answers to be brought back to our Court as above.
577. Memorandum for the Lord Mayor (Corregidor) of Madrid.
S. E. L. 22,
f. 144.
The same questions to be put to the wife of Juan Cuero once waiting maid to the said queen of England, and who is supposed to reside nowadays at Madrid; also to Maria de Rojas, (fn. n43) wife of Don Alvaro de Mendoça, who used to sleep in the same bed with Her Most Serene Highness the Queen, after the death of prince Arthur, her first husband.
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 3.
578. Divorce. Opinion of Fr. Felix de Prato on the question whether the Pope can, or cannot, permit marriage with a deceased brother's wife.
S. E. L. 2,016,
f. 139.
Concludes that he can, and quotes various authorities.
Latin. Copy from the Archives of the Vatican made by Berzosa. (fn. n44) pp. 14.
579. Divorce. Annotationes ad opinionem Universitatis Salamanticæ super legalitatem matrimonii inter Henricum VIII. regem Angliæ et Catherinam reginam.
S. Rom. Conc. y
Disc. Ecles., L. 3.
Autographus, ut videtur, cujusdam doctoris istius universitatis.
Indorsed: "A censure on the opinions of the universities of Salamanca and Alcalá."
Latin. Original. pp. 2.
580. Divorce. Opinion of the Chancery and University of Granada.
S. E. Trat. c. Ing.,
L. 4, f. 108.
B. M. Add. 28,582,
f. 190.
Expositio facti. Exemplum bullæ papa Julii et quatuordecim dubita verbotenus prout in opinione universitatis Salmantinæ (sine resposionibus).
After reciting the bull of pope Julius II., the 14 doubts raised by the English doctors are transcribed, but the answers are not given. The conclusions, however, are the same as those of the university of Salamanca.
These are the doubts raised concerning the matrimonial cause of England, the most important of which is whether pope Julius could or could not grant a dispensation for the Queen's marriage. (fn. n45)
Latin. pp. 8.
581. Divorce. Report of a Spanish theologian on the opinion given by the Chancery of Granada upon the marriage question.
S. E. Trat. c. Ing.,
L. 4, f. 92.
B. M. Add. 28,582,
f. 191.
Beg: "Primo ex responsione theologorum, ex tenore et forma procedendi presuponitur matrimonium presentis questionis fuisse prohibitum Levitici decimo octavo et vicesimo, quod nunquam est concedendum cum hujusmodi casu nunquam fuerit inclusum in illa prohibitione Levitica juxta omnium sanctorum expositione."
End: "Et hœc dicta sunt annotata circa primum articulum qui theologos concernit, nam reliquos qui pertinent ad juristas non . . eorum censura, nam mitterem in messem alienam. Quæ omnia dicta sunt salvo semper omni honore et reverentia celeberrimi Senatus qui huic decreto subscripsit, nec non salvo judicio omnium rectius intelligentium; non nempè causa impugnandi seu contradicendi hæc sunt signata, sed solum ratione inquirendi veritatis ut reverendissimi domini mei presulis mandatum parerem."
Indorsed: "Inglaterra."
Latin. Original. pp. 9.
582. Divorce. Opinio jurisconsulti cujusdam super legalitate matrimonii contracti inter viduam et fratrem mariti sui defuncti.
S. E. Trat. c. Ing.,
L. 4, f. 93.
B. M. Add. 28,582,
f. 203.
Beg: Notissimum quod prohibiciones (sic) de quibus Levitici XVIII et XX capitulo non prohibetur conjunctio aliquarum personarum exceptis patre et matre et eorum linea ascendentium et descendentium, &c.
Latin. pp. 7.
583. Divorce. Latin letter of an Englishman to the Emperor Charles V.
S. E. Trat. c. Ing.,
L. 4, f. 94.
B. M. Add. 28,582,
f. 201.
Beg: Cum inter suam sacram Majestatem invictissime Cæsar, ac serenissimum regem Angliæ dominum meum verus amor, expertaque benevolentia mutuo frequenterque intercesserint, etc.
Indorsed: Anglia. Copybook of letters written by Alfonso de Valdés and mostly relating to English affairs, found in his possession.
Latin. Contemporary copy. pp. 3.


  • n1. Appended to this paper is the following minute of answer by Commander Covos. "His Majesty's journey is decided upon and a preliminary agreement entered into respecting certain affairs to be settled between His Holiness and His Majesty, as will be seen by the treaty of which a ratification in due form has been sent to Rome. On the receipt of a similar ratification from His Holiness 'cum bulla plumbea' as agreed, the original which we have here signed by the Emperor, and bearing his 'sello pendiente' will be placed in the Nuncio's hands." Enclosed is the ratification of the marriage contract between the duke Alesandro de' Medici and the Emperor's natural daughter [Margarita]. The ambassador is to procure that the ratification be also signed by the Duke, and authorised by the Pope, together with the derogatory clauses (clausulas derogatorias) specified in it.
  • n2. Porque es buen hombre y tiene pensamientos sanos y honestos." See p. 596, where the departure of Martin Roman for Naples is announced.
  • n3. Azequia (as-sekyah) is an Arabic word preserved in Spanish, which means a canal for the purposes of irrigation, and such was the canal of Aragon as originally intended.
  • n4. For the repression of the Moriscoes, who about this time gave evident signs of disaffection, owing to the enforcement of the "pragmatica," published in 1529.
  • n5. A German captain of this title is often mentioned in the preceding volumes of this Calendar, as well as in Guicciardini, Jovio, Varchi, Segni, and almost all the Italian and Spanish historians of the time, but his name appears to have been Giovan Battista, not George, as in this despatch. In another of Gio. Anto Muxetola to the Emperor, of the 13th of September 1530 (p. 711), a count Lodovico Lodrone is said to have entered Florence after its evacuation by Malatesta. Nowhere do I find him under the name of Van Spercal? as here. See vol. iii., part 2., pp. 426, 772, 741, and also pp. 232 and 262.
  • n6. Ghilino Ghilini, 1514–1559.
  • n7. The ex-abbot of Farfa (Napoleone Orsino) is said by some to have been married at last to Claudia, the daughter of Julio Colonna, the lord of Montefortino. See Litta, Famiglie Italiane, vol. 5, Tab. xxvii.
  • n8. Andrea del Burgo had been created count of Castel Leone, in the duchy of Milan, as early as the year 1528.
  • n9. Silva, bishop of Viseu, who succeeded Don Martin de Portugal in the Roman embassy.
  • n10. The copy I have before me has: "Su Sant. ha embiado por el otro frayle con quien estos agentes de Inglaterra tratauan, que se llama Fray Francisco Jorge, y como aquel hiziere assi hará este de San Joan y Polo y todos los otros," but instead of Su Santidad (His Holiness) it is evident to me that " Su Señoria" is meant.
  • n11. "Pauli Jovii historiarum sui temporis tomi duo. Venetia, Mich. Tramazino [1546], fol." It was subsequently translated into Italian, Spanish, and French.
  • n12. Francesco Sforza having virtually been deprived of his estate, a fief of the Empire, was no longer called by the ministers and ambassadors of Charles, duke of Milan, but of Bari in the kingdom of Naples.
  • n13. The original is not at Simancas, but an abstract of this, together with another dated the 26th of August, in answer to Mai's despatches of the 30th and 31st of July, 4th, 5th, and 10th of August, may be seen in Sandoval, vol. ii., pp. 109-19
  • n14. He was taken prisoner at Favignana.
  • n15. "Y dixeselo despues al Papa, aunque lo negó, pero dixo lo mesmo á Madona Felice, que es parte contraria del Abad, madre de sus hermanos."
  • n16. "Estos Tripiani son de la devotion y son gibellinos."
  • n17. Cardinal Trana, as the text has it, was Giovanni Domenico de Cupis, archbishop of Trani.
  • n18. "Como le conozco y como por mal pecado todos los letrados no son buenos.'
  • n19. "Tambien entiendo por esta misma via quel Rey de Inglaterra, quando se fue á casar, protestó que no entendia hacer matrimonio, y como quiera questo, quanto acá no le excusa, porque la Yglesia no juzga sino de lo publico, quanto á Dios seria excusado pagando el interese, ques casi otro tanto como el ser marido. Porque otras vezes yo tuve este caso el primer año que fui doctor con un amigo mio, criado del cardenal de Ferrara. Yo bien sabia que, saliendo de la menor edad revocó con auto los desposorios que hizo quando menor, y por eso no lo he osado screbir por no escandaliçar á S. Mt. hasta que lo consulte con Lope, y respondeme que le ha dicho el Decio que fue lo uno y despues lo otro ; que, si es verdad, fue la mayor bellaqueria que nunca se vió entre principes, y temo que Dios lo permite por la destruicion de aquel Reyno."
  • n20. "Que él no se a propuesto á intencion de hacerlo, ni la tenia, ni lo haria."
  • n21. All these are cardinals, namely, Antonio, Pucci, &c.
  • n22. Miguel Perez de Almaçan, secretary to Ferdinand V., king of Aragon ; his son, Juan Perez, became lord of Maella.
  • n23. The words are "despues de fallescido el Rey Artus, principe de Gales."
  • n24. Of the order of San Salvador de Montesa created by Alphonso IV. of Aragon in 1317.
  • n25. His full name was Luis Carroz de Vilaragut, and he had been Ferdinand's ambassador in England from 1509 to 1515.
  • n26. Though dated 1531 there can be no doubt that these instructions must have been given as early as November 1530, for there are several copies of the same circular at Simancas, all dated from this year (1530), with the names also to be filled up. Most likely those for Aragon, Valencia, and Catalonia—the patrimonial dominions of king Ferdinand—had to be again renewed for want of execution, and that would explain why the Empress, being at Ocaña in New Castille (see No. 477, p. 786), in October 1531, signed those which have been reproduced above. The words "Yo la Reyna, &c." with which the document is headed, are evidently meant for queen Joanna, who, though still confined at Tordesillas, near Valladolid, was still entitled "queen of Spain," as the only remaining daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, all warrants, proclamations (cedulas, provisions), &c., being issued in her name.
  • n27. The Emperor was at Burgos from the end of October 1527 to the 20th of February 1528. The challenge and declaration of war by Francis and Henry took place on the 22nd of January.
  • n28. Both sons of doctor de la Puebla, ambassador of Ferdinand at the court of England.
  • n29. That is to say, in December 1528, when Lallemand's disgrace is said to have occurred. See vol. iii., part 2, pp. 865, 869.
  • n30. D. Juan Tavera, archbishop of Santiago in 1524, and afterwards of Toledo (1534-45) president of the Royal Council of Castille from the 22nd of September 1524 till the 1st of August 1545, when he died at Valladolid.
  • n31. "Dize tambien que en poder de Garcia Ruiz a de auer scriptures." With these words the paper ends abruptly, from which I conclude that either the copy was unfinished, or that the declaration itself is imperfect. This seems to have been renewed 15 years after at Valladolid, for a similar paper is to be found at Simancas beginning thus : "At Valladolid, on the 14th day of September 1545, I, the undersigned notary, went to the lodgings (posada) of Señor Ruiz de Puebla, who was then staying at the house of Dr. Arguelles, and notified to him a warrant of the Prince (Philip), our master, when besides his answer to my notification the said Ruiz de Puebla kindly communicated to me the following particulars." Then follows the declaration as above given, without any date whatsoever, and without the usual attestation of the notary who made the notification and wrote down the particulars ; and though it is not easy to understand what motive there was in 1545, years after Katharine's death, to renew a declaration made in 1531, if not before, respecting the search for papers and deeds then to be exhibited in the divorce suit, there can be no doubt that Ruiz, or rather Rodrigo Diez [de Puebla], son of Dr. Puebla, Ferdinand's ambassador in England (1488-1507) was the first person interrogated as to the whereabouts of papers bearing on the matrimonial and other alliances of England and Spain. The paper itself is placed with similar ones without date at the end of Bergen-roth's volume, the eleventh of the collection of papers from Simancas relating to the reign of Charles V., and though bearing the date of 1545, contains a declaration made by Ruiz (Ruy Diez or Rodrigo Diez) de Puebla in 1530, at which time Miçer Mai wrote urgently for such proofs and attestations as could be adduced at Rome in behalf of Katharine's lawful marriage.
  • n32. "Yten si se platicó y se tuvo por cosa muy cierta entre todos los de palacio, asi españoles como ingleses, quel dicho Arturo no avia conocido á la dicha señora Reyna, y que [esta] avia quedado virgen quando murió el dicho Arturo, y que quando se velaron no se hallaron señales ni insignias en las savanas de aver perdido su virginidad."
  • n33. "Yten que muerto Arturo, la dicha señora Reyna quedó muy enferma e tollida, y echaua por la boca muchos humores, y que sobre su infermedad se hizo junta de muchos y grandes medicos, los quales despues de aver visto su dolencia e indispusicion, e tenido entera informacion de ella, dixieron que la causa de su mal era de estar virgen, y no aver sido conocida de Arturo, e que si casase con persona que tuviese abilidad para mugeres, que sanaria," &c.
  • n34. Several copies of this interrogatory are preserved at Simancas. The answers, however, are not in the Archives.
  • n35. Valdeycarria is probably an error for Valdezcaray in the province of Burgos and kingdom of Old Castille.
  • n36. A person of this name is mentioned in La Puebla's despatches, as well as in a list of Katharine's servants who were to remain in England after the death of Arthur, as being portero de estrados? gentleman usher? He was married to one of the Queen's ladies-in-waiting, and seems to have been at some time officer of her wardrobe. See Bergenroth, pp. 246, 296, &c. He had a nephew called Rodrigo.
  • n37. Don Fadrique Enriquez de Ribera, whose Viage de Tierra Santa was first published at Seville in 1580, 4to.
  • n38. Evidently the same Diego Hernandez mentioned in Bergenroth's Calendar as Katharine's chancellor and confessor.
  • n39. The high chancellor at this time was William Warham ; the bishop of Winchester, Richard Ford. As to the earl of Surrey, his name was Thomas Howard, 1483-1514, K.G. in 1483, Lord Treasurer 1509-22. He afterwards became second duke of Norfolk, and died on the 21st of May 1524.
  • n40. See No. 573, p. 885.
  • n41. Elsewhere called Morales. See No. 573, p. 885.
  • n42. See No. 573, p. 885. His name was Juan Tamayo, not Tomayo, as Bergenroth erroneously writes. As La Puebla's secretary he had been employed in writing his ciphered letters. On the 25th of August 1498 that ambassador recommended him to king Ferdinand as his pupil and secretary. The word here used and, which I have translated by notary, is escribano, which might also imply "scribe" or "scrivener," but not having seen the original of La Puebla's despatch to Ferdinand, I cannot say whether the word which Bergenroth translated "pupil" is the Spanish criado; if so, it means "servant, domestic, client." Tamayo's name appears, however, as one of the witnesses of the marriage in 1499.
  • n43. This Doña Maria was probably the daughter of Don Francisco de Rojas. She is mentioned in a letter of Katharine to her mother (queen Isabella) dated November 1504, as about to marry one of the first lords of the kingdom (see Bergenroth, vol. i., p. 346), Katharine asking for her mother's consent to the marriage and begging that Doña Maria, though married, may remain in her service; but either the marriage did not take place, or else having lost her first husband, Doña Maria married Don Alvaro de Mendoza as here stated.
  • n44. Fuller and somewhat different from that abstracted at p. 729, No. 437.
  • n45. The paper is thus indorsed in a contemporary hand, probably that of Alfonso de Valdés: "Lo de la Reyna de Inglaterra. Las dubdas de la causa matrimonial de la Reyna de Inglaterra. Lo que es mas importante es si pudo el papa dispensar ó no."