Spain: December 1533, 16-25

Pages 880-895

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

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December 1533, 16-25

16 Dec. 1160. The Emperor to Prothonotary Caracciolo.
S. E. L 1560,
f. 103.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 72.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
You must by this time be aware, as likewise the Duke [Francesco Sforza], of what passed at the interview between the Pope and the king of France [at Marseilles]. What We know for certain here is the marriage of the duke of Orleans to the Pope's niece, the creation of certain [French] cardinals with unusual haste, and what was generally said there on matters of Faith, and respecting the resistance to the Turk, the security and preservation of peace, and the general welfare of Italy. What has been decided on each of these matters We know not, though His Holiness' affection and regard for Christendom, as his rank and authority demand, must be such that We have no doubt he will have carefully attended to them. Such results, at least, We have reason to expect from the despatches of count de Cifuentes, our ambassador, as well as from the letters of Juan Poggio, (fn. n1) His Holiness' collector in these our kingdoms, who left this for Marseilles, as well as from captain Aponte, who, before coming to Spain, spoke to him on this subject. Yet it would appear, from what our said ambassador writes, that both in the discussion of the Turkish war, and in the assistance to be afforded by the Christian princes, the king of France had shewn much unwillingness, giving him [the Pope] plainly to understand, without equivocation or double meaning, that he would not help in, or treat of, such an undertaking unless the Milan question was conjointly discussed.
As We do not know for certain what has been done since, and the advices received from all parts are that the Turk will most likely invade Christendom again, We now send to Rome captain (fn. n2) Aponte with our instructions to the Count [de Cifuentes], that he may beg His Holiness in our name to do in the above matters everything that, as a shepherd of the Christian flock, he is bound to do; and assure him that We, on our side, will do all that is expected from us.
You will inform the Duke [Francesco Sforza] of all that has been done and said at Marseilles, that he may know how matters stand. You will also tell him that We will acquaint him with His Holiness' answer, and with the resolutions that may be taken thereupon. His ambassador here has been told the same.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Monçon, 16th December 1533.
Spanish. Original minute. pp. 5.
16 Dec. 1161. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
c. 227, No. 70.
In consequence of the King's resolution and order as to the respective treatment of the Princess and of his bastard daughter, about which I wrote (fn. n3) last to Your Majesty, the latter was three days since taken to a house distant 17 miles from this city; and although there was a better and a shorter route thither, yet, for the sake of pompous solemnity, and the better to impress upon the people the idea of her being the true princess of Wales, the King's bastard daughter and her suite, composed of the noblemen specified in my last, were made to traverse this city. On the ensuing morning the duke of Norfolk went himself to the Princess, and signified her father's pleasure that she should attend Court, and enter the service of his other bastard daughter, whom the Duke deliberately, and in her presence, called princess of Wales. Upon which princess Mary replied: "That is a title which belongs to me by right, and to no one else;" after which she addressed to him many gracious, honest, and very wise remonstrances, all tending to shew that the proposals the Duke had brought from the King were both strange and unfitting. (fn. n4) Which argument on the part of the Princess the Duke was unable to combat, so much so that he said to her that he had not gone thither to dispute, but to see the King's wishes accomplished, and his commands executed, namely, that she should be removed to the house taken for the bastard. Upon which the Princess, seeing that all her arguments and excuses would be of no avail, asked for half an hour's time to retire to her private chamber; where she remained, as I am given to understand, all the while, or nearly so, occupied in drawing out the protest whereof I once gave her the words. Thus, should she in any way be compelled by force or persuaded by deceit to renounce her rights, marry against her will, or enter a cloister, no prejudice should result to her hereafter.
When she came out of her room the Princess said to the Duke: "Since such is my father's wish, it is not for me to disobey his injunctions; but I beg you to intercede with him that the services of many well deserving and trusty officers of my household may be rewarded, and one year's wages at least given to them." After this she asked the Duke how many of her own servants she would be allowed to retain and take with her. The answer was that as she would find plenty of servants to attend on her where she was going, no great train of followers was needed. Accordingly the Princess set out on her journey, accompanied only by very few of her household. Her governess, daughter of the late duke of Clarence, and the King's near relative—a very honourable and virtuous lady, if there be one in England—offered, I hear, to serve the Princess at her own cost, with a good and honourable train of servants, but her offers were not accepted; nor will they ever be, for were the said lady to remain by the Princess they would no longer be able to execute their bad designs, which are evidently either to cause her to die of grief or in some other way, or else to compel her to renounce her rights, marry some low fellow, or let her fall a prey to lust, so that they may have a pretext and excuse for disinheriting her, and submitting her to all manner of bad treatment. (fn. n5)
As, notwithstanding all my remonstrances against the bad treatment offered to the Princess—to which remonstrances no answer has yet been returned—this king has gone so far; considering also that all I might say would only over irritate and render him more obstinate and proud—especially when he sees us despairing of the remedy and looking to him for it,—I am determined, unless I receive new mandate to the contrary, not to say one word more on this subject unless the King himself drives me to it.
That the Queen may not have occasion to envy her daughter, the visits of the King, her father, several personages—the same about whom I wrote in one of my despatches—have this very morning departed from this city on a mission to her, requesting, as I am given to understand, that she will consent to ratify the sentence of the archbishop of Canterbury, (fn. n6) and cause the excommunication and interdict which, they say, the Pope has, at her solicitation, so unjustly and injuriously fulminated against this king and kingdom, to be revoked. Should she decline to do this, the deputies are to threaten her, in the King's name, with such penalty and punishment as may be considered most fit, beginning by a considerable reduction of her household and yearly allowance. (fn. n7) It is to be supposed that the deputation will get a fit answer to a proposition of this sort, and, if so, I will not fail to acquaint Your Majesty by the first post of the tenour both of the deputies' speech and of the Queen's reply.
Meanwhile no words can describe the sorrow and regret which such abominable conduct on the part of this king and his ministers has caused among the English people, all of whom are sensibly affected by what is now passing, and are truly indignant at his treatment of the Queen and Princess. Indeed, without taking into account the innumerable considerations, which Your Majesty's incredible wisdom will sufficiently appreciate, they are complaining to me loudly of want of action on Your Majesty's part. (fn. n8) For many respectable and well-to-do individuals keep telling me, or sending me daily messages to the effect that they have no other wish than, and in fact only await the arrival of one of Your Majesty's ships on this coast, to rise "en masse;" and that if they only had here in England a chief, able and willing to command them, and who dared take the initiative, they would do enough by themselves without any foreign aid. They mention to me, as an instance, the case of Warvicq, who dethroned king Edward [IV.], and that of [Henry VII.], the father of this one, who dethroned Richard [III.] And there are not wanting some among them who maintain that Your Majesty has much better right to this kingdom than this present king [Henry VIII.], inasmuch as his title to the crown is only derived from his mother, who, as well as the other daughters of king Edward [IV.], was declared illegitimate, by sentence of a certain bishop of Baden (Bath and Wells), at the instigation and by the command of king Richard himself, on the ground that Edward was, as they assert, married to another woman at the time that the said daughters were born to his Queen. (fn. n9) That is the reason why Madame, the great dowager, (fn. n10) as well as Your Majesty, has a better title to the succession than the illegitimate daughters of king Edward and their descendants.
However this may be, and should Your Majesty decline the undertaking, the desire of the English people in general—I mean of almost all good Englishmen—is that Your Majesty at once put a stop to the intercourse of trade; for, as several of the principal English merchants, who carry on business with Flanders and Spain, sent me word only three days ago, these people would lose comparatively more by the closing of the ports than the merchants of Your Majesty's dominions. Indeed I am assured, that ever since the above measure was spoken of, the common opinion in this city, nay, in the rest of the kingdom, for they make no mystery of it, has been that, should Your Majesty order the closing of the trade for a few months only, this country would be irretrievably ruined. (fn. n11) Your Majesty, therefore, would do well in ordering the said suspension, and thus putting a check on the doings of this king and his ministers; for I can assure you that there is nothing they are more afraid of than the above prohibition or suspension of trade, knowing very well that in that event they would have no means in their power of obviating the rebellion of the people, unless the King paid the cloth-weavers, who constitute more than half the population of England, out of his own treasury. This would require twice as much money as he (the King) can devote to that purpose, besides which, he could only do so in the expectation that the merchants of the Low Countries, being also great sufferers through it, would of themselves apply to Your Majesty for a revocation of the measure. Certainly, were the King to decide upon such a course, it would be, no doubt, the best for him to pursue, for whilst he felt the inconvenience [of having to support weavers without employment] he would by so doing gain much credit and reputation among his subjects It is, however, the misfortune, entailed by his sinful course, that it will prevent his taking this or any other resolution profitable to himself. (fn. n12)
There is no longer any hope of this king ever being brought to the point through persuasion, for his sin enthrals him more and more, besides which this accursed Lady has so enchanted and bewitched him that he will not dare say or do anything against her will and commands. (fn. n13) There is still another danger to run by waiting, which is that the more forbearance Your Majesty shows in this affair, the more this king will be encouraged to persevere, or even do worse. Indeed, in my opinion, it is only his present inability which prevents his causing Your Majesty still greater annoyance; for he holds you, as he says, as his sworn enemy, and will treat you accordingly. May God inspire him with more Christian and charitable sentiments!
Yesterday a Scottish gentleman of the name of Didam, (fn. n14) a man of sense and substance, and enjoying great authority with his master, the King, arrived in this city for the express purpose, as it is said, of representing that the last truce, which was brought about with so much trouble to both parties, had been principally designed to settle their mutual differences, and bring about a lasting peace. That his master, the king of Scotland, being desirous of such a peace, would at once send a fitting and numerous embassy, and such as the importance of the affair required, provided he knew before-hand how far this king would agree to certain preliminaries. The Scotchman was this very morning conducted by Cromwell to the King's presence, and I hope that on his return to town I shall be able to learn something more about his mission, and the answer made to his application. Should I hear anything I will not fail to apprize Your Majesty thereof.
The bishop of Paris has not yet come; but, if we are to believe what the King and his Lady say about him, he will bring a bagful of excuses and lies. I am told that the Lady strongly inculpates the French. Since his return from Marseilles, Brianturcq (Brian Tuke) has done nothing else. (fn. n15)
Many among these courtiers are anything but pleased at the arrival in London of this Scottish ambassador, because they say that whenever the Scots wish to undertake anything [against them] they invariably send an embassy, either to deceive the people as to their plans and intentions, or else to spy out the state of opinion and condition of this kingdom.
The casting of certain pieces of ordnance of middling calibre has just commenced; I cannot say whether to be mounted on ships, or to defend the ports, which up to the present have not been otherwise fortified. The number of pieces hitherto cast amounts to 15, and the report is that by Candlemas (la Chandelleuse) as many as 24 will be ready, and that, to mount these 24 and more, 300 gun carriages have been ordered.
The lieutenant-governor of Ireland, (fn. n16) notwithstanding the King's repeated orders, has not yet made his appearance at Court; and I am told that the duke of Richmond is to leave soon for Wales at the head of a force, whether to cross over to Ireland, or to guard that principality against foreign invasion and any stir of the inhabitants, I have been unable to ascertain.
Since his recently conferred knighthood the Lubeckian captain has much frequented Court, often conferring with the Privy Councillors, as if they wished to make us believe that they were discussing important matters. He left this city the day before yesterday, with the intention, as they say, of doing all the service he can to this king.
Some Lutheran preachers have already commenced speaking against the Pope, and spreading their accursed and pestilential sect; all this being done by the express command of this king, who in his blind obstinacy does not see the danger into which his kingdom, as well as his own person and soul, are being precipitated; for certainly, unless God remedies it, there is great danger of this country being infected by the Lutheran errors, though, as I said above, this is the proper season to obviate such an evil, and at the same time help the Queen in her distress.—London, 16th December 1533.
Indorsed: "Received the 4th of January 1534."
French. Original almost entirely in cipher. pp. 7.
17 Dec. 1162. The Emperor's Instructions to Captain Aponte.
S. E. L. 26, f. 3.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 74.
What you, captain Aponte, are to do in this your mission to Rome and Naples is as follows:
On your arrival at Rome you will deliver our letters, and relate to the Count [of Cifuentes] what His Holiness told you at Marseilles. After conferring together, and agreeing as to what you are to say to His Holiness, you both, the Count and you, shall wait upon him, and say that since, from the message he gave you for us it is evident that he knows perfectly well the intentions of the king of France, it is for him (the Pope), in his prudence and with the celerity that is desirable, to take that resolution which may best promote the good of our Faith, and the welfare of Christendom, assuring him that, should His Holiness do what is incumbent upon his dignity and authority, as we expect, We shall not be in fault, &c.
After addressing His Holiness in the above words or the like of them, you will, if necessary, and should the Count agree to it, stop in Rome two or three days more, during which you will again speak to His Holiness or to his cardinals on the subject. After that you will go on to Naples and Sicily with the letters you have for our viceroys, bidding them attend immediately to the fortification and provisioning of the maritime towns, &c.—Monçon, 16th December 1533.
19 Dec. 1163. Count Cifuentes to the High Commander.
S. May T. L. 3.
B. M. Add. 28,586,
f. 76.
Having written of late many letters without getting an answer from your Lordship, and communicated to the Emperor the news of Marseilles and of the conferences, I will not trouble you with further details yet I cannot let this courier of the Portuguese ambassador go without a few words from me.
The Pope has actually sent word to the Verulan (Ennio Filonardo), to return to his post in Switzerland, and I have written to the prior of Besançon to hasten in the meantime the conclusion of the league of the Swiss cantons until the said bishop or some other delegate from His Holiness arrives.
(Cipher:) His Holiness said the other day to a certain individual—as I believe, that it might come to my ears—that he knew for certain that whilst at Marseilles people had come to me with false reports about him and his doings, which reports I had forwarded to His Majesty. He further said that he had to complain of me, because, if I had anything to say, I ought first to have mentioned the fact to him, and heard what he had to plead as an excuse, instead of writing to the Emperor. In my opinion, this accusation on the part of His Holiness, though indirectly made, can only proceed from two causes: either his collector (Poggio) heard our Emperor say something unpleasant about the Pope's doings at the late conferences, and transmitted it to his master; or else the Pope is artfully trying to ascertain whether I have or have not written home what my impression was about his dealings with the king of France, and what His Majesty had written to me in consequence. But, as I have had the honour of informing the Emperor, ever since we left Marseilles I have purposely refrained from alluding to the subject; nor have I complained of what was done or hinted at during the conferences until I should get an answer to my several despatches, as well as instructions how to act, and what to say to the Pope in future. I say this that Your Lordship may understand that the negotiations with the Papal collector (Poggio) must be conducted in such a manner that he may not write things likely to make me lose credit with His Holiness, &c.
At one of the consistories held after our return to Rome an abbey with an income of 3,000 ducats a year given by king Francis to cardinal Gaddi was proposed, at which all his colleagues who expect His Majesty's favours, such as Matera, Naples, La Valle, who has one foot in the grave, Campeggio, and others of the Emperor's servants, have been considerably excited. Your Lordship ought to consider that since cardinals sell themselves so cheap, it would be unpolitic to defer rewarding those who are our friends.
The Capuan (Schomberg) is very much out of temper (fatigado) because, when the four French cardinals were made, we did not procure him a hat. He complains of me, and particularly of His Majesty, who, he suspects wrote to me not to propose him. (Cipher:) He himself has told me so, and so has the cardinal of Jaen. I have given them both to understand that if there be any fault, it is entirely on my side, because as the Pope had told me before leaving Marseilles that the king of France did no longer insist upon the cardinals' hats for his subjects, I made no further application for his. I was, therefore, taken by surprise, and the creation was made before I could think of it. It was not natural (I said) that whilst the king of France at Marseilles was asking the Pope for four cardinals' hats, I should demand one for a subject of the Empire. Rome, after all, was the proper place for such concessions; and I had no doubt, as I told the cardinal of Jaen himself, that the Capuan's services to the Empire and to His Holiness would be shortly rewarded. With these and other similar excuses am I keeping the Capuan amused until I hear what the Emperor's wishes are in this respect.
(Cipher:) The more I think of this matter, the more inclined I feel to suggest that, for the Emperor's best service, as well for meeting the danger and inconvenience likely to arise in the Holy Apostolic See from the fact of having so many cardinals of the French party, it would be desirable that His Majesty, the Emperor, should ask at once for four hats: namely, one for Capua, another for Symoneta [and the other two for archbishops in Spain and Flanders]. (fn. n17) The only drawback to this is that if the Emperor asks for two hats His Holiness is sure to create three more cardinals among his own personal friends, who, though not made at the express request of France, yet are so openly the partisans of France that it will come to the same thing; such are, for instance, the bishop of Verona (Gian Matheo Giberti), the Auditor of the Chamber (Ghinucci) and the bishop of Faenza (Pio da Carpi). I am not partial to having too many cardinals, because it is very hard to be on good terms with all, and keep them contented; but still I must say that the Capuan (Schomberg) is such a good servant of the Emperor, and otherwise so well qualified for that dignity, that I should be glad to receive the order to solicit for him.—Rome, 19th December 1533.
P.S.—Nothing is being done in the affair of the "Quadragesimal" Indulto and "Cruzada," nor in that of the brief for the abbey of Monferrara, owing to Queva (fn. n18) not having yet arrived.
Subjoined is a packet with despatches from the viceroy of Naples.—Rome, ut supra.
Signed: "El conde Alferez." (fn. n19)
Addressed: "To the very illustrious the High Commander of Leon, &c."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher, pp. 5.
23 Dec. 1164. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor
K. u. K. Haus
c. 227, No. 71.
As the bishop of Paris, who arrived only last Wednesday, made no great haste, and exhibited but little desire of coming to this Court, neither has the King been in a hurry to receive him, and consequently the audience has, contrary to custom, been put off for four days, which, in my opinion, is a strong indication of this king's disappointment and displeasure, as I had the honour to inform Your Majesty by my despatch of the 20th ult. I have no doubt, however, that the Bishop will be able, by dint of fine words and specious lies (bourdes), to efface the bad impression and remove the suspicion that his master's late doings [at Marseilles] have raised in the minds of these people; and that this king and his ministers, finding no help or support else-where, will easily accept Francis' excuses, and believe anything the Bishop may tell them; at least, that they will dissemble for fear of losing altogether the friendship of their ally. Not later than a week ago the French ambassador, who resides here, complained to a worthy man of my acquaintance of the mistrust with which these people looked upon his master, and said to him: "If the English go on in this way, speaking unfavourably about us, and persevering in their bad government, they will certainly anger the King, my master, and may have hereafter cause to repent." (fn. n20)
The day after the Bishop's arrival, and in order to return the compliment of his colleague, who had courteously called on me, also that I might learn what news I could, I went to visit them both, for they happen to lodge at the same house. Among other things the Bishop told me, with which I will not trouble Your Majesty, as they would be too long and tedious to relate, one is that nothing definitive had been resolved or concluded at Marseilles respecting the Genoese, (fn. n21) inasmuch as their deputies were not furnished with sufficient and legitimate powers to represent their country as the true subjects of the King, his master, which they really were. The Bishop did not explain his ideas on the subject; but he has since told his host that next April the King, his master, will have 40 armed galleys [in the Mediterranean]; and that as Andrea Doria would soon be obliged to sail for the relief of Coron and of its garrison, hard pressed by the Turks, that would be the time for the Genoese, during that captain's absence, to come forward and speak out their sentiments, when they would be treated according to their merits and deserts. (fn. n22)
In the course of conversation the Bishop alluded to the case of Marveilles (Meraveglia), and his execution by the duke of Milan, which he failed not to exaggerate beyond measure, as well as the grief which, he said, the king of France had felt at it. Instead of exculpating his master (said the Bishop), the Milanese ambassador sent to Marseilles for the purpose had made matters still worse; for in his speech before the King he had tried to prove that the said Merveilles had been plotting against the authority of the Duke, which, as the Bishop said, had been the cause of exasperating his master beyond measure. "I wish (said he) that such an event had never taken place; I would willingly have resigned one of my best abbeys that Marveilles had not been executed at Milan by the Duke's orders, for I foresee that his death will be the cause of many troubles and annoyances; for you must know that so magnanimous a prince as the King, my master, cannot tolerate such insults and wilful injuries to his honour. The King, my master, trusts that, as much for the sake of the great friendship now existing between him and the Emperor, as well as for that of the close relationship which unites them, and which I consider as binding as true fraternal consanguinity—(since there is no brother King or near relation whom my master holds in greater esteem,)—I trust (I repeat) that the Emperor will not allow his brother, the king of France, to be thus publicly insulted." "To deny (continued the ambassador) that Marveilles was a true and bonâ fide ambassador of the King, my master, was out of the question, for the duke [of Milan] himself had acknowledged him as such in his letters to king Francis."
On many considerations, and principally because I did not think at the time that it was my province to discuss the Marveilles case with the ambassador, I avoided as much as possible any further dispute, and tried to soften it down by assuring and trying to persuade him that not unjustly did the King, his master, consider Your Majesty as his true and real brother, for you thoroughly reciprocated those sentiments, and held him as such, &c.
After this, having insensibly come upon the subject of this wretched divorce, the French ambassador said to me: "Nothing is truer than the fact that the King, my master, has written to the Pope in favour of this King. He has certainly done in this particular affair, as well as in many others in which this King is or was concerned, all he could to please him; he could not do otherwise considering the intimate friendship now existing between them. (fn. n23) As everyone must know by the experience of the past, whenever the King, my master, forms an attachment he is a true friend, not one of the false and "borrowed ones," (fn. n24) as people call them. And upon my replying to him that I was sure his master, as a most virtuous and Christian prince that he was, could never have asked His Holiness for anything that was not perfectly just and reasonable especially in a case in which Your Majesty was so deeply interested, he started up, and answered abruptly, as if afraid of touching on matters concerning Your Majesty: "The divorce is not in reality the Emperor's affair; had it been so, a different line of conduct would have been followed;"—intimating that, such being the case, the King, his master, would willingly have abstained from exerting his influence. As to the divorce itself, its justice or injustice, his master, the king of France, was not sufficiently learned and conversant with Canonic Law to decide; he referred that entirely to this king's conscience, with which, since he was neither his confessor nor his curate, he declined in any way to interfere." (fn. n25)
The Bishop ended by extolling the singular devotion and reverence which at all times the kings of France had shewn towards the Holy Apostolic See, owing to which they had justly acquired the title of "Most Christian." "The present King (he said) among others, following on the steps of his predecessors, has thoroughly and most effectually acquitted himself of that duty. As a proof thereof he went to Bologne to pay obedience to Pope Leo X. at a time when he could easily have taken possession of that city and other towns and territories belonging to the Church, such as Parma and Piacenza." (fn. n26)
What the most Reverend Bishop could mean by alluding to the latter two places I cannot guess; for, certainly, at the time referred to Parma and Piacenza were not in pope Leo's hands, but fairly and absolutely in those of the French. Perhaps he meant tacitly to imply that if the present Pope, as some people say (though it is hardly to be believed), has actually promised the sovereignty of those two cities to the king of France, this will be but a mere restoration of what in former times king Francis might have had if he had chosen, but had left in His Holiness' hands.
"Towards pope Clement," added the Bishop, "my master has more than acquitted himself in many ways, of which there are several very manifest proofs; among others, by his delivery from captivity, in which attempt he had spent two millions of gold, and lost besides innumerable followers. Though people might affect disbelief on this point, it is no less certain that His Holiness has lately confessed it, owning significantly the very great obligation under which he stands to the King, my master."
Such was the ambassador's remark respecting the Pope and King Francis. But I cannot help observing that if His Holiness has allowed himself to be duped by such language, which is not likely to be the case, considering his great common sense, he must have feigned it in order to derive some profit from the treaty of alliance which king Francis is now bringing forward to make up for his pretended losses and expenses [in Italy].
The inopportunity of the hour, and the flock of visitors who at that time called on His Reverence, prevented my inquiring for particulars in many other affairs, as likewise ascertaining by way of conjecture whether a new meeting of the two kings had been discussed and agreed to, as some people will have it Though I myself see no sign whatever of it, I have set people to get the truth out of him, and likewise to know whether it be true or not that Rincon has gone to Constantinople on a mission in company with Barbarossa's ambassador; also whether the Vayvod's agents and Danish ambassadors are at Vienna or not. Should I learn anything on these various topics, I shall not fail to apprize Your Majesty.
The duke of Suffolk and his colleague in the deputation, of whom I wrote in my last despatch, have not yet returned from the Queen. As far as I can gather, their mission has been unsuccessful. After using very strong and disrespectful language to her they proceeded to suppress all the offices of her household, such as chamberlain, chancellor, almoner, groom of her stables, and others. Next day the remainder of the Queen's male and female servants, including her own ladies in waiting, were dismissed, and replaced by men from the Northern counties, who, being more trained to war than to the usages of a Court, are supposed to have been engaged for other purposes rather than for the Queen's service. The deputies have charge of conducting the Queen, whether she will or not, to a house surrounded by water and marshes, the most insalubrious and pestilential residence in all England, (fn. n27) as the Queen herself has been informed; owing to which, and considering the evident danger of living at such a place, she has decided not to go thither unless taken by their force.
Perceiving the Queen's stout resolution, and fearing lest some commotion or disturbance should arise [on the spot], the Royal Commissioners provided themselves with a numerous suite of retainers (those coming from the North having done the same). Besides which, the more to intimidate the Queen, her friends and servants, they summoned to the spot the magistrates of the neighbourhood, that they might help in the execution of the King's orders. (fn. n28) The duke of Suffolk himself, before he left this city on such an errand, confessed and partook of the Communion, as his own mother-in-law sent to inform me, declaring at the time of his departure that he wished some accident might happen to him on the road that should exempt him at once from accomplishing such a journey and mission.
Thus, at the request and solicitation of the Lady [Anne] whom the King dares not contradict, the Queen has by force been removed to the said house, either that they may the sooner get rid of her or else for greater security; for the place is strong, and besides is seven miles from any other, built in the centre of a lake and of certain marshes, and not to be approached, except on one side at the distance of six miles. In fact, it has been settled between the King and the said Lady that they are to look out for all occasions and ways of keeping the Queen locked up in the said island, which, as I said above, is one of the strongest places that could be imagined, for the purpose, as I hear from good quarters, all other ways and means failing, to make out that the Queen is out of her senses. (fn. n29) The King, moreover, wishes and intends that at the next meeting of Parliament a law, statute, and ordinance be made to declare the Princess illegitimate and incapacited from succeeding to his Crown, and that all signs of royalty in her mother, the Queen, be at once revoked and obliterated; after which, as the Lady very properly and honestly remarks, the King may take possession of all her property in land, jewels, house, furniture, and so forth, that she may be unable to dispose of, or bequeath one single farthing. (fn. n30) In a like manner, as I am informed, the King wishes Parliament to declare that in future the Pope will have no control over the ecclesiastical affairs of this kingdom, and that all the authority will rest in future with the archbishop of Canterbury.
Your Majesty may well consider that if such cruel and abominable insults as these are tolerated, these people will not only be encouraged to accomplish their wicked and detestable purposes against the persons of the Queen and Princess, but will likewise concoct all sorts of intrigues to the prejudice of Your Majesty, whom this king has so much offended, and whom he has consequently reason to fear.
Since my last despatch I have received no answer from the King on the subject of my conversation with the Duke [of Norfolk]; and I can assign no other reason for it than the opposition of the Lady, without which, as I am given to understand, he would have sent for me, and made an answer to my application. This, of course, I have since ceased to solicit, for the considerations laid, before Your Majesty in my despatch of the 16th inst. and likewise in order to wait for the document containing the whole business.
As I informed Your Majesty, the Princess, attended only by two maids in waiting, was conducted by the duke of Suffolk to the residence of the King's bastard daughter. Arrived there the Duke asked her if she did not like to see and pay her court to the Princess [of Wales]. Upon which she answered that she knew of no other princess in England but herself; that the daughter of Madame de Penebrok (Pembroke) was no princess at all. True, if the King, her father, acknowledged her as his daughter, just as he called the duke of Richmont his son, she could treat the latter as brother, and her as sister, but in nowise as princess of Wales. (fn. n31) Before taking leave the Duke asked her whether she had any message for the King. To which she replied: "None, except that the princess of Wales, his daughter, asked for his blessing;" and upon the Duke observing that he would not dare take such a message to the King, she interrupted him by saying; "Then go away, and leave me alone." After which having repeated over and over again her former protest, and declared that what she had done and might hereafter do by the King's commands ought in nowise to prejudice her right, she retired to her chamber to shed tears, as she is now continually doing.
And I have been told that although the Duke treated the Princess rudely enough, yet upon his return to Court the King reproached him for not having faithfully accomplished his mission, but treated her too mildly, adding that he would soon find the means of humiliating her, and subduing her temper.
I understand that good hopes have been held out to the Scottish ambassador of a speedy settlement of the differences about the frontiers, and of matters being amicably adjusted, and that in consequence of this the King has sent an express to Scotland. So much so that the French ambassador thinks of staying in this city until Lent, and is actually about to leave the hotel, at which he lodges, and hire a more suitable residence.
In two days hence this king is about to dispatch to the Anseatic towns the same Doctor who went formerly with a mission to Denmark, Lubeck, Ambourg (Hamburgh), and those countries.
As far as I can hear, the Doctor's mission has reference, among other things, to the captain of Lubeck, of whom I wrote in my last despatches. He is to prosecute the negotiation already commenced with him, and furnish all the money that may be wanted.—London, 23rd December 1533.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor. Received at Medina Ccli [in Castilla] on the 24th of January 1534."
French. Holograph, pp. 9.


  • n1. Bishop of Tropea. See above, pp. 848 and 851.
  • n2. Elsewhere called Field Master (Maestro de Campo).
  • n3. See his despatch of the 16th of October, No. 1137, p. 829.
  • n4. "Lay faysant pluseurs honnestes, gracieuses et tres saiges remonstrances comme ce quil avoit propouse estoit bien mal duysant. extrange et exhorbitant de lhonnestete."
  • n5. "Et par ainsy se partist tres petitemant accompagnee de ses gens. Sa gouvernante, fille du feu due de Clarence, et proche parente du roy, dame de vertu et honneur, sil y a une en Angleterre, sest offerte de vouleoir suyvre et seruir la dite princesse a ses propres despens avec bon et honnourable train; mays yl na este question laccepter [et ne laccepteroient pour riens, car ilz ne sçauroient a Iheure iouyr de la princesse, la quelle commil est a doubter et croire veullent [ils] fere morir ou de deul, ou dautre sorte, ou [la] fere renoncer son droit, ou marier bassement, ou la fere trabucher en lasciuite pour avoir occasion de lexereder et fere tout autre mauvais traictement."
  • n6. Affin que la mere naye occasion de porter envye a la fille destre visitee de la part du roy, auiourdhuy sont partys ceulx dont escripvis dernierement a vostre maieste pour aller resolliciter la royne de a ce quentens rateffier la sentence de Couturbery."
  • n7. "Et de ce faire la commineront des paumes (?) et pugnition quils se sçauroint aduiser, et quant [mesme] luy raccoursieront (sic) son train."
  • n8. "Il nest a croire, dire ne penser le regret et dueul que tout ce peuple a de cest abhominable regne et gouuernement, et est tout ce dit peuple tant transporte daffection et indigne des choses que passent, que sans consideracion des innumerables respetz que vostre maieste pourra par sa incredible prudence entendre, ils se plainnent (plaindroint?) de ce que vostre maieste ny pourvoyt."
  • n9. "[ Et si me mectent en auant, a ce que ay autresfoys escript a vostre maieste, warvicq, quil (qui) deschassa le roy Edouard et le pere de cestuy Richard, et si ne faillent gens entre eulx quilz (qui) mectent en auant que vostre maieste a meilleur tiltre en ce royaulme que le roy de present, que ny pretend tiltre que de la part de sa mere, la quelle et toutes les autres filles du roy Edouard le roy Richard fit par sentence dung euesque de Baden (Bath) declairer bastardes a cause que le dit Edouard, comme il affirmoit, auoit espose une autre femme auant que la mere des dites filles, pour quoy madame la grande douaigiere, ayant cause delle comme vostre maieste, et precedant en tiltre et succession les dites filles et leurs successeurs], et en cas, sire, que vostre majeste ne voulust entendre a la dite emprinse ilz desirent presque tres tous les bons que vostre maieste deffende la contractation."
  • n10. This can be no other than Joanna, the Emperor's mother, still living at Tordesillas in Spain, or else her mother, Isabella, descended from the house of Lancaster.
  • n11. "Comme mont dit et faict dire encoires depuis trois iours en ça pluseurs des principaulx marchans anglois, qui traffiquent le plus en Flandre et Espaign [se sont eulx] qui perdroint le plus a hault serrer la dicte contractation parceque [a ce que] lon ma rapporte lon ne sçait dire autre chose par ceste ville et la reste du pays synon que estre sarree (sic) la dicte contractation, quilz sont tout a fait perdus, et que vostre maieste feroit bien dainsi le commander pour rabiller le commandement diçy."
  • n12. "Si le pouvoit fere se seroit le myeulx du monde pour luy, car oultre quil senteroit le dit inconvenient, il acquerroit quelque credit vers le peuple; mais je pense que le malheur du pesche ou il est ne le permeettra fere celle (sic) ne chose que soit duisante pour luy."
  • n13. "Il ne fault desormais plus penser que ce roy vyenne au point par doulceur, car le pesche le meyne, et ceste mauldite femme la enchante et ensourcele de sorte quil noseroit dire ne faire synon tant ainsi quelle veult et commande."
  • n14. Hier arriva icy ung gentilhomme du roy descosse, nommé didam (?) quest homme de sens," &c.
  • n15. "Le quel a ce que le roy et sa dame dient leur appourte ung sac plain dexcuses et menteons (sic). Lon me dit que la dite dame deculpe fort les francoys," &c.
  • n16. The earl of Kildare, named in a former despatch.
  • n17. "Algunas personas paresce que serian bien asi para el servicio de Su Magd. como para el remedio de los inconvenientes que podrian subceder á la Sede Apostolica en hauer tantos cardenales franceses, que Su Magd. hiciesse quatro cardenales, los quales fuesen Capua y Symoneta."
  • n18. Read Cuevas or Cueva, Imperial solicitor and attorney at Rome; if so, his Christian name was Alfonso. See vol. iii., part 2, p. 991.
  • n19. Alferez is an Arabic word preserved in Spanish. Fáres, pronounced féres, means a horseman, with the article al-féres. In old Spanish the word meant "the standard-bearer," because the colours of a knight were generally carried by one of his mounted retainers.
  • n20. "Il ny a poinct huit jours que l'ambassadeur de France icy resident se plaindoit a quelque homme de bien de la diete diffidence que ceulx-cy prennoient de son maistre, disant quil estoit certain que silz continuoient a quelques propos quilz disoient, et aussy a leur maulvais gouvernement, ilz irriteroient son dict maistre, dont ilz se pourroient repentir."
  • n21. The original reads Gennevoys (Genevese), which I believe to be a mistake for "Genneois."
  • n22. "Mais depuis il dit a son hoste que dans le moys davril le roy, son maistre, auroit xl. galleres armees et questant alle messire Andreas Doria a ravitailler et seccourir Coron, commil seroit contrainct de fere, que lors les Genevois parleroient a lhaste, et seroient gallez (traytez?) selon leurs merites et desserues,"
  • n23. "Au quel en çe et toutes choses ou il sçauroit ou pourroit vouldroit [il] complayre pour la grande amitie questoit entre euls deux."
  • n24. "Et que comme tout le monde avoit peu par çy devant cognoystre ce diet seigneur roy son maistre ou yl se addonoit nestoit fainct amy ne des empromptez, comme l'on dit."
  • n25. "Il me respondist tout soudainement en resallisant, comme sil eust peur de toucher en chose appartenant a vostre maieste, que le diet affaire nestoit de vostre maieste, et que si ainsy eust este lon y eust heu de lautre respect, veuillant inferer que le roy son maystre se fust despourte den fere faire porsuytte, et que qnant [a] avoer regard a la justice de la querelle, ou injustice, que le roy son maystre nestoit assez sçavant pour la discerner, et quil sen remettait a la conscience de ce roy, la quelle puisquil nestoit son confesseur ni son cure yl ne vouloit examiner ne prendre en charge."
  • n26. "Comme yl avoit monstre quant yl allast fere la hobeissance au pape Leon dans Bologne, au quel temps yl estoit bien en sa main de se saysir du dict Bologne, et de plusieurs terres de lesglise, entre les quelles yl me nomma Palme (Parma) et Playsance (Piacenza)."
  • n27. "Les susdits commis ont charge de menner la royne bon grey maugrez et par force a une mayson toute environnee de grandes eaulx et de marez, quest, comme lon a informe la royne, la plus mal sayne et pestilencieuse mayson que soit en Angleterre."
  • n28. "Et pour ce que venant en telz termes de force les ditz commis se doubtoient de quelque emotion et garboille, ilz menerent fort grand nombre de serviteurs, si ont ffaict ceulx qui vindrent du nort (?), et oultre pour le diet respectz et pour donner plus de craincte a la royne et aux siens ilz feirent la venir ceulx qui ont charge de la justice la autour."
  • n29. "Le roy a la sollicitation de sa dame, a la quelle il ne sut (sic) contradire, a ordonne de mectre la royne en la dicte mayson, ou pour en estre bien tost quiecte (sic), ou pour estre asseure delle, car la mayson est forte, ct davantage elle est a vii. milles dune autre, quest assiseeu eu ung lac et des estangs que lon ny pent abourder vi. miles pres sinon dung couste, et a este conclnd entre le diet roy et sa dicte dame de sercher toutes les occasions possibles pour la royne faire serrer dans la dicte ysle quest des fortes que lon sçauroit veoir, et ont pourpose se defaillant autres occasions luy mectre sus quelle nest en son bon sens, dont suis adverty de tres bonlieu."
  • n30. "Le roy veult aussy totalement que aux prochaines estatz soit faicte loy, statutuz et ordonnance declairant la princesse illegittime et incapable de la succession, et que tous les assignalx (?) de la royne soient reuocquez ct aneantiz, et dois la il prendra comme la diete dame le dit onnestement, tous les biens meubles et immeubles de la royne, et [elle] naura faculte de disposer dung seul denier."
  • n31. "A quoy respondit quelle ne cognoissoit autre princesse en Angleterre que elle mesme, et que la fille de madame de Penebroke navoit tel nom, et quil estoit vray que puisque le roy son pere lavouyroit (Pavouait) pour sienne qnelle la pouvoit appeler seur comme le due de Richemont frere, mais eneore nestoit elle princesse de Galles."